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PERIODS    OF    EUROPEAN    HISTORY 
PERIOD  VII.,  1789-1815 


hi  Eight  Volwnes.     Crown  %vo.      With  Maps. 

PERIODS  OF  EUROPEAN  HISTORY 

General  Editor— ARTHUR  HASSALL,  M.A., 
Student  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford. 

PERIOD  I.  A.D.      476-918.     By  C.  W.  C.  Oman,  M.A.,  Fellow  of 

All  Souls'  College,  Oxford. 

\_Already  published. 

„         II.  A.  D.    918-1272.     By  T.    F.    Tout,    M.A.,    Professor  of 
History  at  Victoria  University,  Man- 
chester. 
III.  A.D.  1272-1494.     By  R.  Lodge,  M.  A.,  Professor  of  History 
at  Glasgow  University. 

„  IV.  A.D.  1494-1598.  By  A.  H.  Johnson,  M.A.,  sometime 
Fellow  of  All  Souls'  College,  and 
Historical  Lecturer  to  Merton,  Trinity, 
and  University  Colleges,  Oxford. 

,,  V.  A.D.  1598-1715.  By  H.  O.  Wakeman,  M.A.,  Fellow  of 
All  Souls'  College,  and  Tutor  of 
Keble  College,  Oxford. 

[Already  pzddished. 

,,  VI.  A.D.  1 71 5-1 789.  By  A.  Hassall,  M.A.,  Student  of 
Christ  Church,  Oxford. 

,,  VII.  A.D.  1789-1815.  By  H.  Morse  Stephens,  M. A.,  Balliol 
College,  Oxford.     [Already published. 

„  VIII.  A.D.  1815-1878.  By  G.  W.  Prothero,  M.A.,  Professor 
of  History  at  Edinburgh  University. 


EUROPE 

1789-1815 


BY 


H.  MORSE  STEPHENS,  M.A. 

BALLIOL  COLLEGE,   OXFORD 

LECTURER   ON    INDIAN    HISTORY   AT   CAMBRIDGE 
AUTHOR   OF    'a   HISTORY  OF   THE   FRENCH   REVOLUTION,'   ETC. 


PERIOD    VII 


MACMILLAN  AND  CO. 

1894 


Second  Edition 


All  rights  reserved 


AUTHOR'S   PREFACE 

In  this  volume  I  have  endeavoured  to  write  a  history 
of  Europe  during  an  important  period  of  transition.  I 
have  reduced  military  details  to  the  smallest  possible 
limits,  and  have  preferred  to  mention  rather  than  to 
describe  battles  and  campaigns,  in  order  to  have  more 
space  to  devote  to  such  questions  as  the  Belgian 
revolution  of  1789,  the  reorganisation  of  Prussia  in 
1806-12,  and  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  I  have  through- 
out tried  to  describe  the  French  Revolution  in  its 
influence  on  Europe,  and  Napoleon's  career  as  a  great 
reformer  rather  than  as  a  great  conqueror.  The  inner 
meaning  of  the  period  and  its  general  results  I  have 
sketched  in  a  short  introductory  chapter,  on  which  the 
rest  of  the  volume  is  really  a  detailed  historical  com- 
mentary. 

The  maps  which  accompany  the  volume  arc  intended 
to  show  the  changes  in  the  boundaries  of  States,  and 
not  to  give  the  position  of  places    mentioned    in   the 

vii 

379500 


viii  Preface 

text.  Every  one  who  reads  such  a  volume  as  the 
present  must  use  an  atlas  as  his  constant  companion, 
for  no  book  of  this  size  could  possibly  contain  a 
sufficent  number  of  maps  acjequate  to  the  illustration 
of  the  events  narrated. 

In  conclusion,  I  must  express  my  thanks  to  Mr. 
W.  R.  Morfill,  Reader  in  Slavonic  to  the  University 
of  Oxford,  for  giving  me  a  canon  for  the  spelling  of 
Russian  proper  names,  and  to  the  Editor,  Mr.  Arthur 
Hassall,  for  willing  assistance  and  friendly  encourage- 
ment. 

H.  MORSE  STEPHENS. 

Cambridge,  1893. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION 

I 
The  Period  from  1789  to  1815  an  Era  of  Transition— The  Principles  pro- 
pounded during  the  period  which  have  modified  the  political 
conceptions  of  the  Eighteenth  Century :  i.  The  Principle  of  the 
Sovereignty  of  the  People;  II.  The  Principle  of  Nationality; 
III.  The  Principle  of  Personal  Liberty— The  Eighteenth  Century, 
the  Era  of  the  Benevolent  Despots— The  condition  of  the  Labouring 
Classes  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  :  Serfdom— The  Middle  Classes 
—The  Upper  Classes— Why  France  led  the  way  to  modern  ideas 
in  the  French  Revolution— The  influence  of  the  thinkers  and 
writers  of  the  Eighteenth  Century  in  bringing  about  the  change- 
Contrast  between  the  French  and  German  thinkers— The  low  state 
of  morality  and  general  indifference  to  religion— Conclusion, 

CHAPTER    I. 
1789 

The  Treaty  of  1756  between  France  and  Austria— The  Triple  Alliance 
between  England,  Prussia,  and  Holland,  1788— The  Minor  Powers 
of  Europe— Austria :  Joseph  il.— His  Internal  Policy— His  Foreign 
Policy— Russia  :  Catherine— Poland— France  :  Louis  xvi.— Spain  : 
Charles  IV.— Portugal :  Maria  i.  —  Italy  —  The  Two  Sicilies: 
Ferdinand  iv.— Naples— Sicily— Rome:  Pope  Pius  vi.— Tuscany  : 
Grand  Duke  Leopold— Parma :  Duke  Ferdinand— Modena  :  Duke 
Herculesiii.—Lombardy— Sardinia:  Victor  Amadeus  in.— Lucca 
—Genoa— Venice— England  :  George  in.— The  Policy  of  Pitt- 
Prussia:  Frederick  William  il. — Policy  of  Prussia— Holland- 
Denmark  :  Christian  vii.— Sweden:  Gustavus  in.— The  Holy 
Roman  Empire— The  Diet— The  Electors— College  of  Princes 
—College  of  Free  Cities— The  Imperial  Tribunal— The  Aulic 
Council— The  Circles— The  Princes  of  Germany— Bavaria— P.aden 
—Wurtemburg— Saxony— Saxe-Weimar— The  Ecclesiastical  Princes 
—Mayence— Treves— Cologne— The  Petty  Princes  and  Knights  of 
the  Empire— Switzerland— Geneva— Conclusion,      .  .  • 


X  Contents 

CHAPTER    II 

1 789- 1 790 

PAGE 

The  Empress  Catherine  and  the  Emperor  Joseph  11,— The  Turkish  War 
—Campaign  of  1789  against  the  Turks— Battles  of  Foksany  and  the 
Rymnik— Capture  of  Belgrade — Revolution  in  Sweden— Affairs  in 
Belgium— Policy  of  Joseph  11.  in  Belgium— Revolution  in  Liege- 
Elections  to  the  States-General  in  France— Meeting  of  the  States- 
General  :    struggle  between  the  Orders— The  Tiers-Etat   declares 

.    itself  the  National  Assembly— Oath  of  the  Tennis    Court— The 

Seance  Royale— Mirabeau's  Address  to  the  King— Dismissal  of 
"^  Necker— Riot  of  12th  July  in  Paris— Capture  of  the  Bastille— Recall 
of  Necker— Louis  xvi.  visits  Paris— Murder  of  FouUon— Session  of 
4th  August— Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man— Question  of  the 
Veto— March  of  the  women  of  Paris  to  Versailles— Louis  xvi.  goes 
to  reside  in  Paris— Effect  of  the  Revolution  in  France  on  Europe— 
The  Revolution  in  Belgium — Formation  of  the  Belgian  Repubhc— 
Death  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  11. — Failure  of  his  reign— The  attitude 

^=>-      of  Louis  XVI.  to  the  French  Revolution— The  new  French  Constitu- 

=-  tion  —Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy— Measures  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly — Mirabeau — Danger  threatened  to  the  new  state  of 
affairs  in  France  by  a  foreign  war— Mirabeau  and  the  French  Court 
— Probable  causes  of  a  foreign  war — Avignon  and  the  Venaissin — 
Affair  of  Nootka  Sound— The  Facte  de  Famille— Rights  of  Princes 
of  the  Empire  in  Alsace — The  Emperor  Leopold  master  of  the 
situation,  ........         42 

CHAPTER    Iir 

1 790- 1 792 

The  Emperor  Leopold— His  Internal  Policy— The  Policy  of  Prussia- 
Leopold's  Foreign  Policy — Conference  of  Reichenbach— Leopold 
and  the  Turks- Treaty  of  Sistova— Leopold  crowned  Emperor- 
Leopold  and  Hungary— State  of  Parties  in  Belgium— Their  Internal 
Dissensions — Congress  at  the  Hague— Leopold  reconquers  Belgium 
—War  between  Russia  and  Sweden— Treaty  of  Verela— War  be- 
tween Russia  and  theTurks— Capture  of  Ismail — Treaty  of  Jassy— 
Position  of  Leopold— The  State  of  France— Mirabeau's  advice- 
Death  of  Mirabeau— The  Flight   to   Varennes— Its   Results  :    in 

■>-  France — The  Massacre  of  17th  July  1791 — Revision  of  the  Constitu- 
tion— Its  Results  :  in  Europe— Manifesto  of  Padua— Declaration 

^      of  Pilnitz— Completion  of  the  French  Constitution  of  1791 — The 

^  Polish  Constitution  of  1791— The  Legislative  Assembly  in  France— 
The  Girondins— Approach  of  War  between  France  and  Austria — 
Causes  of  the  War— Attitude  of  Europe— Death  of  the  Emperor 


Contents  xi 

PAGE 

Leopold— Murder  of  Gustavus  iii.  of  Sweden— Policy  of  Dumou- 
riez— War  declared  by  France  against  Austria— Invasion  of  the 
Tuileries,  20th  June  1792— Francis  11.  crowned  Emperor— Invasion 
of  France  by  Prussia  and  Austria— Insurrection  of  loth  August 
1792— Suspension  of  Louis  xvi.— Desertion  of  Lafayette— The 
Massacres  of  September  in  the  prisons— Battle  of  Valmy— Meeting 
of  the  National  Convention— The  Girondins  and  the  Mountain- 
Conquest  of  Savoy,  Nice,  and  Mayence— Battle  of  Jemmappes— 
Conquest  of  Belgium— Execution  of  Louis  xvi.— War  declared 
against  Spain,  Holland,  England  and  the  Empire— Catherine 
invades  Poland —Overthrow  of  the  Polish  Constitution— Second 
Partition  of  Poland— Contrast  between  the  resistance  of  France 
and  Poland,     ...-••••         ^^ 


CHAPTER    IV 

1 793- 1 795 
France  at  War  with    Europe— Altered   Character  of  the   War— The 
Revolutionary   Propaganda— First   Campaign  of  1793— Battle  of 
Neerwinden— Desertion  of  Dumouriez— Creation  of  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety— Insurrection   in   La  Vendee— Creation   of  the 
Revolutionary  Tribunal— Struggle  between  the  Girondins  and  the 
Mountain— Overthrow  of  the  Girondins— Second  Campaign  of  1793 
—Loss   of  Valenciennes  and    Mayence— Civil  War  in  France- 
Royalist  and  Federalist  Risings— Loss  of  Toulon— Constitution  of 
i7g3_The  work  of  the  first  Committee  of  Public  Safety— The  Great 
Committee  of  Public   Safety— Growth  of  its  Power— Position   of 
Robespierre— The  Reign  of  Terror— The   Committee  of  General 
Security,  the  Deputies  on  Mission,  the    Revolutionary  Tribunal, 
the  Laws  of  the  Suspects   and    the    Maximum— Results  of  the 
Terror— Battles  of  Hondschoten,  Wattignies,  and  the  Geisberg— 
Relief  of  Maubeuge— Recovery  of  Lyons  and  Toulon— Fall  of  the 
H6bertists  and    the   Dantonists— Campaign   of  1794— Battles  of 
Fleurus,  Kaiserslautem,  and  ist  June  1794— Fall  of  Robespierre 
—Rule  of  the  Thermidorians :  First  Phase  :  the  Survivors  of  the 
Mountain— Conquest   of  Holland— The  Batavian  Republic— Suc- 
cesses on  the  Rhine,  in  Savoy,  Italy,  and  Spain— Insurrection  in 
Poland— The  Campaign  of  Kosciuszko— Third  and  Final  Partition 
of  Poland— Contrast  between  the  Polish  and  French  Revolutions- 
Its  Causes— Change  in  the  Attitude  of  tlie  Continental  Powers 
to  the   French   Republic— Rule   of   the  Thermidorians  :    Second 
Phase  :    the  Survivors  of  the  Girondins  and  Deputies  of  the  Centre 
—Insurrections  of  12th  Germinal  and  ist  Prairial  in  Paris— The 
Constitution  of  the  Year  in.   (1795)- The  Treaties   of  Basle- 
France  again  enters  the  Comity  of  Nations,  .  •  .124 


xii  Contents 

CHAPTER   V 

I79S-I797 

PAGE 
Results  of  the  Treaties  of  Basle  on  the  Foreign  Policy  of  France — 
Constitution  of  the  Year  ill. — The  Directory— The  Legislature: 
Councils  of  Ancients  and  of  Five  Hundred — Local  Administration 
of  France — The  Insurrection  of  Venddmiaire — The  Rising  of  13th 
Vendemiaire  in  Paris — The  First  French  Directors,  Councils,  and 
Ministers  —  Dissolution  of  the  Convention — England  and  the 
^migr^s — Treason  of  Pichegru — Exchange  of  Madame  Royale — 
Desire  for  Peace  in  France — France  and  Prussia — Suggestion  of 
Secularisations  in  Germany — France  and  the  Smaller  States  of 
Europe— Attitude  of  Russia — Campaign  of  1795  in  Germany — 
Bonapaite's  Campaigns  of  1796  in  Italy — Battle  of  Montenotte — 
Armistice  of  Cherasco — Battle  of  Lodi — Armistice  of  Foligno — 
Conquest  of  Upper  Italy — Battles  of  Castiglione,  Areola,  and 
Rivoli — Peace  of  Tolentino  with  the  Pope — Campaign  of  1796 
in  Germany — Battle  of  Altenkirchen — Retreat  of  Moreau— Effects 
of  the  Campaign  in  Germany — Treaty  between  Prussia  and  France 
— Internal  Policy  of  the  Directory— Pacification  of  La  Vendee — 
The  State  of  France — The  Directory,  Councils,  and  Ministers  in 
1796 — Creation  of  the  Ministry  of  Police — Alliance  between  France 
and  Spain— Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso — Battle  of  Cape  Saint- 
Vincent — The  Batavian  Republic — Negotiations  between  England 
and  the  Directory — Death  of  the  Empress  Catherine  of  Russia — 
Bonaparte's  Campaign  of  1797  in  the  Tyrol— The  Campaign  of 
1797  in  Germany — Preliminaries  of  Leoben  between  France  and 
Austria,  ........       158 


CHAPTER    VI 

1797-1799 

Elections  of  1797  in  France — Policy  of  the  Clichians— Struggle  between 
the  Directors  and  the  Clichians — Negotiations  for  Peace  between 
England  and  the  Directory — Changes  in  the  French  Ministry — Re- 
volution of  i8th  Fructidor — Bonaparte  in  Italy — Occupation  of 
Venice — The  Ligurian  and  Cisalpine  Republics  formed — Annexa- 
tion of  the  Ionian  Islands  by  France  — Treaty  of  Campo-Formio 
— Capture  of  Mayence — The  Batavian  Republic — Battle  of  Cam- 
perdown — Bonaparte's  Expedition  to  the  East — Capture  of  Malta 
— Conquest  of  Egypt  —  Battle  of   the  Nile — Internal   Policy  of 


Contents  xiii 

PAGE 

the  Directory  after  i8th  Fructidor — Foreign  Policy — Attitude  of 
England,  Prussia,  Austria,  and  Russia — The  Helvetian  Republic — 
Italian  Affairs — The  Roman  and  Parthenopean  Republics  formed 
— Occupation  of  Piedmont  and  Tuscany  by  France — The  Law  of 
Conscription — Outbreak  of  War  between  Austria  and  France — 
Murder  of  the  French  Plenipotentiaries  at  Rastadt — The  Cam- 
paign of  1799 — In  Italy — Battles  of  Cassano,  the  Trebbia  and  Novi 
— Italy  lost  to  France — In  Switzerland — Battle  of  Zurich — In 
Holland — Battles  of  Bergen — Results  of  the  Campaign  of  1799 — 
Policy  and  Character  of  the  Emperor  Paul  of  Russia — Bonaparte's 
Campaign  of  1799  in  Syria — Siege  of  Acre — Battle  of  Mount 
Tabor — Struggle  between  the  Directors  and  the  Legislature  in 
France — Revolution  of  22d  Prairial — Changes  in  the  Directory  and 
Ministry — Bonaparte's  return  to  France— Revolution  of  i8th  Bru- 
maire — End  of  the  Government  of  the  Directory  in  France,  .     187 


CHAPTER  VII 


1 799- 1 804 

Constitution  of  the  Year  viii. — The  Consulate — The  Council  of  State 
— The  Tribunate — The  Legislative  Body — The  Senate — Internal 
Policy  of  the  Consulate — General  Reconciliation — The  Code  Civil 
— Ministers  of  the  Consulate — Foreign  Policy  of  the  Consulate — 
Russia — Prussia — The  Pope  — Campaign  of  Marengo — Campaign 
of  Hohenlinden — Winter  Campaign  of  Moreau  and  Macdonald — 
The  Treaty  of  Luneville — Arrangements  in  Italy — Policy  and 
Murder  of  the  Emperor  Paul  of  Russia — The  Neutral  League  of 
the  North — Battle  of  Copenhagen— War  between  Spain  and 
Portugal — Treaty  of  Badajoz — Campaign  of  1801  in  Eg>'pt — 
Peace  of  Amiens'  between  England  and  France— Reconstitution 
of  Germany — Secularisation  of  the  German  ecclesiastical  dominions 
— Reconstitution  of  Switzerland — Concordat  between  the  Pope 
and  Bonaparte — Internal  Organisation  of  France  under  the  Con- 
sulate— The  new  Departments — Annexation  of  Piedmont — The 
Prefectures  —  System  of  National  Education  —  Constitutional 
Changes  in  France — Bonaparte  First  Consul  for  life — Recommence- 
ment of  War  between  England  and  France — Causes— Position  of 
Affairs  on  the  Continent — Plot  of  Pichcgru  and  Cadoudai  — 
Execution  of  the  Due  d'Enghicn — Bonaparte  becomes  Emjxror 
of  the  French— Francis  11.  resigns  the  title  of  Holy  Roman  Emperor 
for  that  of  Emperor  of  Austria,  .  .  .  ,  . 


XIV 


Contents 

CHAPTER    VIII 

1 804- 1 808 


PAGE 


Napoleon,  Emperor  of  the  French— His  Coronation  as  Emperor  and  as 
King' of  Italy— The  Imperial  Court— The  Grand  Dignitaries, 
Marshals,  and  Imperial  Household— Institutions  of  the  Empire 
—Ministers  and  Government— The  Camp  at  Boulogne— Pitt's  last 
coalition— Campaign  of  1805— Capitulation  of  Ulm— Battles  of 
Austerlitz  and  Caldiero -Battle  of  Trafalgar— Treaty  of  Pressburg 
—Death  of  Pitt— Prussia  declares  War— Campaign  of  Jena— Cam- 
paign of  Eylau— Campaign  of  Friedland— Interview  and  Peace  of 
'lilsit— The  Continental  Blockade— Capture  of  the  Danish  Flee 
by  England — French  Invasion  and  Conquest  of  Portugal— State  of 
S^veden— The  Rearrangement  of  Europe— Louis  Bonaparte  King 
of  Holland— Italy— Joseph  Bonaparte  King  of  Naples— Battle  of 
Maida— Rearrangement  of  Germany— Bavaria— Wiirtemburg— 
B^jen— Jerome  Bonaparte  King  of  Westphalia— Murat  Grand 
Duke  of  Berg— Saxony— Smaller  States  of  Germany— Mediatisation 
of  Petty  Princes— Confederation  of  the  Rhine— Poland— The  Grand 
Duchy  of  Warsaw— Conference  of  Erfurt,    .  .  .  .237 

CHAPTER    IX 

1808-1812 

Napoleon's  two  reverses  between  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit  and  the  Congress 
of  Erfurt— England  sends  an  army  to  Portugal— Campaign  of 
■Vimeiro  and  Convention  of  Cintra— The  Revolution  in  Spain- 
Joseph  Bonaparte  King  of  Spain— Victory  of  Medina  del  Rio  Seco 
and  Capitulation  of  Baylen — Napoleon  in  Spain— Sir  John  Moore's 
advance — Battle  of  Corunna — The  Resurrection  of  Austria — 
Ministry  of  Stadion— Campaign  of  Wagram— Treaty  of  Vienna- 
Campaign  of  1809  in  the  Peninsula— Battle  of  Talavera — Expedition 
to  Walcheren— Napoleon  and  the  Pope— Annexation  of  Rome — 
Revolution  in  Sweden— Revolution  in  Turkey — Treaty  of  Bucharest 
—Greatest  Extension  of  Napoleon's  dominions — Internal  Organi- 
sation of  the  Empire — The  new  Nobility — Internal  reforms— Law 

Finance  —  Education — Extension    of   these    reforms    through 

Europe  —  Disappearance  of  Serfdom  —  Religious  Toleration — 
Reorganisation  of  Prussia — Reforms  of  Stein  and  Scharnhorst — 
Revival  of  German  National  feeling — Marriage  of  Napoleon  to 
the  Archduchess  Marie  Louise — Birth  of  the  King  of  Rome— Steady 
opposition  of  England  to  Napoleon — Policies  of  Canning  and 
Castlereagh — Campaigns  of  1810  and  1811  in  the  Peninsula — Signs 
of  the  decline  of  Napoleon's  power  between  1808  and  1812,  .       263 


Contents  xv 

CHAPTER    X 

1810-1812 

PAGE 

Causes  of  Growing  Disagreement  between  Alexander  and  Napoleon — 
Intervention  of  Castlereagh  and  Bernadotte — The  Attitude  and 
Internal  Policy  of  Prussia — Invasion  of  Russia  by  Napoleon— Battle 
of  Borodino — Retreat  of  the  French  from  Russia — Campaign  of 
1812  in  the  Peninsula — Battle  of  Salamanca — Policy  of  Bernadotte 
— Prussia  declares  War— First  Campaign  of  1813  in  Saxony — 
Armistice  of  Pleswitz — Convention  of  Reichenbach — Congress  of 
Prague — Austria  declaresWar — Second  Campaign  of  i8i3in  Saxony 
— Battle  of  Dresden — Treaty  of  Toplitz — Battle  of  Leipzig— General 
Insurrection  of  Germany  against  Napoleon — Campaign  of  1813  in 
the  Peninsula — Battle  of  Vittoria — Wellington's  Invasion  of  France 
—  Negotiations  for  Peace — Proposals  of  Frankfort — The  Allies  in- 
vade France — Napoleon's  first  Defensive  Campaign  of  1814 — Other 
Movements  against  Napoleon — Bernadotte — Holland — Battle  of 
Orthez — Italy — Congress  of  Chatillon — Attitude  of  France  towards 
Napoleon — Treaty  of  Chaumont — Napoleon's  Second  Defensive 
Campaign  of  1814— Occupation  of  Paris  by  the  Allies — The  Policy 
of  Talleyrand — The  Provisional  Government — Alexander's  Speech 
to  the  French  Senate— Napoleon  declared  to  be  no  longer  Emperor 
— Abdication  of  Napoleon — Provisional  Treaty  of  Paris — Battle  of 
Toulouse — Arrival  of  Louis  XViii. ,  and  his  Assumption  of  the 
Throne  of  France — First  Treaty  of  Paris,     ....      299 


CHAPTER   XI 

1814-1815 

The  Congress  of  Vienna— Monarchs  and  Diplomatists  present — History 
of  the  Congress — Treaty  between  France,  Austria,  and  England — 
The  Questions  of  Saxony  and  Poland — The  German  Confederation 
— Disposition  of  the  provinces  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine — 
Mayence  and  Luxembourg — Reconstitution  of  Switzerland — Re- 
arrangements in  Italy— Questions  of  Murat,  Genoa,  and  the 
Empress  Marie  Louise — Sweden — Denmark— Spain — Portugal — 
England's  share  of  the  spoil — The  Questions  of  the  Slave  Trade  and 
the  Navigation  of  Rivers — Close  of  the  Congress— Preparations 
against  Napoleon — The  first  reign  of  Louis  XVIII.  in  France — 
Napoleon's  return  from  Elba — The  Hundred  Days — The  Campaign 
of  Waterloo — Occupation  of  Paris — Second  Treaty  of  Paris  — 
Napoleon   sent  to  St.    Helena— The  Holy  Alliance— Return  of 


xvi  Contents 

PAGE 

Louis  XVI  ir.  -  Government  of  the  Secon  d  Restoration— The  Chambre 
Introuvable— Reaction  in  Spain  and  Naples— Territorial  Results 
of  the  Congress  of  Vienna— The  Principle  of  Nationality— Perma- 
nent Results  of  the  French  Revolution  in  Europe— The  Problem 
of  harmonising  the  Principles  of  Individual  and  Political  Liberty 
with  that  of  Nationality,         .  .  .  .  .  •       33'3 


APPENDICES 

Appendix     I.  The   Rulers   and    Ministers   of    the    Great   Powers  of 

Europe,  1789-1815,     .....       364 

Appendix    II.  The   Rulers  of   the    Second-rate   Powers  of    Europe, 

1789-1815,       .  .  .  .  .  .366 

Appendix  III.  The  Family  of  Napoleon,  .  .  .  .      368 

Appendix  IV.  Napoleon's  Marshals,       .....      370 

Appendix    V.  Napoleon's  Ministers  duiing  the  Consulate  and  Empire, 

1799-1814,       ......       372 

Appendix  VI.  Concordance  ofthe  Republican  and  Gregorian  Calendars,     374 
Index,        .........      377 


MAPS 


Europe  in  1789.  ^ 

Europe  in  1802.    I      ,         ,    , ,     , 
;-   At  end  of  book. 
Europe  m  1810.    I 

Europe  in  1815.  j 


INTRODUCTION 

The  Period  from  1789  to  1815  an  Era  of  Transition— The  Principles  propounded 
during  the  period  which  have  modified  the  pohtical  conceptions  of  the 
Eighteenth  Century  :  i.  The  Principle  of  the  Sovereignty  of  the  People  ;  11. 
The  Principle  of  Nationality ;  ill.  The  Principle  of  Personal  laberty— 
The  Eighteenth  Century, the  Era  of  the  Benevolent  Despots— The  condition 
of  the  Labouring  Classes  in  the  Eighteenth  Century  :  Serfdom— The  Middle 
Classes— The  Upper  Classes— Why  France  led  the  way  to  modern  ideas 
in  the  French  Revolution— The  influence  of  the  thinkers  and  writers  of 
the  Eighteenth  Century  in  bringing  about  the  change — Contrast  between 
the  French  and  German  thinkers— The  low  state  of  morality  and  general 
indifference  to  religion — Conclusion. 

The  period  from  1789  to  181 5— that  is,  the  era  of  the  French 
Revolution  and  of  the  domination  of  Napoleon — marks  one 
of  the  most  important  transitions  in  the  history  of  a  Period  of 
Europe.  Great  as  is  the  difference  between  the  Transition, 
material  condition  of  the  Europe  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
with  its  railways  and  its  electric  telegraphs,  and  the  Europe 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  with  its  bad  roads  and  uncertain 
posts,  it  is  not  greater  than  the  contrast  between  the  political, 
social,  and  economical  ideas  which  prevailed  then  and  which 
prevail  now.  Modern  principles,  that  mark  a  new  depar- 
ture in  human  progress  and  in  its  evidence,  Civilisation,  took 
their  rise  during  this  epoch  of  transition,  and  their  develop- 
ment underlies  the  history  of  the  period,  and  gives  the  key 
to  its  meaning. 

The  conception  that  government  exists  for  the  promotion  of 
the  security  and  prosperity  of  the  governed  was  fully  gras]K'd 
in  the  eighteenth  century.  But  it  was  held  alike  by  philosophers 

PERIOD  VII.  A. 


2  European  History,  1 7  89- 1 8 1 5 

and  rulers,  alike  in  civilised  England  and  in  Russia  emerging 
~.     o  from  barbarism  that,  whilst  government  existed  for 

The  bove-  '  o 

reignty  of  the  good  of  the  people,  it  must  not  be  administered 
the  People.  |^y  ^.j^^  people.  This  fundamental  principle  is  in 
the  nineteenth  century  entirely  denied.  It  is  now  believed 
that  the  government  should  be  directed  by  the  people  through 
their  representatives,  and  that  it  is  better  for  a  nation  to  make 
mistakes  in  the  course  of  its  self-government  than  to  be  ruled, 
be  it  ever  so  wisely,  by  an  irresponsible  monarch.  This  notion 
of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  was  energetically  propounded 
'  during  the  great  Revolution  in  France.  It  is  not  yet  univer- 
sally accepted  in  all  the  states  of  modern  Europe.  But  it  has 
profoundly  affected  the  political  development  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  It  lies  at  the  base  of  one  group  of  modern  political 
ideas  ;  and,  though  in  1815  it  seemed  to  have  been  propounded 
only  to  be  condemned,  one  of  the  most  striking  features  of  the 
modern  history  of  Europe  since  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  has 
been  its  gradual  acceptance  and  steady  growth  in  civilised 
countries. 

The  second  political  belief  introduced  during  the  epoch 
The  Prin-  ^^  transition  from  1789  to  1815  was  the  recog- 
cipie  of  nition  of  the  idea  of  nationality  in  contradistinc- 
Nationaiity.  ^j^^  ^^  ^j^^^.  ^^  ^j^^  g^^^^^  ^^j^j^^  prevailed  in  the 

'  last  century.  In  the  eighteenth  century  the  State  was  typified 
by  the  ruling  authority.  National  boundaries  and  race  limits 
were  regarded  as  of  no  importance.  It  was  not  felt  to  be  an 
anomaly  that  the  Catholic  Netherlands  or  Belgium  should  be 
governed  by  the  House  of  Austria,  or  that  an  Austrian  prince 
should  reign  in  Tuscany  and  a  Spanish  prince  in  Naples. 
The  first  partition  of  Poland  was  not  condemned  as  an  offence 
against  nature,  but  as  an  artful  scheme  devised  for  the  purpose 
of  enlarging  the  neighbouring  states,  which  had  appropriated 
the  districts  lying  nearest  to  their  own  territories.  But  during 
the  wars  of  the  Revolution  and  of  Napoleon  the  idea  of 
nationality  made  itself  felt.  France,  as  a  nation  in  arms, 
proved  to  be  more  than  a  match  for  the  Europe  of  the  old 


Introduction  3 

conceptions.  And  it  was  not  until  her  own  sense  of  nationality 
was  absorbed  in  Napoleon's  creation  of  a  new  Empire  of  the 
West  that  France  was  vanquished  by  coming  in  contact  with 
the  Spanish,  the  Russian,  and  the  German  peoples  in  the  place 
of  her  former  foes,  the  sovereigns  of  Europe.  The  idea  of 
nationality,  like  the  idea  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people, 
seemed  to  be  condemned  in  18 15  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna. 
The  Catholic  Netherlands  were  united  with  the  provinces  of 
Holland  ;  Norway  was  forcibly  separated  from  Denmark  ;  Italy 
was  once  more  parcelled  out  into  independent  states  under 
foreign  princes.  But  the  Congress  of  Vienna  could  not  eradi- 
cate the  new  idea.  It  had  taken  too  deep  a  root.  And 
another  striking  feature  of  the  European  history  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  has  been  the  formation  of  new  nations,  resting 
their  raison  d'etre  on  the  feeling  of  nationality  and  the  identity 
of  race. 

The  third  modern  notion  which  has  transformed  Europe  is 
the  recognition  of  the  principle  of  personal  and  individual  j 
liberty.  Feudalism  left  the  impress  of  its  gradua-  ^^^  principle 
tion  of  rights  and  duties  marked  deeply  on  the  of  Personal 
constitutions  of  the  European  States.  The  sove-  '-•'^^'■*y- 
reignty  of  the  people  implies  political  liberty  of  action ;  feu- 
dalism denied  the  propriety  and  advantages  of  social  and 
economical  freedom.  Theoretically,  freedom  of  individual 
thought  and  action  was  acknowledged  to  be  a  good  thing  by 
all  wise  philosophers  and  rulers.  Practically,  the  poorer  classes 
were  kept  in  bondage  either  as  agricultural  serfs  by  their  lords 
or  as  journeymen  workmen  by  the  trade-guilds.  Where  per- 
sonal and  individual  liberty  had  been  attained,  political  liberty 
became  an  object  of  ambition,  and  political  liberty  led  to  the 
idea  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people.  The  last  vestiges  of 
feudalism  were  swept  away  during  this  era  of  transition.  The 
doctrines  of  the  French  Revolution  did  more  than  the  victories 
of  Napoleon  to  destroy  the  political  system  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  The  Congress  of  Vienna  in  181 5  might  return  to 
the  former  notions  of  government  and  the  State,  but  it  did 


4  European  History,  1 7 89- 1 8 1 5 

not  attempt  to  restore  the  old  restrictions  on  individual 
liberty.  ^Vith  personal  freedom  acknowledged,  the  reactionary 
tendency  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was  left  of  no  effect. 
Liberty  of  thought  and  action  led  to  the  resurrection  of 
the  conceptions  of  nationality  and  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people,  which  were  but  for  the  moment  extinguished  by  the 
defeat  of  France  in  the  person  of  Napoleon  by  the  armies  of 
united  Europe. 

The  period  which  preceded  the  French  Revolution  and 
the  era  of  war,  from  the  troubles  of  which  modern  Europe 
was  to  be  born,  may  be  characterised  as  that  of  the  bene- 
The  Benevo-  volcnt  dcspots.  The  State  was  everything ;  the 
lent  Despots,  jii^tion  nothing.  The  ruler  was  supreme,  but  his 
supremacy  rested  on  the  assumption  that  he  ruled  his  subjects 
for  their  good.  This  conception  of  the  Aufgekliirte  Despotisjims 
was  developed  to  its  highest  degree  by  Frederick  the  Great  ot 
Prussia.  '  I  am  but  the  first  servant  of  the  nation,'  he  wrote, 
a  phrase  which  irresistibly  recalls  the  definition  of  the  position 
of  Louis  XVI.  by  the  first  leaders  of  the  French  Revolution. 
This  attitude  was  defended  by  great  thinkers  like  Diderot,  and 
is  the  keynote  to  the  internal  policy  of  the  monarchs  of  the 
latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  towards  their  people. 
The  Empress  Catherine  of  Russia,  Gustavus  iii.  of  Sweden, 
Charles  iii.  of  Spain,  the  Archduke  Leopold  of  Tuscany,  and, 
above  all,  the  Emperor  Joseph  11.  defended  their  absolutism 
on  the  ground  that  they  exercised  their  power  for  the  good  of 
their  subjects.  Never  was  more  earnest  zeal  displayed  in 
promoting  the  material  well-being  of  all  classes,  never  did 
monarchs  labour  so  hard  to  justify  their  existence,  or  effect 
such  important  civil  reforms,  as  on  the  eve  of  the  French 
Revolution,  which  was  to  herald  the  overthrow  of  the  doctrine 
of  absolute  monarchy.  The  intrinsic  weakness  of  the  position 
of  the  benevolent  despots  was  that  they  could  not  ensure  the 
permanence  of  their  reforms,  or  vivify  the  rotten  fabric  of 
the  administrative  edifices,  which  had  grown  up  in  the  feudal 
monarchies.     Great  ministers,  such  as  Tanucci  and  Aranda, 


Introduction  5 

could  do  much  to  help  their  masters  to  carry  out  their 
benevolent  ideas,  but  they  could  not  form  or  nominate 
their  successors,  or  create  a  perfect  body  of  unselfish  ad- 
ministrators. When  Frederick  the  Great's  master  hand  was 
withdrawn,  Prussia  speedily  exhibited  a  condition  of  admini- 
strative decay,  and  since  this  was  the  case  in  Prussia, 
which  had  been  for  more  than  forty  years  under  the  rule 
of  the  greatest  and  wisest  of  the  benevolent  despots,  the 
falling-off  was  likely  to  be  even  more  marked  in  other 
countries.  The  conception  of  benevolent  despots  ruling  for 
their  people's  good  was  eventually  superseded,  as  was  certain 
to  be  the  case,  owing  to  the  impossibility  of  their  ensuring 
its  permanence,  by  the  modern  idea  of  the  people  ruling 
themselves. 

And,  in  truth,  while  doing  full  justice  to  the  sentiments  and 
the  endeavours  of  the  benevolent  despots,  it  cannot  honestly 
be  said  that  their  efforts  had  done  much  to  im-_,,    „     ,.,. 

The  Condition 

prove  the  condition  of  the  labouring  classes  by  oftheLabour- 
the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  great  '"^  '^ses. 
majority  of  the  peasants  of  Europe  were  through-  Serfdom, 
out  that  century  absolute  serfs.  To  take  once  more  the 
example  of  Prussia,  the  only  attempts  to  improve  the  condi- 
tion of  the  peasants  had  been  made  in  the  royal  domain,  and 
they  had  only  been  very  tentative.  The  dwellers  on  the 
estates  of  the  Prussian  nobility  in  Silesia  and  Brandenburg 
were  treated  no  better  than  negro  slaves  in  America  and  the 
West  Indies.  They  were  not  allowed  to  leave  their  villages, 
or  to  marry  without  their  lords'  consent ;  their  children  had  to 
serve  in  the  lords'  families  for  several  years  at  a  nominal 
wage,  and  they  themselves  had  to  labour  at  least  three  days, 
and  often  six  days,  a  week  on  their  lords'  estate.  These 
corv'ees  or  forced  labours  occupied  so  much  of  the  peasant's 
time  that  he  could  only  cultivate  his  own  farm  by  moonlight. 
This  state  of  absolute  serfdom  was  general  in  Central  and 
Eastern  Europe,  in  the  greater  part  of  Germany,  in  Poland 
and  in  Russia,  and  where  it  existed   the  artisan  class  was 


6  European  History,  1789-18 15 

equally  depressed,  for  no  man  was  allowed  to  learn  a  trade 
without  his  lord's  permission,  and  an  escaped  serf  had  no 
chance  of  admission  into  the  trade-guilds  of  the  cities.  To- 
wards the  west  a  more  advanced  civilisation  improved  the 
condition  of  the  labourers ;  the  Italian  peasant  and  the 
German  peasant  on  the  Rhine  had  obtained  freedom  to 
marry  without  his  lord's  interference;  but,  nevertheless,  it 
was  a  leading  prince  on  the  Rhine,  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse- 
Cassel,  who  sold  his  subjects  to  England  to  serve  as  mercen- 
aries in  the  American  War  of  Independence.  In  France  the 
peasant  was  far  better  off.  The  only  serfs  left,  w^ho  existed  on 
the  domain  of  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Claude  in  the  Jura,  on  whose 
behalf  Voltaire  wielded  his  powerful  pen,  were  in  a  far  happier 
condition  than  the  German  serfs ;  they  could  marry  whom 
they  pleased;  they  might  emigrate  without  leave;  their  persons 
were  free;  all  they  were  deprived  of  was  the  power  of  selling 
their  property  or  devising  it  by  will.  The  rest  of  the  French 
peasants  and  the  agricultural  classes  generally  were  extremely 
independent.  Feudalism  had  left  them  some  annoyances  but 
few  real  grievances,  and  the  inconveniences  they  suffered 
were  due  solely  to  the  inequalities  of  the  copyhold  system  of 
tenure  and  its  infringements  of  their  personal  liberty.  The 
French  peasants  and  farmers  were  indignant  at  an  occasional 
day's  corvee,  or  forced  labour,  which  really  represented  the 
modern  rent,  and  at  the  succession-duties  they  had  to  pay 
the  descendants  or  representatives  of  their  ancestors'  feudal 
lords.  The  German,  Polish,  and  Hungarian  peasant,  on  the 
contrary,  crushed  beneath  the  burden  of  his  personal  servitude, 
did  not  dream  of  pretending  to  own  the  plot  of  land,  which  his 
lord  kindly  allowed  him  to  cultivate  in  his  few  spare  moments. 
The  mass  of  the  population  of  Central  and  Eastern  Europe 
was  purely  agricultural,  and  in  its  poverty  expected  naught 
but  the  bare  necessaries  of  existence.  Trade,  commerce,  and 
manufactures  were  therefore  practically  non-existent.  This 
meant  that  the  cities,  and  consequently  the  middle  classes, 
formed   but   an    insignificant  factor   in   the   population.     In 


Introduction  y 

the  West  of  Europe,  on  the  Rhine,  and  more  especially  in 
France,  where  the  agricultural  classes  were  more  independent, 
more  wealthy,  and  more  civilised,  existence  de-  The  Middle 
manded  more  comforts,  and  a  well-to-do  and  intel-  classes. 
ligent  commercial  and  manufacturing  urban  eleirent  quickly 
developed  to  supply  the  demand  created.  Commerce,  trade, 
and  the  concentrated  employment  of  labour  produced  a  pro- 
sperous and  enlightened  middle  class,  accustomed  for  genera- 
tions to  education  and  the  possession  of  personal  freedom. 
With  wealth  always  goes  civilisation  and  education,  and  as 
there  was  a  larger  middle  class  in  France  and  Western 
Germany  than  in  Central  and  Eastern  Europe,  the  peasants 
in  those  parts  were  better  educated  and  more  intelligent. 

The  condition  of  the  upper  classes  followed  the  same 
geographical  distribution.  The  highest  aristocracy  The  Upper 
of  all  European  countries  was  indeed,  as  it  has  classes, 
always  been,  on  much  the  same  intellectual  and  social  level. 
Paris  was  its  centre,  the  capital  of  society,  fashion,  and  luxury, 
where  Russian,  Austrian,  Swedish,  and  English  nobles  met 
on  an  equality.  But  the  bulk  of  the  German  and  Eastern 
European  aristocracy  was  in  education  and  refinement  inferior 
to  the  bulk  of  the  French  nobility.  Yet  they  possessed  an 
authority  which  the  French  nobility  had  lost.  The  Russian, 
Prussian,  and  Austrian  nobleman  and  the  Hungarian  magnate 
was  the  owner  of  thousands  of  serfs,  who  cultivated  his  lands 
and  rendered  him  implicit  obedience.  The  French  nobleman 
exacted  only  certain  rents,  either  copyhold  quit-rents  or  feudal 
services,  from  the  tenants  on  his  ancestral  estates.  His  tenants 
were  in  no  sense  his  serfs ;  they  owed  him  no  personal  service, 
and  resented  the  payment  of  the  rent  substituted  for  such 
service.  The  patriarchal  feeling  of  loyalty  to  the  lord  had 
long  disappeared,  and  the  French  peasant  did  not  acknowledge 
any  subjection  to  his  landlord,  while  the  Prussian  and  Russian 
serf  recognised  his  bondage  to  his  master. 

These  considerations  help  to   show  why  the  Revolution, 
which  was  after  twenty-six  years  to  inaugurate  modern  Euro])C, 


8  Eiiropean  History,  \'jZ<^-\'^\^ 

broke  out  in  France.  It  was  because  the  French  peasant  was 
more  independent,  more  wealthy,  and  better  educated  than 
Why  France  the  German  serf,  that  he  resented  the  pohtical 
thrRrv"o^u^  and  social  privileges  of  his  landlord  and" the  pay- 
tion.  ment  of  rent,  more  than  the  serf  objected  to  his 

bondage.  It  was  because  France  possessed  an  enlightened 
middle  class  that  the  peasants  and  workmen  found  leaders.  It 
was  because  Frenchmen  had  been  in  the  possession  of  a  great 
measure  of  personal  freedom  that  they  were  ready  to  strike  a 
blow  for  political  liberty,  and  eventually  promulgated  the  idea 
of  social  equality.  The  ideas  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  of 
nationality  and  of  personal  liberty,  did  not  originate  in  France. 
They  are  as  old  as  civilisation.  But  they  had  been  clouded  in 
the  Middle  Ages  by  feudalism,  and,  after  the  Reformation,  had 
been  succeeded  by  different  political  conceptions,  which  had 
crystallised  in  the  eighteenth  century  into  the  doctrines  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  State,  of  the  arbitrary  rule  of  benevolent  or 
enlightened  despots.  England  and  Holland  had  developed 
separately  from  the  rest  of  the  Western  World.  For  reasons 
lying  deep  in  their  internal  history  and  their  geographical 
position,  they  had  rid  themselves  alike  of  feudalism  and 
absolute  monarchy ;  they  had  developed  a  sense  of  their  in- 
dependent nationality,  and  had  recognised  the  importance  of 
personal  freedom.  In  England  especially,  the  abolition  of  the 
relics  of  feudalism  in  the  seventeenth  century  had  placed  the 
English  farmers  and  peasants  in  a  different  economical  position 
from  their  fellows  on  the  Continent.  There  existed  in  England 
none  of  the  invidious  distinctions  between  nobleman  and 
roturier  in  the  matter  of  bearing  national  burdens,  which  had 
survived  in  France,  and,  though  owing  to  the  curiosities  of  the 
franchise  the  larger  proportion  of  Englishmen  had  but  a  very 
small  share  in  electing  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
the  government  carried  on  as  it  was  by  a  small  oligarchy  of 
great  families  possessed  an  appearance  of  political  liberty, 
and  of  a  wisely-balanced  machine  for  administrative  purposes. 
Nor  must  the  influence  of  intellectual  ideas,  as  bearing  on 


hitroduction  9 

problems  which  the  French  Revolution  was  to  force  on  the 
attention  of  the  more  backward  and  more  oppressed  intgHe^t^ai 
nations  of  Europe,  be  underrated.  The  great  movement  of 
French  writers  of  the  eighteenth  century— Voltaire,  'J'/„tify'"""' 
Montesquieu,  Diderot,  "and  Rousseau — had  been 
deeply  impregnated  with  the  ideas  of  Locke  and  the  English 
political  thinkers  of  his  school.  In  their  different  lines  they 
insisted  that  government  existed  for  the  good  of  the  governed, 
and  investigated  the  origins  of  government  and  the  relations 
of  man  in  the  social  state.  It  was  their  speculations  which 
altered  the  character  of  absolute  monarchy  and  based  its  re- 
tention on  its  benevolent  purposes;  they,  too,  insisted  upon  the 
rights  of  man  to  preserve  his  personal  freedom,  as  long  as  it 
did  not  clash  with  the  maintenance  and  security  of  civil 
society.  The  great  French  writers  of  the  eighteenth  century 
exercised  by  their  works  a  smaller  influence  on  the  outbreak 
and  actual  course  of  the  French  Revolution  than  has  been 
generally  supposed.  The  causes  of  the  movement  were  chiefly 
economical  and  political,  hot  phiTosdphical  or  social :  its  rapid 
development  was  due  to  historical  circumstances,  and  mainly 
to  the  attitude  of  the  rest  of  Europe.  But  the  text-books  of 
its  leaders  were  the  works  of  the  French  thinkers  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  if  their  doctrines  had  little  actual  in- 
fluence in  bringing  about  the  Revolution,  they  influenced  its 
development  and  the  extension  of  its  principles  throughout 
Europe.  It  is  curious  to  contrast  the  opinions  of  the  great 
French  writers  of  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  whose 
arguments  mainly  affected  the  general  conceptiot)S  of  man 
living  in  society,  that  is,  of  government,  with  the  views 
advocated  by  the  great  German  writers  of  the  end  of  the 
century,  who  concentrated  their  attention  upon  man  in  his 
individual  capacity  for  culture  and  self-improvement.  Schiller, 
Goethe,  Kant,  and  Herder  were,  further,  more  cosmopolitan 
than  German.  The  problems  of  man  and  his  intellectual  and 
artistic  development  proved  more  attractive  to  the  great 
German    thinkers    than    the    difficulties    presented    by    the 


lO  European  History,  1789- 1 815 

economical,  social,  and  political  diversities  of  different  classes 
of  society.  Goethe,  for  instance,  understood  the  signification 
of  the  French  Revolution,  and  was  much  interested  in  its 
effects  on  the  human  race,  but  he  cared  very  little  about  its 
impression  on  Germany. 

Finally,  the  low  state  of  morality  in  the  eighteenth  century 

had  sapped  the  earnestness  in  the  cause  of  humanity  of  men 

of  all  classes  in  all  countries.     Disbelief  in  the 

Morality  and  .  i    •        i       i       i        t> 

Religion  in  Christian  religion  was  general  m  both  the  i:'ro- 
the  eighteenth  j-ggtant  and  Catholic  countries  of  the  Continent. 
The  immorality  of  most  of  the  prelates  in  Catholic 
countries  was  notorious,  and  was  equalled  by  their  avowed 
contempt  for  the  doctrines  of  the  religion  they  professed  to 
teach.  The  Protestant  pastors  of  Germany  was  quite  as  open 
in  their  infidelity.  In  the  famous  case  of  Schulz,  the  pastor  of 
Gielsdorf,  who  openly  denied  Christianity,  and  taught  simply 
that  morality  was  necessary,  the  High  Consistory  of  Berlin 
held  that  he  was,  nevertheless,  still  fitted  to  hold  his  office 
as  the  Lutheran  pastor  of  his  village.  Christianity  in  both 
Catholic  and  Protestant  countries  was  replaced  by  the  vague 
sentiments  of  morality,  which  are  best  presented  in  Rousseau's 
Profession  de  Foi  dii  Vicaire  Savoyard.  In  reaction  to  this 
vague  and  dogmaless  morality,  there  existed  many  secret 
societies  and  coteries  of  mystics,  such  as  the  Rosati  and  the 
lUuminati,  who  replaced  religion  by  ornate  and  symbolical 
ceremonies. 

Such  was  the  political,  economical,  intellectual  and  moral 
state  of  Europe  in  1789,  on  the  eve  of  the  French  Revolution. 
The  whole  continent  was  to  pass  through  twenty-six  years  of 
almost  unceasing  war,  at  the  end  of  which  it  was  to  emerge 
with  new  conceptions  and  new  ideals  of  both  political  and 
social  life.  The  new  ideas  seemed  indeed  to  be  checked,  if 
not  destroyed,  in  181 5,  but  once  inspired  into  men's  minds 
they  could  not  be  forgotten,  and  their  subsequent  develop- 
ment forms  the  history  of  modern  Europe  in  the  nineteenth 
century. 


CHAPTER    I 

1789 

The  Treaty  of  1756  between  France  and  Austria— The  Triple  Alliance  be- 
tween England,  Prussia,  and  Holland,  1788— The  Minor  Powers  of 
Europe— Austria :  Joseph  11.— His  Internal  Policy— His  Foreign  Policy 
—Russia:  Catherine  — Poland— France :  Louis  xvi.— Spain  :  Charles 
IV.— Portugal:  Maria  i.— Italy— The  Two  Sicilies:  Ferdinand  iv.— 
Naples— Sicily— Rome  :  Pope  Pius  vi.— Tuscany  :  Grand  Duke  Leopold 
—Parma:  Duke  Ferdinand— Modena :  Duke  Hercules  in.— Lombardy 
—  Sardinia:  Victor  Amadeus  iii.— Lucca— Genoa— Venice— England  : 
George  iii.— The  Policy  of  Pitt— Prussia :  Frederick-William  11.— Policy 
of  Prussia— Holland— Denmark  :  Christian  vii.— Sweden:  Gustavus  iii. 
—The  Holy  Roman  Empire— The  Diet— The  Electors— College  of 
Princes -College  of  Free  Cities— The  Imperial  Tribunal— The  Aulic 
Council— The  Circles— The  Princes  of  Germany— Bavaria— Baden — 
Wiirtemburg— Saxony— Saxe- Weimar —The  Ecclesiastical  Princes— May- 
ence— Treves— Cologne— The  Petty  Princes  and  Knights  of  the  Empire— 
Switzerland— Geneva—  Conclusion . 

The  states  of  Europe  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  1789 
were  ranked  diplomatically  in  two  important  groups,  tha  one 
dominated  by  the  connection  between  France,  Austria,  Spain, 
and  Russia;  the  other  by  the  alliance  between  England, 
Prussia,  and  Holland.  The  great  transformation  which  had 
been  effected  by  the  treaty  between  France  and  Austria  in 
1756  in  the  relationship  between  the  powers  of  Europe  was 
the  crowning  diplomatic  event  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
The  arrangements  then  entered  into  and  the  alliances  tested 
in  the  Seven  Years'  War  still  subsisted  in  1789.  But  the  spirit 
which  lay  at  the  root  of  the  Austro-French  al-  The  Treaty 
liance  was  sensibly  modified.  The  Treaty  of  1756  of  1756. 
had  never  been  really  popular  in  either  country.     In  France, 


12  Europe  in  1789 

Marie  Antoinette,  whose  marriage  with  Louis  xvi.   had  set 
the  seal  on  the  Austrian  alHance,  was  detested  as  the  Hving 
symbol   of  the   hated  treaty,  as   V Autrichienne,  the  Austrian 
woman,  and  the  most  accredited  political  tninkers  and  writers 
were  always  dwelling  on  the  traditional  policy  of  France,  and 
on  the  system  of  Henri  iv.,  Richelieu,  and  Louis  xiv.,  which 
held  the  House  of  Hapsburg  to  be  the  hereditary  and  the 
inevitable  enemy  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  and  of  ihe  French 
nation.     The  dislike  of  the  alliance  was  felt  with  equal  in- 
tensity in  Austria  by  the  wealthy  and  the  educated  classes. 
The  Austrian  generals  resented  the  inefficacy  of  the  French 
intervention  during  the  Seven  Years'  War,  and  the  Austrian 
people  attributed  its  reverses  in  that  war  to  it  with  as  much 
acrimony  as  if  France  had  acted  as  an  enemy  instead  of  as 
an  ally.      The  .same  sentiment  actuated  even  the  Imperial 
House.     '  Our  natural  enemies,  travestied  as  allies,  who  do 
more  harm  than  if  they  were  open   enemies ; '  ^  such  is  the 
language   in  which    Leopold  of  Tuscany,   brother  of  Marie 
Antoinette,   characterised  the   French   in  a  letter  written  in 
December  1784  to  his  brother,  the  Emperor  Joseph  11.     The 
Emperor  Joseph  was  himself  of  the  same  opinion.     He  pre- 
ferred his  Russian  ally,  the  Empress  Catherine,  to  his  brother- 
in-law,   Louis  XVI.,  King  of  France,  and  the  tendency  of  his 
foreign  policy  was  to  strengthen  his  friendship  with  Russia,  even 
at  the  expense  of  sacrificing  his  alliance  with  France.     Russia, 
whose  expansion  under  the  great  Empress  had  been  enormous 
since  the  conclusion  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  cared  but  little 
for  either  of  the  allies,  and  pursued  independently  its  course 
of  steady  development.     Catherine  had,  indeed,  during  most 
of  the  later  years  of  Frederick  the  Great,  remained  in  alliance 
with  Prussia,  and  to  some  extent  had  been  on  friendly  terms 
with   England.      But   her   natural   tendency  was  to   distrust 
England.     In  1780  she  had  placed  herself  at  the  head  of  the 
'Armed    Neutrality,'   which   opposed   the   naval  pretensions 

1  Joseph   II.  und  Leopold  von   Toscana.      By  the  Ritter  von  Arneth  : 
Vienna,  1872. 


The  Triple  A  lliance  <?/  1 7  8 8  13 

of  England,  and  in  1788  she  had  formally  proposed  a  close 
quadruple  alliance  between  Russia,  Austria,  France,  and 
Spain. 

If  the  relations  between  France,  Russia,  and  Austria  were 
unsettled,  the  Triple  Alliance  between  Prussia,  Holland,  and 
England  was  hardly  on  a  more  stable  footing  in  1789.  Prussia, 
since  the  death  of  Frederick  the  Great,  had  become  p^ussja^ 
really  decrepit,  while  apparently  remaining  a  first-  England, 
rate  military  power.  Though  still  preserving  the  ^"'^ 
prestige  of  its  famous  King,  who  died  in  1786,  and  recognising 
its  alliance  with  England,  Prussia  in  1789  exhibited  a  decaying 
internal  administration,  and  a  vacillating  foreign  policy.  Eng- 
land had  received  a  heavy  blow  by  the  success  of  the  colonists 
in  North  America,  and  by  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  and 
the  powers  of  the  Continent,  while  envying  her  wealth, 
held  her  military  power  of  but  small  account.  This  opinion 
prevailed  even  at  Berlin,  and  the  new  King  of  Prussia  gave 
many  evidences  that  the  alliance  of  England  was  rather  dis- 
tasteful to  him  than  otherwise.  The  third  member  of  the 
alliance,  Holland,  was  in  the  weakest  condition  of  all,  and  it 
was  only  by  invoking  the  armed  interference  of  Prussia  that 
England  had  maintained  the  authority  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
as  Stadtholder,  in  1787.  Though  this  interfevence  had  led  to 
the  formation  of  the  famous  Triple  Alliance  of  1788,  in  reality 
the  English  and  Prussian  statesmen  profoundly  distrusted  each 
other,  while  the  forcing  of  the  yoke  of  the  Stadtholder  upon 
them  caused  the  Dutch  democratic  party  in  Holland  to  abhor 
the  allies  and  to  look  for  help  to  France. 

The  rest  of  the  European  states  were  bound  more  or  less 
firmly  to  the  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  coalitions.     The 
smaller  states  of  Germany,  aggravated  or  intimidated  by  the 
measures  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  11.,  had  rallied  to  the  side  of 
Prussia.     In  the  north,    Denmark,  whose  reigning  ^^^  ^^^^^ 
house  was  connected  by  family  ties  with  the  royal   Powers  of 
families  of  England  and  Prussia,  was  completely   ^"''"f"'- 
under  Russian  influence,  while  Sweden,  under  Gustavus  iii., 


14  Europe  in  1789 

was  actually  at  war  with  Catherine  u.  Poland,  torn  by  internal 
dissensions,  and  threatened  with  complete  destruction  by  its 
neighbours,  was  awaiting  its  final  partition.  The  southern 
states  of  Europe  were  almost  entirely  bound  to  the  Franco- 
Austrian  alliance.  Spain  had  been  united  to  France  by 
the  offensive  and  defensive  treaty,  known  as  the  'Facte  de 
Famille,'  concluded  by  the  French  minister,  Choiseul,  in 
1761,  and  tested  in  the  war  of  American  Independence.  Por- 
tugal, though  connected  with  England,  commercially  by  the 
Methuen  treaty,  and  politically  by  a  long  course  of  protection 
against  Spanish  pretensions,  was  striving  by  a  series  of  royal 
marriages  to  become  the  ally  of  Spain.  In  Italy,  Naples  was 
ruled  by  a  Spanish  prince  married  to  an  Austrian  princess ; 
Sardinia  was  closely  allied  with  France,  and  the  remainder 
of  the  peninsula  was  mainly  under  Austrian  influence. 
Turkey,  now  travelling  towards  decay,  was  looked  upon 
by  Russia  and  i\ustria  as  their  legitimate  prey,  and  met 
with  encouragement  in  resistance,  but  not  with  active  help, 
from  England  and  France. 

After  thus  roughly  sketching  the  general  attitude  of  the 
powers  of  Europe  to  each  other  in  1789,  it  will  be  well  to 
examine  each  state  separately  before  entering  on  the  history 
of  the  exciting  period  which  followed.  Great  and  sweeping 
alterations  were  to  be  effected ;  many  diplomatic  variations 
were  to  take  place.  The  most  important  result  of  the  period  of 
the  French  Revolution  and  of  Napoleon  was  its  influence  upon 
the  minds  of  men,  as  shown  in  the  growth  of  certain  political 
conceptions,  which  have  moulded  modern  Europe.  But  great 
changes  were  also  brought  about  in  dynasties  and  in  the  geo- 
graphical boundaries  of  states,  which  can  only  be  understood 
by  a  knowledge  of  the  condition  of  Europe  in  1 789. 

The  figure  of  most  importance  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 

Austria:     1789  was  that  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  ii.,  and  his 

Joseph  II.    dominions  were  those  in  which  an  observer  would 

have  prophesied  a  great  revolution.     Joseph  was  at  that  date 

a  man  of  forty-seven ;  he  had  been  elected  Emperor  in  the 


Joseph  II.  1 5 

place  of  his  father,  Francis  of  Lorraine,  in  1765,  and  suc- 
ceeded to  the  hereditary  dominions  of  the  House  of  Austria 
on  the  death  of  his  mother,  Maria  Theresa,  in  1780.  He  was, 
perhaps,  the  best  type  of  the  class  of  benevolent  despots.  A 
singularly  industrious,  enlightened,  and  able  ruler,  his  ideas 
were  far  in  advance  of  those  of  his  age, — so  much  in  advance, 
indeed,  that  his  efforts  to  impose  them  upon  his  subjects 
brought  upon  himself  hatred  instead  of  gratitude,  and  among 
the  people  turbulence  and  insurrection  instead  of  peace  and 
tranquillity.  The  history  of  the  Emperor  Joseph's  ^^  ■^  u  . 
reforms,  and  of  the  disturbances  which  resulted  internal 
from  them,  belongs  to  an  earlier  volume  of  this  °  "^■^' 
series.  In  1789  the  whole  of  the  hereditary  dominions  of 
the  House  of  Hapsburg  were  in  a  state  of  ferment.  The 
Emperor's  scheme  of  welding  them  into  an  Austrian  nation, 
by  insisting  on  the  use  of  the  German  language,  by  simplify- 
ing the  state  of  the  law  and  the  administration,  and  assimi- 
lating the  various  religious  and  educational  institutions,  had 
roused  the  fire  of  local  patriotism.  In  Hungary  and  in  the 
Tyrol,  in  Bohemia,  and,  above  all,  in  the  Austrian  Netherlands, 
or  Belgium,  there  was  declared  rebellion,  fanned  by  local 
prejudices,  religious  fanaticism,  and  the  spirit  of  caste.  The 
first  and  second  of  these  causes  were  chiefly  responsible  in 
the  Austrian  Netherlands,  the  third  in  Hungary.  The 
Belgians,  and  more  especially  the  Braban^ons,  were  in  arms 
for  their  local  rights  and  ancient  constitutions,  which  had 
been  infringed  by  the  Emperor's  decrees.  The  Belgian 
clergy,  who  looked  upon  Joseph  as  worse  than  an  infidel  for 
his  treatment  of  the  Pope  and  his  suppression  of  religious 
houses,  were  inflamed  at  the  establishment  of  an  Imperial 
Seminary  in  Brussels  as  a  rival  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Univer- 
sity of  Louvain.  But  in  Hungary  it  was  the  magnates  of  the 
country  who  had  fought  so  gallantly  for  Maria  Theresa  and 
saved  her  throne,  who  were  in  an  altitude  of  open  disaffection. 
This  was  partly  due  to  Joseph's  infringement  of  their  Consti- 
tution and  his  removal  of  the  Iron  Crown  to  Vienna,  but  still 


1 6  Europe  in  1789 

more  to  his  abolition  of  serfdom.  As  has  been  already  stated, 
serfdom  in  Europe  was  practically  extinct  in  the  western  pari; 
of  the  Continent,  that  is,  in  France,  in  Belgimn,  and  on  the 
Rhine,  while  it  increased  in  intensity  steadily  towards  the  east, 
and  was  as  bad  in  Prussia  Proper,  Poland,  and  Hungary,  as  in 
Russia.  '  Most  merciful  Emperor,'  ran  a  petition  from  an 
Hungarian  peasant  to  Joseph,  '  four  days'  forced  labour  for  the 
seigneur ;  the  iifth  day,  fishing  for  him  ;  the  sixth  day,  hunt- 
ing with  him ;  and  the  seventh  belongs  to  God.  Consider, 
most  merciful  Emperor,  how  can  I  pay  dues  and  taxes  ? '  ^ 
The  iniquity  of  serfdom,  with  its  practice  of  forced  labour, 
was  accentuated  in  Hungary  by  the  constitutional  custom 
which  exempted  the  nobility  from  all  taxation.  The  Emperor 
Joseph  abolished  serfdom  in  Hungary  on  22nd  August  1785, 
and  inaugurated  a  system  of  removing  feudal  burdens,  and 
converting  forced  labour,  by  means  of  a  gradually  diminishing 
tax.  The  condition  of  the  hereditary  dominions  of  the 
House  of  Hapsburg  was  thus,  in  1789,  one  of  seething  dis- 
content where  it  was  not  open  rebellion  ;  Belgian  burghers 
land  Hungarian  magnates  were  alike  infuriated  by  the 
JEmperor's  efforts  at  reform  ;  and  the  poor  serfs  of  Hungary 
and  Bohemia  and  the  working  men  of  Belgium,  whom  he 
designed  to  benefit  by  direct  legislation  and  financial 
measures,  were  too  weak  to  render  him  any  help.  His 
hope  of  creating  an  Austrian  state  and  an  Austrian  people 
out  of  his  scattered  dominions  was  fated  to  be  thwarted  \ 
obstacles  of  distance,  race,  and  language,  cannot  be  overcome 
by  legislation,  however  wise ;  and  the  Emperor's  well- 
intentioned  endeavours  nearly  lost  his  House  its  ancient 
patrimony. 

The  foreign  policy  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  11.  was  dictated 
by  the  same  leading  principle  as  his  internal  reforms — the 
desire  to  form  his  various  territories  into  a  compact  state. 
His    schemes    to    exchange    the    Austrian    Netherlands   for 

1  Vehse's  Memoirs  of  the  Coin-t,  Aristocracy,  and  Diplo?iiacy  of  Austria, 
English  translation.     London,  1856,  vol.  ii.  p.  305. 


Joseph's  Foreign  Policy  1 7 

Bavaria  in  order  to  unite  his  possessions  in  Swabia  with  the 
nucleus  of  the  Hapsburg  territories  were  frustrated    , 

^  °  Joseph  II. 

by  the  poHcy  of  Frederick  the  Great.  His  attempt  Foreign 
to  make  his  authority  as  Emperor  more  than  P°'":y- 
nominal,  and  to  create  a  real  German  empire  based  on  a  German 
patriotic  feeling,  proved  an  utter  failure.  Foiled  in  these  two 
projects,  the  creation  of  an  Austrian  compact  state,  which  he 
deemed  practicable,  and  the  resurrection  of  a  mighty  Germany 
under  his  headship,  which  he  acknowledged  to  be  but  a  dream, 
Joseph  II.  turned  his  thoughts  towards  Russia.  The  ideal  of 
his  early  manhood  had  been  his  mother's  foe,  Frederick  the 
Great  of  Prussia ;  the  ideal  of  his  later  years  was  the  Empress 
Catherine  of  Russia.  Both  were  specimens  of  the  enlightened 
despots  of  the  age  ;  both  had  extended  the  realms  they  ruled  ; 
both  endeavoured  to  form  their  states  into  compact  entities  ; 
both  had  succeeded  in  administration  and  in  war ;  and  both 
were  cynical  disciples  of  the  eighteenth-century  philosophers. 
They  were  successively  his  models.  It  is  characteristic  of  the 
Emperor  Joseph  11.  that  the  only  picture  in  his  private  caljinet 
in  the  Hofburg  at  Vienna  was  a  portrait  of  Frederick ;  the 
only  picture  in  his  bedroom  one  of  Catherine.  After  the  death 
of  Frederick  the  Great,  the  Emperor  Joseph  11.,  despising  his 
successor,  expressed  more  loudly  his  admiration  for  Catherine. 
In  1787  he  accompanied  her  in  her.  famous  progress  to  the 
Crimea.  Fascinated  by  her  personality  and  dazzled  by  her 
projects,  the  Emperor  was  persuaded  to  ally  himself  with 
Russia  against  the  Turks,  and  hoped  to  partition  Turkey  with 
her,  as  his  mother,  Frederick,  and  Catherine  had  accomplished 
the  first  partition  of  Poland.  In  1788  he  accordingly  declared 
war  against  the  Sublime  Porte.  But  he  found  that  the  Turks, 
in  spite  of  the  corruption  of  their  government,  were  still  no 
contemptible  foes.  His  own  army  was  demoralised  by  the 
misconduct  of  the  aristocratic  officers ;  disease  decimated 
his  troops ;  and  the  Emperor  Joseph  returned  from  the 
campaign  of  1788  with  the  seeds  of  mortal  illness  in  his  system, 
but  with  his  determination  to  pursue  the  war  unabated. 

PERIOD  VII.  B 


1 8  Europe  in  1789 

Russia,  the  chosen  ally  of  Joseph  11.,  was  in  1789  ruled  by 
the  Empress  Catherine  11.  This  great  monarch,  though  by  birth 
a  princess  of  the  petty  German  state  of  Anhalt-Zerbst,  ranks  with 
Russia-  Peter  the  Great  as  a  founder  of  the  Russian  Empire; 

Catherine,  morc  Russian  than  the  Russians,  she  understood 
the  importance  of  the  development  of  her  adopted  country 
geographically  towards  the  Baltic  and  the  Black  Sea,  and  the 
capacity  of  her  people^  to  support  her  in  her  enterprises.  She 
was  at  this  time  sixty  years  of  age,  in  full  possession  of  her 
remarkable  powers,  and  having  ruled  for  twenty-seven  years,  she 
had  fortified  her  authority  by  experience.  Peter  the  Great  had 
seen  the  absolute  necessity  that  the  Russian  Empire  should 
have  access  to  the  sea,  and  had  built  Saint  Petersburg ; 
Catherine  had  moved  southward  and  extended  her  dominions 
to  the  Black  Sea.  She  hoped  to  make  the  Baltic  and  the 
Black  Sea  Russian  lakes,  and  on  that  account  was  the  consis- 
tent and  watchful  enemy  of  Sweden  and  the  Turks.  Upon 
the  western  frontier  of  Russia  lay  Poland.  The  natural 
'  policy  of  Russia  was  to  maintain  and  even  to  strengthen 
Poland  as  a  buffer  between  Russia  and  the  military  powers  of 
Austria  and  Prussia.  But  the  extraordinary  Constitution  of 
Poland,  which  provided  for  the  election  of  a  powerless  king, 
and  recognised  the  right  of  civil  war  and  the  power  of  any 
nobleman  to  forbid  any*  measure  proposed  at  the  Diet  by  the 
exercise  of  what  was  called  the  liberum  veto,  kept  the  unfor- 
tunate country  in  a  state  of  anarchy,  unable  either  to  defend 
or  to  oppose.  It  might  have  been  possible  to  reform  the  Con- 
stitution, and  make  the  Poles  an  organised  nation,  but  the 
neighbouring  monarchs  considered  it  easier  to  share  the  country 
amongst  them,  and  had,  under  the  guidance  of  Frederick  the 
Great,  carried  out  in  1772  the  first  partition,  which  excluded 
Poland  from  the  sea,  brought  the  borders  of  the  three  powers, 
Austria,  Prussia,  and  Russia,  nearer  to  each  other,  and  caused 
Russia  to  become  an  European  instead  of  essentially  an 
Eastern  monarchy.  Catherine  grasped  the  fact  that  in  her 
present  position  Russia  must  intervene  in  European  politics, 


France  in  \']%<^  19 

owing  to  the  condition  of  Poland,  and  decided  to  derive  what 
benefit  she  could  from  this  circumstance.  In  her  internal 
government  Catherine  was  one  of  the  benevolent  despots. 
The  patroness  of  Diderot,  she  expressed  her  admiration  for 
the  new  doctrines  of  the  Rights  of  Man,  and  even  summoned 
a  convention  to  draw  up  a  Russian  constitution.  But  she 
knew  that  the  new  doctrines  were  not  applicable  to  the  Russian 
people,  and  would  be  absurdly  inappropriate  to  the  nomad 
Tartar  tribes  which  wandered  over  the  southern  districts  of 
the  Russian  Empire.  She  was  fully  aware  that  their  village 
organisation  protected  the  peasants  from  many  of  the  evils 
which  prevailed  in  seemingly  more  enlightened  countries,  and 
gave  them  a  right  and  interest  in  the  soil  to  which  they  were 
attached.  Russia,  in  fact,  had  experienced  no  Reformation,  no 
Renaissance,  no  awakening  of  the  ideas  of  individual  and 
political  liberty,  and  therefore  was  eminently  fitted  for  the 
rule  of  a  benevolent  despot. 

Next  to   the   Austro-Russian   alliance,   the  Austro-French 
alliance,  sealed  by  the  Treaty  of  1756,  was  of  the  greatest  signi- 
ficance to  the  peace  and  welfare  of  Europe  in  1789.      p-rance  ■ 
As  has  been  said,  in  neither  country  was  the  alliance    Louis  xvi. 
popular ;  France  and  Austria  were  hereditary  enemies  ;  classi- 
cal  policy   in    both    courts    favoured   a    resumption   of    this 
enmity ;  the  friendship  was  rather  dynastic  than  national,  the 
work  of  Kaunitz  and  Maria  Theresa,  the  Abbe  de   IJernis, 
Madame  de  Pompadour,  and  Louis  xv.     France  still  appeared 
a  very  powerful   nation.     Its  intervention  in  the  American 
^^'ar  of  Independence  had  largely  contributed  to  England's 
loss  of  her  American  colonies,  and  the  Treaty  of  Versailles  in 
1783   had   involved  a  confession    that  England  was  beaten 
by  her  cession  of  the  West  India  islands  of  St.   Lucia  and 
Tobago.     But   in   spite   of  her  seeming  power,  France  was  ] 
from  political  and  economic  causes  really  very  weak.      She   ' 
had  been  unable  in  1787  to  effectually  support  the  republican 
and  French  party  in   Holland,  and  had  been  forced  to  allow 
England  and  Prussia  to  reinstate  the  Stadlholder,  the  Prince  of 


20  Europe  in  1789 

Orange.  In  spite  of  her  alliance  with  Austria,  she  had  been 
obliged  in  pursuance  of  a  peace  policy,  made  necessary  by  her 
financial  condition,  to  draw  near  to  England,  and  had  made  a 
commercial  treaty  with  her  in  1786.  The  weakness  of  France 
arose  from  internal  circumstances.  The  State  and  the  Court 
were  financially  identical.  The  Court  was  extravagant,  and  the 
result  was  a  chronic  national  deficit.  Efforts  had  been  made 
to  meet  this  deficit,  but  all  expedients,  even  partial  bankruptcy, 
'  had  failed.  It  was  evident  that  a  systematic  attempt  must  be 
made  to  rearrange  the  finances  by  introducing  a  regular  scheme 
of  taxation  to  take  the  place  of  the  feudal  arrangements  for 
filling  the  royal  treasury,  which  with  some  modifications  still 
survived.  But  a  regular  scheme  of  taxation,  which  should 
abolish  feudal  privileges,  and  make  the  government  responsible 
to  the  nation  for  its  expenditure,  could  not  be  established 
without  the  consent  of  the  people,  and  the  educated  classes, 
who  were  both  numerous  and  prosperous,  claimed  a  voice  in 
its  establishment.  The  feeling  of  political  discontent  went 
deeper.  The  French  people  had  outgrown  their  system  of 
government ;  the  peasants  and  farmers  resented  the  existence 
of  the  economic,  social,  and  political  privileges  dating  from  the 
Middle  Ages,  which  had  survived  the  duties  originally  accom- 
panying them  ;  the  bourgeois  argued  that  they  should  have  a 
;  share  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  State ;  the  educated  classes 
,  sympathised  with  both.  The  day  for  benevolent  despotism 
was  over  in  France  ;  Louis  xvi.  was  benevolent  in  disposition, 
:  but  too  weak  to  reform  the  system  under  which  he  ruled  ;  and 
'  it  was  the  system,  not  the  person  of  the  monarch,  which  the 
French  people  disliked ;  it  was  the  system  as  a  whole  which 
they  had  outgrown. 

Much  of  the  strength  of  France  rested  on  its  intimate 
alliance  with  Spain.  The  two  great  Bourbon  houses  had 
been  closely  united  by  the  '  Facte  de  Famille '  concluded  in 

Spain:  1761,  which  bound  them  in  an.  offensive  and  defen- 
charies  IV.  sivc  alliance.  Spain  had  loyally  fulfilled  her  part  of 
the  bargain,  and  had  suffered  much  in  the  War  of  American 


Spain  in  jySg  2i 

Independence  against  England.  Spain  had  had  the  good  fortune 
to  be  ruled  by  one  of  the  most  enlightened  of  the  benevolenti 
despots,  Charles  iii.,  whose  minister,  x^randa,  was  one  of  the 
greatest  statesmen  of  his  century.  Aranda  is  best  known  from 
his  persecution  of  the  Jesuits,  who  had  spread  their  influence 
over  the  minds  of  the  Spanish  people  so  far  as  to  be  the  dic- 
tators of  education  and  opinion.  Their  expulsion  contributed 
to  the  power  of  the  Crown,  which  undertook  the  direction  of 
every  form  of  national  energy.  Aranda  was  a  great  admini- 
strator ;  he  spent  vast  sums  on  the  improvement  of  commu- 
nications and  on  public  works,  and  he  built  up  a  powerful 
Spanish  navy.  The  two  evils  which  had  depressed  the  fame 
of  Spain,  the  personal  lethargy  of  the  people,  due  to  the  stamp- 
ing out  of  liberty  of  thought  by  the  Inquisition,  and  thei 
poverty,  caused  by  the  influx  of  gold  from  the  Spanish 
colonies,  which  prevented  any  encouragement  of  national 
industry,  were  however  too  great  for  any  administrator  to  sub- 
due, without  a  national  uprising  and  the  development  of  a 
national  love  for  liberty.  Aranda  was  ably  helped  by  Campo- 
manes,  who  founded  a  national  system  of  education  to  take 
the  place  of  the  Jesuits'  schools  and  colleges,  by  Jovellanos,  a 
great  jurist  and  political  economist,  by  Cabarrus,  a  skilful 
financier,  who  founded  the  bank  of  St.  Charles,  and  developed 
a  system  of  national  credit,  and  by  Florida  Blanca,  who  super- 
intended the  department  of  foreign  affairs,  and  succeeded 
Aranda  in  supreme  power  in  1774.  Charles  in.  died  on  12th 
December  1788,  and  his  successor,  Charles  iv.,  whose  weak- 
ness of  character  was  manifested  throughout  the  period  from 
1789  to  1 81 5,  commenced  his  reign  by  maintaining  Florida 
Blanca  at  the  head  of  Spanish  affairs,  with  Cabarrus  and 
other  experienced  ministers. 

Portugal  was  the  intimate  ally  of  England  as  Spain  was  of 
France.     The  hereditary  connection  of  Portugal  and  England 
dated   back   for   many   centuries,    and    had   been    Portugal: 
strengthened    by   the    Methuen   Treaty    in    1703,    ^aria  i. 
which   had   made    Portugal   largely  dependent  on   England. 


22  Ejirope  in  1789 

The  great  Portuguese  minister,  Pombal,  who  had  commenced 
the  persecution  of  the  Jesuits  and  had  effected  internal  and 
administrative  reforms,  comparable  to  those  of  Aranda  in 
Spain,  had  been  disgraced  in  1777,  but  the  offices  of  State 
were  filled  by  his  pupils  and  managed  on  the  principle,  which 
he  had  initiated,  of  advancing  the  prosperity  of  the  people. 
Pombal,  while  holding  the  strongest  views  on  the  importance 
of  maintaining  the  royal  absolutism,  believed  in  the  modern 
doctrines  of  reform  ;  he  had  abolished  slavery,  encouraged 
education,  and  in  the  received  ideas  of  political  economy  had 
encouraged  by  means  of  protection  manufactures  and  agricul- 
1  ture.  The  essential  weakness  of  Portugal  rested,  like  that  of 
[Spain,  on  the  exhaustion  and  consequent  lethargy  of  its  people ; 
the  Jesuits  and  the  Inquisition  had  stamped  out  freedom  of 
thought.  Financially,  also,  its  condition  resembled  that  of  Spain, 
for  the  sovereign  derived  such  wealth  from  Brazil  as  to  be 
independent  of  taxes,  levied  on  the  people.  Politically  the 
aim  of  the  House  of  Braganza,  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  had  been  to  endeavour  to  free  itself  from 
dependence  on  England  by  uniting  closely  through  inter-mar- 
riages with  the  reigning  family  in  Spain.  Queen  Maria  i.,  who 
had  succeeded  Joseph,  the  patron  of  Pombal,  in  1777,  was  a 
fanatical  lady  of  weak  intellect,  and  in  1789  the  royal  power 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  heir-apparent,  Prince  John,  who  was 
recognised  as  Regent  some  years  later,  and  eventually  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne  in  18 16,  as  John  vi. 

Italy,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  was  composed  of  a  number 

of  small  states.     The  idea  of  Italian  unity  lived  only  in  the 

minds  of  the  great  Italian  writers  and  thinkers  ;  it  met 

Italy.        .  ,  ^  ,  r  T^  T     , 

witli  no  support  from  the  powers  of  Europe.  Italy  was 
still  the  home  of  music  and  the  arts,  which  were  fostered  by 
the  numerous  small  Courts  ;  but  politically,  owing  to  its  sub- 
division, it  hardly  counted  as  a  power,  and  its  diplomacy 
had  little  weight  in  the  European  State  system.  It  was 
I  entirely  under  the  influence  of  France  and  Austria,  and 
'  showed  the  tendencies  of  the  century  in  the  good  government 


TJie  Two  Sicilies  in  1789  23 

of  most  of  the  petty  rulers.  The  most  important  of  the 
Italian  states  was  the  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  which  com- 
prised the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  and  the  Naples : 
island  of  Sicily.  The  kingdom  had  been  granted  Ferdinandiv, 
to  Ferdinand  iv.,  when  his  father,  the  celebrated  Don  Carlos, 
succeeded  as  Charles  in.  to  the  throne  of  Spain  in  1759.  It 
was  in  Naples  that  Charles  in.  had  commenced  his  career  as 
a  reforming  monarch,  and  the  great  Neapolitan  minister, 
Tanucci,  continued  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom 
in  a  most  enlightened  fashion  during  the  early  years  of  the 
new  monarch's  reign.  His  policy  was  to  check  the  feudal 
instincts  of  the  Neapolitan  barons,  whom  he  deprived  of  the 
lucrative  right  of  administering  justice,  and  thus  to  strengthen  ' 
the  influence  of  the  Crown  ;  and  he  also  opposed  the  pretensions 
of  the  Pope,  and  concurred  in  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuits. 
The  power  thus  acquired  for  the  Crown  was  wisely  used  ;  the 
financial  system  was  revised,  education  was  encouraged,  and  an 
attempt  was  made  to  procure  a  general  reform  of  the  laws.  The 
young  publicist,  Filangieri,  whose  Science  of  Legislation  con- 
tained the  most  enlightened  views  on  political  economy  and 
government,  and  who  ranks  next  to  Montesquieu  as  a  typical 
political  thinker  of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  a  Neapolitan, 
and  his  speculations  largely  influenced  the  current  of  Italian 
thought.   Sicily,  however,  remained  to  a  great  extent      ^.  .,  , 

°  •"  '  °  Sicily  I 

untouched  by  the  influence  of  the  great  Neapolitan 
minister  owing  to  its  insular  jealousy  and  the  maintenance  of  its 
mediaeval  parliament.  Ferdinand  iv.,  in  1768,  married  Maria 
Carolina,  the  ablest  daughter  of  the  Em[)ress  Maria  Theresa, 
who  at  once  assumed  the  most  entire  sway  over  her  ill- 
educated  and  indolent  husband.  She  secured  the  dismissal 
of  Tanucci,  whom  she  disliked  on  much  the  same  grounds 
that  her  sister,  Marie  Antoinette,  disliked  the  reforming  French 
ministers,  Turgot  and  Necker,  in  1776,  and  after  an  interval 
replaced  him  by  Acton,  a  native  of  France  of  Irish  descent, 
who,  owing  to  the  temper  of  his  patroness,  was  not  able  to 
continue  efficiently  the  work  of  Tanucci.     The  States  of  the 


24  Europe  in  1789 

Church,  including  the  Legations  of  Bologna  and  Ferrara 
Rome:  and  the  principaUties  of  Benevento  and  Ponte 
Pope  Pius  VI.  Corvo,  vvcrc  also  governed  in  accordance  with  the 
enlightened  ideas  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  Papacy 
had  much  fallen  in  influence,  and  had  been  forced  to  comply 
with  the  demands  of  Pombal,  Choiseul,  Aranda,  and  Tanucci 
for  the  suppression  of  its  spiritual  mainstay,  the  order  of  the 
Jesuits;  but  it  nevertheless  maintained  its  temporal  sove- 
reignty in  Italy.  Giovanni  Angelo  Braschi,  who  had  been 
elected  Pope  in  1775,  and  taken  the  title  of  Pius  vi.,  was  a 
man  of  singular  ability  and  courtly  manners.  But  he  had 
to  assent  to  vast  reforms  in  Tuscany,  which  seriously  affected 
the  wealth  of  the  Church  in  that  part  of  the  country,  and  had 
been  unable,  in  spite  of  a  personal  visit  to  Vienna,  to  persuade 
Joseph  II.  to  alter  his  policy  towards  the  Papacy.  His  most  not- 
able internal  measures  in  the  Papal  States  were  the  draining  of 
the  Pontine  marshes,  and  his  reconstitution  of  the  Clementine 
Museum  at  Rome,  which  he  placed  under  the  charge  of  the 
eminent  antiquary,  Ennius  Quirinus  Visconti.  Tuscany 
flourished  under  the  rule    of   the   Grand   Duke 

Tuscany  : 

Grand  Duke  Lcopold,  brother  and  eventual  successor  of 
Leopold.  Joseph  II.,  the  ablest  administrator  of  all  the 
benevolent  despots.  His  reforms  extended  in  every  direc- 
tion ;  with  the  help  of  Scipio  de  Ricci,  Bishop  of  Pistoia,  he 
reduced  the  number  of  bishoprics  and  monasteries ;  he 
drained  many  of  the  marshes,  and  so  benefited  agriculture ; 
he  reorganised  education  and  encouraged  the  Universities 
of  Pisa  and  Siena.  But  his  greatest  reforms  were  legal  and 
economic.  Tuscany  having  originated  from  a  number  of 
mediaeval  republics,  had  been  hitherto  administered  as  a  col- 
lection of  semi-independent  cities  and  districts,  with  their  own 
laws  and  local  finances.  Leopold  was  one  of  the  first 
monarchs  to  project  a  uniform  code  of  laws  for  his  state, 
which  he  intrusted  to  the  great  jurist,  Lampredi,  to  compile, 
and  he  abolished  all  personal  privileges  before  the  law,  tor- 
ture, the  right  of  asylum  for  malefactors,  confiscation  of  the 


Parma  and Modena  in  ly^g        '  25 

property  of  condemned  malefactors,  and  secret  denunciations. 
In  economics  he  was  the  pupil  of  the  French  physiocrats,  and 
the  friend  of  the  Marquis  de  Mirabeau,  the  '  Ami  des  hommes,' 
and  in  consonance  with  their  doctrines  he  swept  away  all  the 
internal  customs  duties  and  other  restrictions  on  industry 
and  commerce.  Lastly,  Leopold,  seeing  that  his  state  was 
not  strong  enough  to  carry  on  a  real  war,  abolished  the  Tuscan 
army,  to  the  great  advantage  of  his  finances.  Next  to  Tuscany, 
the  best-governed  state  in  Italy  was  Parma.  Fer-  Parma:  Duke 
dinand,  Duke  of  Parma  and  Piacenza,  was  the  Ferdinand. 
only  son  of  Don  Philip,  the  second  son  of  Philip  v.  of  Spain 
and  Elizabeth  Farnese,  by  Elizabeth  of  France,  daughter  of 
Louis  XV.  He  was  educated  by  the  celebrated  French  philo- 
sopher, Condillac,  and  early  in  his  reign  showed  the  influence 
of  the  best  eighteenth  century  ideas.  He  had  succeeded  his 
father  in  1765,  and  continued  his  minister,  a  Frenchman,  Du 
Tillot,  Marquis  of  Felino,  in  office.  Du  Tillot,  though  work- 
ing in  a  smaller  sphere,  was  as  great  a  reformer  as  Pombal  and 
Tanucci.  He  brought  about  the  suppression  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion in  Parma,  improved  the  internal  administration,  and 
encouraged  education  so  greatly  that  the  University  of 
Parma,  under  the  management  of  the  learned  scholar, 
Paciaudi,  became  one  of  the  most  famous  in  Europe.  In 
1769  Duke  Ferdinand  married  Maria  Amelia,  daughter  of  the 
Empress  Maria  Theresa,  who  two  years  later  secured  the  dis- 
missal of  Du  Tillot  from  office.  This  dismissal  was  not,  how- 
ever, followed  by  a  reaction,  though  it  put  a  close  to  the 
progress  of  reform,  and  Parma,  under  the  administration,  first 
of  a  Spaniard,  Llanos,  and  then  of  a  Frenchman,  Mauprat,  re- 
tained its  reputation  as  a  well-governed  state.  It  was  otherwise 
with  Modena,  where  the  last  Duke  of  the  House  of  ^^^^^^. 
Este,  Hercules  in.,  reigned.  This  prince  had  sue-  Duke 
ceeded  to  the  duchies  of  Modena,  Reggio,  and  ""''"'^^"'• 
Mirandola  in  1780,  when  already  a  man  of  fifty-three,  and  had 
added  to  them  by  marriage  the  principalities  of  Massa  and 
Carrara.     His  only  daughter  and  heiress,  Maria  Beatrice,  was 


26  '  Eitrope  in  1789 

married  to  the  Austrian  Archduke  Ferdinand,  younger  brother 
of  the  Emperor  Joseph,  and  Governor-General  of  Lombardy. 
Duke  Hercules  was  a  superstitious  and  avaricious  ruler,  whose 
chief  care  was  to  amass  money,  and,  politically,  he  followed 
out  the  wishes  of  Austria.  While  the  House  of  Austria,  by 
its  scions  or  by  marriaejes,  ruled  the  greater  part  of 
Italy  mau-ectly,it  possessed  the  direct  sovereignty  ot 
Lombardy,  or,  more  accurately,  of  the  Milanese  and  Mantua. 
This  province  profited  by  the  salutary  policy  of  Joseph  11., 
and  was  administered,  under  the  governor-generalship  of  the 
Archduke  Ferdinand,  by  a  great  statesman,  Count  Firmian, 
who  understood  and  carried  out  the  most  important  reforms. 
His  patronage  of  the  arts  and  of  education  was  especially 
remarkable ;  he  laboured  ardently  to  restore  the  efficiency  of 
the  Universities  of  Milan  and  Pavia,  and  appointed  Beccaria, 
the  celebrated  philanthropist,  Professor  of  Political  Economy 
at  the  former,  and  Volta,  the  equally  celebrated  man  of 
science,  Professor  of  Physics  at  the  latter.  The  only  other 
Sardinia-  monarchy  of  Italy,  that  of  Sardinia,  was  more 
Victor  closely  related  to  France   than    to  Austria.     Its 

Amadeus  III.  j^-^^^^  Victor  Amadcus  III.,  had  married  a  Spanish 
princess,  and  two  of  his  daughters  were  married  to  the  two 
brothers  of  Louis  xvi.  of  France — Monsieur,  the  Comte  de 
Provence,  and  the  Comte  d'Artois.  His  dominions  com- 
prised the  island  of  Sardinia,  Piedmont,  Savoy,  and  Nice,  and 
it  was  a  great  subject  of  complaint  to  his  Piedmontese  sub- 
jects that  he  unduly  favoured  his  French-speaking  province  of 
Savoy.  He,  too,  was  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  his  century ; 
he  encouraged  agriculture  and  commerce;  he  patronised 
literature  and  science ;  he  built  the  Observatory  at  Turin,  and 
founded  academies  of  science  and  fine  arts ;  and  he  undertook 
great  public  works,  of  which  the  most  important  was  the 
improvement  of  the  harbour  of  Nice.  But  in  one  matter  he 
pursued  an  opposite  policy  to  the  Grand  Duke  Leopold  of 
Tuscany,  for  he  increased  and  reorganised  his  army,  and  con- 
structed  fortifications    of  the    most   modern    description   at 


Genoa  and  Venice  in  1789  27 

Tortona    and   Alessandria.      Lastly    must   be    noticed  three 
Italian  republics,  survivals  of  the  Middle  Ages.     Of  these  the 
smallest  was  the  Republic  of  Lucca,  which  was       Lucca: 
entirely  surrounded  by  the  Grand-Duchy  of  Tus-      Republic, 
cany.     Its  trade  suffered  from  the  encouragement  given  by 
the  Grand  Duke  Leopold  to  Leghorn  ;  but,  on  the  whole,  it 
was  well  governed  and  prosperous.     It  was  otherwise  with  the 
two  great  aristocratic  republics,  in  which  the  long  continuance 
of  oligarchical  government  had   stamped  out  all      Genoa: 
vestiges    of  political   liberty.      The  Republic   of    Republic. 
Genoa,  of  which  Raphael  di  Ferrari  was  Doge  in  1789,  was  in 
utter  decay.      Its  people  were  poverty-stricken  ;  its  trade  had 
gone  to  Leghorn  and  Nice ;  and  its  laws  and  customs  were 
unreformed.     It  was  so  weak  that  it  had  been  unable  to  sub- 
due the  rebels  in  Corsica,  who  had  risen  under  Paoli  for  the 
right  of  self-government,  and  it  had  ended  by  ceding  the  island 
to  France  in  1768.     The  Republic  of  Venice,  of 

.  Venice. 

which  the  Doge  m  1789  was  Paul  Renier,  had  not 
fallen  so  low  in  the  eyes  of  Europe.  Its  possessions  on  the 
mainland,  which  extended  from  Verona  to  the  Tyrol  and  along 
the  east  coast  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  and  included  the  Ionian 
Islands,  were  administered  for  the  benefit  of  the  Venetian 
oligarchy,  and  supplied  it  with  wealth.  From  Dalmatia  was 
raised  a  considerable  army,  but  the  administration  was  wholly 
selfish,  and  did  not  keep  pace  in  enlightenment  with  that  of 
Lombardy,  Parma,  Tuscany,  and  Naples.  On  the  whole,  where 
monarchy  existed  in  Italy,  it  tended  in  the  eighteenth  century 
to  benevolent  despotism  ;  and  such  rule  was  far  more  beneficial 
to  the  people  than  that  of  the  antiquated  republics.  Politi- 
cally, the  whole  country  might  be  reckoned  as  a  factor  in  the 
Franco- Austrian  alliance. 

The  chief  power  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  which  balanced  the  ^ 
loosely-defined  league  of  Russia,  France,  and  Austria,  was  / 
England.  The  severe  blow  which  had  been  struck  England:  I 
by  the  revolt  of  her  American  colonies  had  made  G'=°''geiii.  \ 
Great    Britain   appear    weaker   than   she   really   was   to    Llie 


28  Europe  in  1789 

powers  of  the  Continent.  The  Treaty  of  Versailles,  by  which 
she  had  been  obliged  to  make  cessions  to  France,  seemed  to 
have  set  the  seal  on  her  humiliation.  But  in  reality  her 
finances  were  more  affected  than  her  fighting  strength,  and 
the  English  navy,  which,  from  her  insular  position,  must 
always  constitute  the  principal  element  of  her  force,  was  as 
The  Policy  excellent  as  ever.  The  policy  of  the  younger  Pitt, 
of  Pitt.  ^]-jQ  j-jj^^  come  into  office  in  1783,  was  one  of 
peace  and  retrenchment.  The  country  had  lasted  well 
through  the  financial  strain  of  the  American  War,  and  the 
chief  aim  of  the  minister  was  to  allow  its  vast  commercial  and 
industrial  resources  to  expand.  As  a  pupil  of  Adam  Smith, 
Pitt  understood  the  great  principles  of  political  economy,  and 
the  most  significant  part  of  his  foreign  policy  was  his  conclu- 
sion of  the  Commercial  Treaty  with  France.  A  fiscal  system, 
far  in  advance  of  that  in  any  continental  country,  enabled  the 
English  Government  to  draw  on  the  wealth  of  the  nation  more 
effectively  than  any  other  government,  if  the  money  was 
needed  for  patriotic  purposes.  In  spite  of  his  love  of  peace, 
Pitt  was  induced  by  his  first  Foreign  Secretary,  the  Duke  of 
Leeds,  to  take  an  active  part  in  European  politics,  and  was 
eventually  led  by  the  state  of  affairs  in  Holland  to  enter  into 
the  Triple  Alliance.  At  home,  England  was  unaffected  by 
the  intellectual  movement  which  led  to  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. She  had  in  the  previous  century  got  rid  of  the  relics  of 
feudalism,  which  pressed  so  heavily  on  the  continental  farmer 
and  peasant,  and  had  won  the  boons  of  individual  and  com- 
mercial liberty,  and  of  equality  before  the  law ;  while  politi- 
cally, though  her  government  was  an  oligarchy,  supported  by 
the  class  of  wealtliy  merchants  and  traders,  an  opportunity 
was  afforded  through  the  existence  of  a  free  press  and  of  the 
system  of  election,  however  hampered  by  antiquated  franchises, 
for  public  opinion  to  make  itself  felt. 

Prussia,  the  other  principal  member  of  the  Triple  Alliance, 
contrasted  in  every  way  with  England.  Seemingly,  owing  to 
the  prestige  of  Frederick  the  Great's  victories  and  that  able 


Prussia  in  1789  29 

monarch's  careful  organisation  of  his  army,  Prussia  was  the 
first  mihtary  state  in  Europe;  in  reality,  her  repu-   prussi^. 
tation  was  greater  than  her  actual  power.     Prussia   Frederick 
was  weak  where  England  was  strong.     Prussia  had       '  '^"^ 
no  financial  system  worthy  of  the  name,  no  industrial  wealth, 
and  no  national  bank ;  her  only  resources  for  war  were  a  certain 
quantity  of  specie  stored  up  in  Berlin.     The  Prussian  Govern- 
ment was   an  absolutism,  in  which  the  monarch's  will  was 
supreme  ;  its  administration  was  based  on  feudalism,  of  which 
England  had  entirely  and  France  had  practically  got  rid,  with 
all  its  mediaeval  incidents  of  serfdom,  privilege  of  the  nobility, 
and  social  and  commercial  inequalities.     The  Prussian  army 
was  not  national ;  the  soldiers  were  treated  as  slaves,  and  the 
officers,  who  were  all  of  noble  birth,  were  tyrants  in  the  main- 
tenance of  military  discipline. 

Frederick  the  Great  was  one  of  the  finest  types  of  thej 
benevolent  despot  of  the  eighteenth  century,  but  in  him  the  , 
belief  in  the  importance  of  his  despotic  power  outweighed  his  : 
benevolence.  While  wishing  for  the  prosperity  of  the  people, 
he  deliberately  maintained  the  authority  of  the  nobihty,  and 
discouraged  any  desire  for  change  on  the  part  of  the  agriculturists 
or  citizens.  The  former  were  left  at  the  disposal  of  their  lords, 
the  latter  trammelled  by  antiquated  civic  constitutions.  The 
weakness  of  Prussia  was  not  only  inherent  in  its  government, 
but  was  also  due  to  geographical  causes.  Its  component  parts 
were  scattered ;  its  Rhenish  duchies  and  East  Friesland  were 
separated  from  its  main  territories  by  many  German  states ; 
its  central  districts,  the  Marks  of  Brandenburg,  were  sparsely 
populated,  and  cut  off  from  the  sea  ;  its  largest  provinces, 
Prussia  Proper,  Pomerania,  Silesia,  and  Prussian  Poland  were, 
in  spite  of  German  and  French  Huguenot  colonies,  mainly 
Slavonic,  and  as  backward  in  civilisation  as  other  Slavonic 
races  in  the  eighteenth  century.  In  Russia,  however,  the 
Slavonic  population  in  its  barbarism  yet  retained  sufficient 
local  organisation  to  make  its  lot  fairly  endurable ;  in 
eastern  Prussia,  and  especially  in  Prussian  Poland,  the  i)eoi)lc 


30  Europe  hi  1789 

had  been  brought  into  contact  with  the  medigeval  and  Latin 
civiUsation,  and  were  consequently  treated  as  absolute  serfs 
without    the    relief    afforded    by    local    institutions.      The 
Policy  of     policy  of  Prussia,  as  laid  down  by  Frederick  the 
Prussia.      Great,  had  both  Prussian  and  German  aspirations, 
and  in  both  was  utterly  selfish.      The  example   set   by  the 
cynical  monarch  in  the  Silesian  wars  had  left  a  deep  impress 
on  the  minds  of  Prussian  statesmen,  and  the  maxims  of  justice 
and  international  law  were  subordinated  by  them  to  expediency. 
The    Prussian    policy   of    Frederick    the    Great    culminated 
in   the   first   partition   of  Poland,  which   he   had  suggested, 
by  means  of  which   Prussia  united  her  eastern  province  of 
Prussia  Proper  to  Brandenburg,  and  cut  off  Poland  from  the 
sea,  and  the  aim  of  his  successors  was  to  pursue  this  path  of 
aggrandisement,  and,  by  further  annexations,  to  connect  Silesia 
directly  with  Prussia  Proper.     The  German  policy  of  Prussia 
was  to  assume  the  leadership  of  the  Empire  by  pretending  the 
greatest  zeal  for  the  rights  of  the  Princes  of  the  Empire,  and 
posing  as   their  protector,   and   it  was   on   this  ground    that 
Frederick  the  Great  formed  the  League  of  the  Princes.     The 
hereditary  enemy  of  Prussia  was  Austria,  which,  though  dis- 
tinctly injured  by  the  conquest  of  Silesia,  still  retained  the 
chief  influence  over  the  Empire,  and  also  showed  a  tendency  to 
check  the  designs  on  Poland.     It  was  Frederick  the  Great  of 
Prussia  who  had  thwarted  the  Emperor's  scheme  of  exchanging 
the  Austrian  Netherlands  for  Bavaria,  and  he  intrigued  against 
Austria  at  the  Courts  both  of  Russia  and  France.     It  was  as  a 
counterblow  to  the  Franco- Austro-Russian  alliance  that  Prussia 
intervened  in  Holland,  at  the  request  of  England,  and  formed 
the   Triple   Alliance   with    England   and    Holland   in    1788. 
King   Frederick  WiUiam  11.   of  Prussia,   who  succeeded  his 
famous  uncle  in    1786,   was  a  man  of  feeble   intellect  and 
undecided  nature,  but  he  had  thoroughly  imbibed  the  classic 
ideas  of  Prussian  policy,  and  regarded  Austria  as  the  inevit- 
able foe  of  Prussia,  to  be  duped  and  taken  advantage  of  on 
every  possible  occasion.     His  chief  minister,  Hertzberg,  was  a 


Holhnid  in  1789  31 

consistent  enemy  of  Austria,  but  owing  to  the  curious  character 
of  the  king,  the  real  power  of  the  State  rested  not  with  the 
minister  but  with  the  royal  favourites,  of  whom  the  chief  at 
the  end  of  1788  were  Bischofswerder  and  Lucchesini. 

Holland  was  the  link  which  bound  England  and  Prussia 
together.  Its  military  power  was  of  no  account,  but 
the  wealth  of  its  inhabitants,  derived  from  their  vast 
commercial  expansion  in  Asia  and  aptitude  for  banking,  made 
the  Republic  of  the  United  Provinces  of  the  greatest  im- 
portance. The  Seven  Provinces  preserved  the  most  complete 
autonomy;  only  the  veriest  semblance  of  federation  held 
them  together.  Practically,  the  only  bond  of  union  was  in 
the  power  of  the  Stadtholder,  which  had  been  restored  in 
1747.  In  the  more  wealthy  provinces,  such  as  Holland,  the 
commercial  aristocracy,  which  filled  the  ranks  of  the  local 
governments,  resented  the  position  of  the  Stadtholder,  who 
held  the  command-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy ;  but  in  the 
poorer  and  agricultural  provinces,  such  as  Friesland  and 
Groningen,  the  landed  aristocracy  generally  supported  the 
Stadlholderate.  In  1780  the  United  Provinces  had  joined 
in  the  Neutral  League  of  the  North,  invented  by  Catherine 
of  Russia  to  break  the  commercial  supremacy  of  England, 
and  in  the  war  which  followed  they  had  suffered  severe 
losses,  and  had  been  compelled  to  cede  Negapatam  in 
India  to  England  in  1783  on  the  conclusion  of  peace.  The 
Stadtholder,  William  v,,  Prince  of  Orange,  in  whose  family 
the  office  had  been  declared  hereditary,  was  vehemently 
accused  of  favouring  England  during  this  war,  and  when  peace 
was  declared  a  movement  was  set  on  foot,  headed  by  the 
authorities  of  the  Province  of  Holland,  to  oust  him  from  his 
position,  and  to  draw  up  a  new  constitution  for  the  Dutch 
Netherlands  on  the  same  lines  as  that  of  the  United  States  of 
America.  This  movement  grew  to  its  height  in  1786;  a 
French  Legion,  commanded  by  the  Comtc  de  Maillebois,  was 
raised ;  the  Stadtholder  had  to  fly  from  the  Hague,  and  the 
armed  intervendon  of  France  was  requested.     But,  as   has 


32  Europe  in  1789 

been  said,  France,  in  spite  of  her  seeming  power,  was  too 
weak  to  intervene,  and  the  Dutch  patriots  were  abandoned  to 
their  fate.  On  the  other  side,  that  of  the  Stadtholder,  England, 
through  its  able  ambassador  at  the  Hague,  Sir  James  Harris, 
afterwards  Lord  Malmesbury,  induced  Prussia  to  act.  England 
and  Prussia  had  dynastic  and  political  reasons  for  this  conduct. 
The  Stadtholder  was,  through  his  mother,  a  first  cousin  of 
George  in.,  and  had  married  a  sister  of  Frederick  William  11., 
while  pohtically,  the  acquisition  of  Holland  to  the  Franco- 
Austrian  alliance,  through  the  expulsion  of  the  Stadtholder, 
would  bring  nearly  the  whole  of  Europe  into  that  system, 
and  would  practically  enclose  the  Austrian  Netherlands  or 
Belgium.  In  September  1787,  therefore,  a  Prussian  army, 
under  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  had  occupied  Amsterdam,  and 
placed  the  Stadtholder  firmly  in  power;  the  Dutch  patriots 
fled  to  France ;  the  Legion  of  Maillebois  was  disbanded ;  and 
in  1788  the  work  was  consummated  by  the  signature  of  the 
Triple  Alliance. 

The  two  northern  kingdoms,  Denmark  and  Sweden,  had 
adhered  to  the  Neutral  League  against  England  in  1780,  but 
for  generations  a  bitter  animosity  had  existed  between  them. 
Denmark.  Denmark,  which  in  1789  included  Norway,  was  in 
Christian  VII.  an  extremely  prosperous  condition.  The  philan- 
thropic ideas  of  the  eighteenth  century  had  made  great  way,  and 
on  20th  June  1788  a  royal  ordinance  had  destroyed  the  last 
vestige  of  serfdom.  Efforts  were  made  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  people  by  reorganising  the  state  of  the  finances,  law  and 
education,  and  progress  was  made  in  every  direction.  These 
reforms  were  not  the  work  of  the  King,  Christian  vii.,  who 
had  fallen  into  a  state  of  dotage,  but  of  the  Prince  Royal, 
afterwards  Frederick  vi.,  and  of  his  minister,  Count  Andrew 
Bernstorff,  the  nephew  of  the  greatest  Danish  statesman  of  the 
Sweden:  eighteenth  century.  Sweden,  which  in  1789  in 
Gustavus  III.  eluded  the  greater  part  of  Finland  as  well  as 
Swedish  Pomerania  and  the  island  of  Riigen,  was  under  the 
sway  of  one  of  the  most  enlightened  rulers  of  the  century. 


Tlie  Holy  Roman  Evipire 


00 


Gustavus  III.  That  monarch  had  in  1772,  by  a  coup  d'etat^ 
overthrown  the  power  of  the  Swedish  Estates,  with  their  divi- 
sion into  the  two  parties  of  the  Caps  and  the  Hats,  subsidised 
respectively  by  Russia  and  France.  He  had  made  use  of  his 
absolutism  to  carry  out  some  of  the  benevolent  ideas  of  the 
time.  He  had  abolished  torture,  regulated  taxation,  encour- 
aged commerce  and  industry,  and  diminished,  where  he  did 
not  destroy,  the  privileges  of  the  nobility.  Had  he  contented  1 
himself  with  these  internal  reforms  he  would  have  won  the  last- 
ing gratitude  of  the  Swedish  people,  but  he  insisted  on  playing 
a  part  in  continental  politics,  which  involved  the  maintenance. 
of  a  large  army  and  the  consequent  exhaustion  of  the  people. ) 
Though  he  too  had  joined  the  League  of  the  North  in  1780,  he 
afterwards  assumed  a  strong  anti-Russian  attitude,  and  resolved 
to  take  advantage  of  the  Russo-Turkish  war  in  order  to  regain 
some  of  his  lost  provinces.  Accordingly  he  invaded  Russia  in 
the  summer  of  1788,  while  his  fleet  threatened  St.  Petersburg. 

Hitherto  a  sketch  has  been  given  of  states,  which  in  1789 
possessed  a  certain  unity,   and  were  able  to  j,  iay  a  part  as 
independent  countries  of  more  or  less  weight  in   European 
politics.     It  was  otherwise  with  the   Holy  Roman  Empire, 
which  still  remained  in  the  same  condition,  and  was  ruled  in 
the  same  manner,  as  had   been   arranged  at  the   Treaty  of 
Westphalia  in  1648.     True  Germany,  that  is  Ger- 
many to  the  west  of  the  Oder,  had  been  under 
this  arrangement  split  up  into  a  number  of  independent  sove- 
reignties, loosely  bound  together  as  the  Holy  Roman  Empire. 
The  number  of  these  petty  states  caused  the  Empire  to  be,  \ 
from  a  military  point  of  view,  utterly  inefficient ;  the  bond  was 
too  loose  to  allow  of  general  internal  reforms  or  of  a  consistent 
foreign  policy ;  and  the  federal  arrangements  were  too  cum- 
brous and  unwieldy  to  allow  of  Germany  ranking  as  a  great 
power.     The  Imperial  Diet  or  Reichstag  consisted 
of  three  colleges,  and  a  majority  was  required  in 
each  of  the  upper  colleges  to  agree  to  a  resolution,  which,  when 
confirmed  by  the  Emperor,  became  a  conclusutn  of  the  Empire. 

PERIOD  vii.  C 


34  Europe  in  1789 

The  first  of  these  colleges  was  that  of  the  eight  Electors,  three 
College  of  ecclesiastical,  the  Elector- Archbishops  of  Mayence, 
Electors.  Trcves,  and  Cologne,  and  five  lay,  the  Electors  of 
Bohemia,  Brandenburg,  and  Hanover,  who  were  also  Kings  of 
Hungary,  Prussia,  and  England,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  and  the 
Elector  Palatine,  who  in  1 789  was  also  Elector  of  Bavaria.  The 
president  of  this  college  was  the  Elector-Archbishop  of  Mayence, 
as  Chancellor  of  the  Empire.  The  second  college  was  that  of  the 
College  of  Princes,  which  consisted  of  one  hundred  voices, 
Princes,  thirty-six  ecclesiastical  and  sixty-four  lay.  In  this 
college  all  the  Electors  had  voices  under  different  designations ; 
Hanover  possessed  six  for  different  principalities,  Prussia  six 
for  the  duchy  of  Guelders,  the  county  of  Moeurs,  etc.,  Austria 
three,  and  so  on,  while  the  Kings  of  Denmark  and  Sweden  also 
were  represented  as  Dukes  of  Holstein  and  of  Pomerania.  Less 
important  princes  differing  in  power  from  the  Landgraves  of 
Hesse,  the  Margraves  of  Baden,  and  the  Duke  of  Wiirtemburg 
to  the  petty  princes  of  Salm  and  Anhalt,  possessed  single  voices, 
and  made  up  the  number  of  temporal  voters  in  the  college  to 
sixty.  The  ecclesiastical  princes  included  thirty-four  of  the 
wealthiest  bishops  and  abbots,  many  of  whom  ruled  over  con- 
siderable territories,  and  of  whom  the  most  important  were  the 
Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  the  Bishops  of  Bamberg,  Augsburg, 
Wiirtzburg,  Spires,  Worms,  Strasbourg,  Basle,  Constance,  Pader- 
born,  Hildesheim,  and  Miinster,  and  the  Abbots  of  Elwangen, 
Kempten,  and  Stablo.  The  other  six  voices  were  called 
collegiate,  and  representatives  to  hold  them  were  elected  by 
the  petty  lay  and  ecclesiastical  sovereigns  who  abounded  in 
Franconia,  Swabia,  and  Westphalia,  to  the  number  of  four  lay 
and  two  ecclesiastical  representatives.  The  presidency  of  this 
college  was  held  alternately  by  the  Archduke  of  Austria  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg.  The  third  or  inferior  college 
College  of  was  that  of  the  free  cities,  and  any  opposition 
Free  Cities,  on  its  part  could  prevent  a  decision  arrived 
at  by  the  two  upper  or  superior  colleges  being  pre- 
sented to  the  Emperor  for  his  assent  as  a  conclusum  of  the 


The  Empire  in  \'jZ^  35 

Empire.  It  consisted  of  the  representatives  of  fifty-two 
imperial  free  cities,  divided  into  two  'benches,'  of  which 
the  Bench  of  WestphaHa  included  Frankfort-on-the-Main, 
Cologne,  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Hamburg,  Bremen,  and  Liibeck, 
and  the  Bench  of  Swabia  included  Nuremberg,  Ratisbon, 
Ulm,  and  Augsburg.  The  presidency  of  this  college  belonged 
to  the  city  of  Ratisbon,  in  which  the  Diet  held  its  sittings. 
By  this  elaborate  federative  system,  all  sense  of  German  unity' 
was  lost ;  the  electors,  princes,  and  free  cities  were  represented 
only  by  delegates ;  the  smaller  states  felt  themselves  swamped 
and  were  obliged  to  look  to  a  great  power,  Austria  or  France, 
Prussia  or  Hanover,  to  preserve  their  political  independence. 

The  other  important  institution  of  the  Empire,   the   Im- 
perial  Tribunal   or  Reichskammergericht,  which  xhe  imperial 
sat  at  Wetzlar  and  was  intended  to  settle  disputes    Tribunal, 
between  the  German  sovereigns,  had  also  fallen  into  desuetude. 
Its  venality  and  procrastination  became  proverbial,  and  it  pos 
sessed  no  machinery  to  put  its  decrees  into  force.     At  the  head 
of  the  Empire  was  the  Emperor,  who  was  elected       xhe 
and  crowned  with  all  the  elaborate  ceremonial  of  the  i^mperor. 
Middle  Ages.     The  office  had  been,  with  one  exception,  con 
ferred  on  the  head  of  House  of  Austria,  since  the  Treaty  ot 
Westphalia,  but  it  brought  little  actual  authority  on  the  holder. 
It  was  as  ruler  of  the  hereditary  dominions  of  the  House  of 
Hapsljurg  that  the  Emperor  exerted  some  influence,  not  as  an 
Emperor.     Joseph  11.,  indeed,  endeavoured  to  be  Emperor  in 
more  than  name,  with  the  result  that  Frederick  the  Great  was 
enabled  to  form  the  League  of  Princes  against  him.     As  the 
chief  Catholic  state,  Austria,  however,  possessed  a  great  in- 
fluence in  the  Imperial  Diet,  for  the  ecclesiastical  members 
of  the  Colleges  of  Electors  and  Princes  naturally  inclined  to 
support  her,  and  it  was  on  their  votes  that  she  relied.     She 
even  went  so  far  as  to  establish  the  Aulic  Council    xhe  AuHc 
at    Vienna,  which  intervened   in   cases   between     Council, 
sovereign  princes,  and  usurped  some  of  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Imperial  Tribunal  of  Wetzlar.     The  executive  power  of  I  he 


36  Europe  in  1789 

Empire,  when  it  had  come  to  a  decision,  was  entrusted  to  the 
The  circles.  These  circles  each  had  their  own  Diet,  and 
Circles,  jt  was  their  duty,  for  instance,  to  raise  money  and 
troops  when  the  Empire  decided  to  go  to  war.  Of  the  ten  circles 
of  the  Empire,  originally  created,  one,  that  of  Burgundy,  had  been 
extinguished  or  nearly  so  by  the  conquests  of  Louis  xiv.,  and 
those  situated  in  the  eastern  portion  were  entirely  controlled  by 
the  important  states  of  Prussia,  Saxony,  and  Austria.  It  was 
only  in  Western  Germany,  in  the  circles  of  Westphalia,  Fran- 
conia,  and  Swabia  that  the  organisation  was  fairly  tried,  and  the 
result  was  signal  failure,  whenever  those  circles  put  their  con- 
tingents in  the  field.  It  could  hardly  be  otherwise,  when, 
owing  to  minute  subdivision  and  divided  authority,  a  single 
company  of  soldiers  might  be  raised  from  half  a  dozen  diffe- 
rent petty  sovereigns,  each  of  whom  would  try  to  throw  the 
burden  of  their  maintenance  on  his  colleagues.  The  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  in  short,  like  other  mediteval  institutions,  had 
fallen  into  decay  with  the  mediaeval  systems  of  warfare  and 
religion ;  some  of  its  component  states,  such  as  Austria 
and  Prussia,  or  in  a  lesser  degree  Bavaria,  might  possess  a 
real  power  ;  but,  as  a  whole,  it  was  utterly  inefficient  to  defend 
itself,  and  formed  a  feeble  barrier  between  France  and  the 
kingdoms  of  Eastern  Europe. 

The  impotence  of  the  Empire  for  offensive  and  defensive 
purposes  did  not,  however,  greatly  affect  the  German  people; 
the  educated  classes  prided  themselves  on  being  superior  to 
patriotic  impulses,  and  on  being  cosmopolitan  rather  than 
German ;  the  poorer  classes  thought  more  of  the  internal 
administration  which  affected  them  than  of  the  attitude  of  the 
Empire  to  European  politics.  The  tendency  towards  bene- 
volent despotism,  which  distinguished  the  greater  powers. 
The  Princes  of  showcd  itsclf  also  in  the  petty  states  of  Germany  in 

Germany,  {^g  diminution,  if  not  the  abolition,  of  the  ancient 
Estates  and  in  the  restraints  placed  on  the  authority  of  the 
nobility.  The  increased  power  of  the  sovereign  was  generally, 
if  not  universally,  used  to  foster  the  prosperity  of  his  subjects. 


The  Princes  of  Germany  37 

or  at  least  to  promote  literature  and  art.  A  notice  of  a  few  of 
the  principal  rulers  of  Germany  will  justify  this  view.  Charles 
Theodore,  the  Elector  Palatine,  who  in  1778  had     ^ 

'  _  oavana. 

succeeded  to  the  Electorate  of  Bavaria,  and  united 
once  more  the  territories  of  the  House  of  Wittelsbach,  was  a 
most  enlightened  sovereign.  In  the  Palatinate  he  had  founded 
a  brilliant  University  at  Mannheim,  and  one  of  the  most  famous 
picture  galleries  in  Europe  at  Diisseldorf ;  in  Bavaria  he  sup- 
pressed some  of  the  numerous  convents,  which  stifled  progress, 
in  spite  of  his  sincere  Catholicism.  He  took  as  one  of  his 
ministers  the  celebrated  American,  Benjamin  Thompson, 
whom  he  created  Count  Rumford,  and  that  man  of  science 
and  learning  endeavoured  to  suppress  mendicity,  and  made 
efforts  to  bring  material  comforts  within  reach  of  the  very 
poorest.  Nevertheless,  in  some  points,  the  Elector  Charles] 
Theodore  showed  himself  a  bigot ;  he  left  education  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  the  Roman  Catholic  priesthood  and  cx-Jesuits, 
and  he  allowed  the  Protestants  in  his  dominionstobepersecuted. 
The  Margrave  Charles  Frederick,  who  in  1771  re-  Ba^en 
united  in  his  person  the  two  margraviates  of  Baden- 
Baden  and  Baden-Durlach,  was  a  more  thoroughly  enlightened 
prince.  He  was  truly  a  benevolent  despot ;  he  was  a  student 
of  political  economy,  on  which  he  himself  wrote  a  treatise,  and 
applied  its  principles  to  his  little  state;  he  established  a 
scheme  of  primary  education;  and  on  23d  July  1783  he 
abolished  serfdom  in  his  dominions,  while  maintaining  the  royal 
corvees  and  the  prohibition  for  a  subject  to  leave  the  country 
without  obtaining  his  permission.  The  Duke  y^yj-tcmbur 
Charles  Eugene  of  VViirtemburg  formed  a  contrast  to 
his  neighbours.  He  established,  like  them,  his  own  absolutism, 
but  he  used  his  power  to  impose  heavy  taxes  and  raise  an  army 
out  of  all  proportion  to  the  size  of  his  duchy.  He  treated  his 
subjects  like  slaves,  and  his  administration  was  so  cruel  that 
the  Aulic  Council  threatened  to  take  measures  against  him. 
Nevertheless,  he  was  a  patron  of  literature  and  the  arts.  He 
built  a  theatre  at  Stuttgart  and  founded  the  Academy  of  Fine 


38  Europe  in  1789 

Arts  there,  and  he  defrayed  the  expense  of  the  education  of 
the  poet  Schiller,  who,  however,  afterwards  satirised  him  and 
fled  to  Weimar.  Yet  Charles  Eugene  of  Wiirtemburg  appears 
an  enlightened  monarch  to  such  princes  as  Duke  Charles  of 
Deux-Ponts  (Zweibriicken),  whose  successor,  Maximilian 
Joseph,  was  to  succeed  the  Elector  Palatine,  Charles  Theodore, 
and  to  become  the  first  King  of  Bavaria,  for  that  prince 
sacrificed  his  people  to  his  passion  for  the  chase,  and  to 
William  ix..  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel,  who  sold  his  subjects 
by  the  hundred  to  the  English  Government  to  carry  on  the  war 
in  America.    Going  further  east.  Saxony,  which  had 

Saxony.  ,      ,  ,      °  . ^ 

ranked  among  the  great  states  01  Germany,  was  m  a 
state  of  decline.  The  Electors  Augustus  11.  and  Augustus  in. 
had  been  Kings  of  Poland,  and  had  ruined  their  hereditary 
dominions  to  support  their  royal  dignity  and  position.  For- 
tunately Frederick  Augustus,  who  was  Elector  in  1789,  had 
not  been  elected  to  the  Polish  throne,  and  had  been  able  to 
do  something  for  the  prosperity  of  his  subjects.  He  formed 
a  commission  to  draw  up  a  code  of  laws,  he  abolished  torture, 
encouraged  industry  and  agriculture,  and  founded  an  Academy 
of  Mines.  But  he  did  not  go  so  far,  for  instance,  as  the  Mar- 
grave of  Baden,  and  made  no  attempt  to  suppress  serfdom.  The 
glory  of  Saxony  was  not,  however,  on  the  eve  of  the  French  Re- 
volution its  electoral  house  ;  its  intellectual  capital  was  not  the 

beautiful  city  of  Dresden.    That  place  was  taken  by 

Saxe-Weimar.  ■'  '■  r    r^ 

Weimar,  where  Duke  Charles  Augustus  of  Saxe- 
ii  Weimar  collected  around  him  the  great  philosophers  and  men 
1  of  letters  who  made  the  German  name  famous  at  the  end  of 
the  eighteenth  century  and  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth. 
To  his  Court  resorted  the  most  illustrious  Germans  of  the  time, 
Goethe  and  Schiller,  Herder,  Wieland,  and  Musseus ;  and  the 
University  of  his  state  at  Jena  became  the  most  famous  in 
Germany.  It  is  not  necessary  to  particularise  the  other  states ; 
it  is  enough  to  say  that  those  in  the  north  were  generally  very 
backward,  especially  the  duchies  of  Mecklenburg,  and  that 
Hanover  was  left  to  the  rule  of  an  aristocratic  oligarchy,  which 


TJie  Ecclesiastical  States  of  Germany  39 

allowed   no   reforms,    although   its   University  at  Gottingen, 
founded  by  George  11.,  took  rank  with  the  best. 

The  Ecclesiastical  States  followed  also  the  movement  of 
the  century.     The  ecclesiastical  rulers  were  often  enlightened 
men,  but  they  were  to  a  great  extent  the  slaves  of  their  chapters. 
These  chapters  were  generally  filled  by  younger  sons  of  the 
smaller   princes,  who  insisted  on  the  newly-elected    prelates 
entering  into  the  closest  bonds  with  them  to  make  no  changes 
in  the  feudal  system  in  the  bishoprics.      The  prince-bishops 
and  abbots  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  were,  there- 
fore, generally  scions  of  noble  houses,  such  as,  for  instance, 
Francis  Joseph,  Baron  of  Roggenbach,  Bishop  of  Basle,  Baron 
Francis  Louis  of  Erthal,  Bishop  of  Bamberg  and  Wiirtzburg, 
the   Baron   of  Rodt,    Bishop   of  Constance,    the   Count    of 
Hoensbroeck,  Bishop  of  Liege,  Count  Augustus  of  Limburg, 
Bishop  of  Spires,  Count   Jerome  CoUoredo,  Archbishop   of 
Salzburg,   and  the  Baron  of  Plettenberg,  Abbot  of  Miinster. 
One  curious  point  deserves  notice,   that  in  some  instances, 
Protestant  princes  had  the  right  to  present  to  Catholic  prince- 
bishoprics,  and  in  1789  the  Duke  of  York  was  Prince-Bishop 
of  Osnabriick,  and  Prince  Peter  Frederick  of  Holstein-Gottorp, 
Prince-Bishop  of  Liibeck.     Of  higher  rank  and  more  inde- 
pendent of  their  chapters  were  the  three  archbishop-electors,  who 
were  therefore  more  able  to  rule  their  states  in  consonance 
with  the  ideas  of  the  century.    The  chief  of  these   j^^y^nce. 
was  Baron  Frederick  Charles  of  Erthal,  Archbishop- 
Elector    of    Mayence,    and    Prince-Bishop    of    Worms,    the 
Chancellor  of  the  Empire  ex  officio.    This  great  prelate  busied 
himself  mostly  with  his  pleasures,  but  his  rank  caused  his 
countenance  to  be  sought  by  all  parties,  and  his  adhesion  to 
Frederick  the  Great's  League  of  Princes  was  the  greatest  gain 
the  King  of  Prussia  made  in  his  anti- Austrian  policy.    In  1789 
he  had  completely  abandoned  the  cares  of  internal  and  external 
politics  to  his  coadjutor  Charles,  Baioii  de  Dalberg,  who  was 
to  play  a  leading  part  in  the  history  of  ( icrmany  during  the  period 
of  the  French  Revolution  and  Napoleon.     The  Archbishop- 


40  Europe  in  1789 

Elector  of  Treves  in  1789  was  Clement  Wenceslas,  a  Saxon 
prince,  and  an  excellent  ruler,  who,  in  1783, 
even  issued  an  edict  of  tolerance,  allowing  men  of 

any  religion  to  settle  in  his  state,  and  exercise  any  trade  or 
profession   there.      The    last    Elector-Archbishop 

Cologne.      '■  .         .  '■ 

was  the  Archduke  Maximilian,  the  youngest 
brother  of  the  Emperor  Joseph,  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  who 
shared  his  brother's  liberal  opinions,  and  patronised  his 
predecessor's  creation,  the  University  of  Bonn,  which  had 
been  founded  in  opposition  to  the  ultramontane  University 
of  Cologne,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  modern  develop- 
ments of  science.  The  tendency  of  all  these  governments, 
lay  and  clerical,  was  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the 
people ;  Joseph  11.  was  but  the  type  of  the  German  princes 
of  his  time ;  all  wished  to  do  good  for  the  people,  but 
not  by  them ;  their  characters  differed  widely  from  the 
enlightened  Margrave  of  Baden  to  the  hunting  Duke  of  Deux- 
Ponts ;  but  in  their  different  ways  and  in  different  degrees  they 
generally  meant  well.  But,  while  the  more  important  princes 
showed  the  tendency  of  the  century,  their  poorer  contemporaries 
were  unable  to  do  so.  They  were  mostly  in  debt,  owing  to 
their  efforts  to  rival  the  wealthy  princes,  and  in  order  to  raise 
money  resorted  to  all  the  devices  of  mediseval  feudalism.  The 
few  villages  over  which  they  ruled  suffered  from  this  tyranny, 
and  it  was  always  possible  to  know  when  a  traveller  crossed 
the  frontier  into  one  of  these  '  duodecimo  duchies.'  Beneath 
the  petty  princes  were  the  Ritters  or  Knights  of  the  Empire, 
who  abounded  in  Franconia  and  Swabia.  These  knights  had 
no  representation  in  the  Imperial  Diet,  and  were  consequently 
dependent  directly  on  the  Emperor.  Their  poverty  made 
them  take  service  with  the  wealthy  princes ;  and  to  quote  but 
two  instances.  Stein,  the  great  Prussian  minister,  and  Wiirmser, 
the  celebrated  Austrian  general,  were  both  Knights  of  the 
Empire.     The  result  of  this  minute  subdivision  of  Germany  was 

'  to  destroy  the  sense  of  national  patriotism ;  which  was  not  to 
rise  again  until  after  Germany  had  passed  through  the  mould 

1  of  Napoleon's  domination. 

X  i 


Switzerland  41 

The  other  European  confederation,  Switzerland,  presented 
the  same  symptoms  of  internal  decay  as  the  Holy  o  -t  1  d 
Roman  Empire,  but  it  was  preserved  from  the  same 
political  degradation  by  the  consciousness  of  its  nationality 
and  the  persistence  of  its  local  governments.  The  eighteenth 
century  was  marked  in  Switzerland  by  struggles  between  canton 
and  canton,  Catholics  and  Protestants,  nobles  and  bourgeois. 
In  some  cantons,  such  as  Berne,  an  oligarchical  system  was 
maintained  in  the  hands  of  a  few  noble  families ;  in  others, 
such  as  Uri,  a  purely  democratic  form  of  government  was  pre- 
served, which  allowed  every  peasant  a  voice  in  the  local 
administration.  Where  feudalism  had  been  established,  the 
peasants  were  in  no  better  condition  than  in  the  rest  of  Europe, 
but  in  the  mountain  cantons  such  a  regime  was  impossible,  and 
individual  and  political  freedom  still  existed.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  Switzerland  of  the  eighteenth  century  was 
not  identical  with  that  of  the  nineteenth.  Basle  was  ruled  as 
a  state  of  the  Empire  by  its  bishop,  Neufchatel  belonged  to 
Prussia,  and  Geneva  was  an  independent  republic.  The  part 
the  latter  had  played  in  the  intellectual  movement      -  „    ^ 

i      .'  Geneva. 

of  the  century  was  most  conspicuous.  Rousseau  was 
born  in  Geneva,  and  Voltaire  retired  and  spent  his  last  years  in 
its  neighbourhood.  But  Geneva  had  just  before  1789  been  the 
scene  of  a  revolution  resembling  that  in  Holland.  A  struggle 
broke  out  between  the  bourgeois  families,  which  monopolised 
the  magistracy,  and  the  mass  of  the  people,  which  had  ended 
in  the  victory  of  the  former.  The  Genevese  democrats  were 
expelled,  and  many  of  them,  notably  Clavierc,  exercised  a  con- 
siderable influence  on  the  course  of  the  Revolution  in 
France. 

The  state  of  Europe  in  1789  showed  everywhere  a  sense  of 
awakening  to  new  ideas.  The  bonds  of  feudalism  were  ready 
to  break  asunder ;  the  benevolent  despots  had  recognised  the 
rights  of  individual  and  commercial  freedom;  the  French 
Revolution  was  able  to  sow  in  ripe  ground  the  two  new 
principles  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  and  the  senlinienl 
of  nationality. 


CHAPTER    II 

1789-1790 

The  Empress  Catherine  and  the  Emperor  Joseph  li. — The  Turkish  War — 
Campaignof  1789  against  the  Turks— Battles  of  Foksany  and  the  Rymnik — 
Capture  of  Belgrade— Revolution  in  Sweden— Affairs  in  Belgium — Policy 
of  Joseph  II.  in  Belgium — Revolution  in  Liege— Elections  to  the  States- 
General  in  France — Meeting  of  the  States-General  :  struggle  between  the 
Orders — The  Tiers  Etat  declares  itself  the  National  Assembly — Oath  of 
the  Tennis  Court — The  Seance  Royale — Mirabeau's  Address  to  the  King 
— Dismissal  of  Necker — Riot  of  12th  July  in  Paris — Capture  of  the  Bastille 
— Recall  of  Necker — Louis  xvi.  visits  Paris — Murder  of  Foullon — Session 
of  4th  August — Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man — Question  of  the  Veto — 
March  of  the  women  of  Paris  to  Versailles— Louis  xvi.  goes  to  reside  in 
Paris — Effect  of  the  Revolution  in  France  on  Europe — The  Revolution  in 
Belgium — Formation  of  the  Belgian  Republic — Death  of  the  Emperor 
Joseph  ir. — Failure  of  his  reign — The  attitude  of  Louis  xvi.  to  the  French 
Revolution— The  new  French  Constitution — Civil  Constitution  of  the 
Clergy — Measures  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  —  Mirabeau — Danger 
threatened  to  the  new  state  of  affairs  in  France  by  a  foreign  war — 
Mirabeau  and  the  Frencli  Court — Probable  causes  of  a  foreign  war — 
Avignon  and  the  Venaissin — Affair  of  Nootka  Sound — The  Pacte  de 
Famille — Rights  of  Princes  of  the  Empire  in  Alsace — The  Emperor 
Leopold  master  of  the  situation. 

At  the  commencement   of  the   year    1789  the  thoughts  of 

European  statesmen  were  mainly  turned  to  the  events  which 

Catherine      ^^^^0  passing  in  the  east  of  Europe.     The  alliance 

Joseph  II       between  Catherine  of  Russia  and  the  Emperor 

^789.         Joseph  II.  was  regarded  with  anxiety  not  only  by 

Pitt  in  England  and  by  King  Frederick  William  11.  of  Prussia, 

but  by  the  French  ministers  and  by  all  the  smaller  states  of 

Europe.    The  projects  of  Russia  and  Austria  for  the  extension 

of  their  boundaries  at  the  expense  of  Turkey,  Poland,  and 

42 


I 


TJie  TiirkisJi  War  43 

Bavaria,  were  viewed  with  alarm,  and  the  ambitious  ideas  of 
their  rulers  with  dismay.  The  attention  of  educated  people, 
who  were  not  statesmen  or  politicians,  but  disciples  of  the 
philosophical  teachers  of  the  eighteenth  century,  was  entirely 
concentrated  on  the  progress  of  the  Emperor  Joseph's  policy 
in  the  Austrian  Netherlands  or  Belgium.  Success  seemed  to 
have  crowned  the  warlike  measures  of  General  d'Alton  ;  the 
Belgian  patriots  were  in  prison  or  in  exile ;  and  the  philan- 
thropic and  centralising  reforms  of  the  Emperor  seemed  to 
have  ended  in  Belgium  in  the  establishment  of  a  military 
despotism.  France  \vas  known  to  be  in  an  almost  desperate 
financial  condition  ;  and  the  convocation  of  the  States-General 
for  ist  May  1789,  was  generally  looked  upon  as  a  means 
adopted  by  Louis  xvi.  to  obtain  financial  relief.  The  great 
results,  which  were  to  follow  the  meeting  of  the  States-General, 
were  little  expected  by  even  the  most  acute  political  observers, 
and  it  was  not  foreseen  that  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 
century  the  interest  of  Europe  was  to  be  fixed  upon  France, 
and  that  a  series  of  events  in  that  country,  unparalleled  in 
history,  were  to  bring  about  an  entire  modification  in  the 
political  system  of  Europe,  and  to  open  a  new  era  in  the 
history  of  mankind. 

The  campaign  of   1788  had,  upon  the  whole,  terminated 
favourably  for  the  Austrians  and  Russians  in  their  The  war 

with  the 

war  with  the  Turks.  Loudon,  who  commanded  Turks, 
the  Austrian  forces,  had  taken  Dubitza,  and  penetrating  into 
Bosnia  had  reduced  Novi  on  3d  October.  Francis  Josias,  of 
the  House  of  Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld,  commonly  known  as  the 
Prince  of  Coburg,  at  the  head  of  an  Austrian  army,  had  in 
conjunction  with  a  Russian  force  under  Prince  Soltikov  taken 
Choczim  on  20th  September.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Turks  had  overrun  and  laid  waste  the  Banat  of  Tcmesvar 
and  routed  the  Austrian  army  in  that  quarter,  which  was  under 
the  personal  command  of  the  Emperor.  The  Russians  had 
also  made  some  progress,  and  on  6th  December  Polemkin, 
with  terrible  loss  of  life,  and  owing  mainly  to  the  intrepidity 


44  European  History,  1789- 1790 

of  Suvorov  and  Repnin  stormed  Oczakoff  (Ochakov).  These 
successes,  despite  his  own  failure,  greatly  inspirited  Joseph, 
who,  in  a  letter  to  Prince  Charles  of  Nassau,  made  the  follow- 
joseph's  ii^o  curious  predictions  in  January  1789  :  ^ — '  If  the 
prediction.  Grand  Vizier  should  come  to  meet  me  or  the 
Russians  near  the  Danube,  he  must  offer  a  battle  ;  and  then, 
after  having  defeated  him,  I  shall  drive  him  back  to  take 
refuge  under  the  cannon  of  Silistria,  In  October  1789  I  shall 
call  a  congress,  at  which  the  Osmanlis  will  be  obliged  to  beg 
for  peace  from  the  Giaours.  The  treaties  of  Carlowitz  and 
Passarowitz  will  serve  as  the  basis  for  my  ambassadors  on 
which  to  conclude  peace ;  in  it,  however,  I  shall  claim 
Choczim  and  part  of  Moldavia.  Russia  will  keep  the  Crimea, 
Prince  Charles  of  Sweden  will  be  Duke  of  Courland,  and  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Florence  King  of  the  Romans.  Then  there 
will  be  universal  peace  in  Europe.  Until  then,  France  will 
have  settled  affairs  with  the  notables  of  the  nation  ;  and  the 
other  gentlemen  think  too  much  about  themselves  and  too 
little  about  Austria.' 

The  campaign  of  1789  was  far  from  fulfilling  the  expecta- 
tions of  the  Emperor  Joseph.  His  own  health  had  suffered 
too  much  from  the  privations  of  the  previous  year  to  enable 
him  to  take  the  field  again  in  person,  but  he  was  well  served 
by  his  generals.  The  Grand  Vizier  determined  to  adopt  the 
offensive,  and  crossed  the  Danube  at  Rustchuk  in 

The  Cam-  ' 

paign  of  March  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  90,000  men,  with 
1789-  the  intention  of  invading  Transylvania.  But  an 
unexpected  event  led  to  the  recall  of  the  most  experienced 
Turkish  general.  The  Sultan  Abdul  Hamid  died  at  Constan- 
tinople on  7th  April,  and  his  nephew  and  successor,  Selim  in., 
at  once  disgraced  the  Grand  Vizier,  and  replaced  him  in  the 
command  of  the  western  army  and  the  office  of  Grand  Vizier  by 
the  Pasha  of  Widdin.  This  incompetent  commander  rashly 
advanced,  and  was  defeated  by  the  Prince  of  Coburg  and 

1  Memoirs  of  the    Court  Aristocracy  and  Diplomacy  of  Aiistria,   by 
E.  Vehse,  translated  by  Franz  Demmler.     London  :  1856,  vol.  ii.  p.  334. 


The  Turkish  War  45 

Suvdrov  at  Foksany  on  31st  July  in  an  attempt  to  prevent  the 
junction  of  the  Austrians  and  Russians.  The  alHes  then  took 
the  offensive  and  inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  on  the  main 
Turkish  army  on  the  Rymnik,  in  which  18,000  Austrians  and 
7000  Russians  routed  nearly  100,000  Turks,  and  took  all 
their  baggage  and  artillery.  This  great  victory  was  vigorously 
followed  up.  Loudon  was  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  Austrian  army,  and  he  took  Belgrade  on  9th  October,  and 
after  occupying  the  whole  of  Servia,  laid  siege  to  Orsova.  For 
these  services  Joseph  conferred  upon  him  the  title  of  general- 
issimo, which  had  only  been  borne  before  by  Wallenstein, 
Montecuculi,  and  Prince  Eugene.  Among  other  results  of  the 
victory  on  the  Rymnik,  the  Prince  of  Coburg  took  Bucharest 
and  occupied  Moldavia,  while  the  Prince  of  Hohenlohc-Kirch- 
berg  forced  his  way  into  Wallachia.  In  the  eastern  quarter  of 
the  Turkish  frontier  Prince  Potemkin  was  equally  successful. 
He  defeated  the  Turkish  High  Admiral,  Hassan  Pasha,  in  a 
pitched  battle  at  Tobac,  and  conquered  Bessarabia,  capturing 
Bender,  and  laying  siege  to  Ismail. 

Doubtless  Catherine  and  Joseph  would  have  met  with  even  '^ 
greater  successes,  and  perhaps  they  might  have  driven  the  Turks 
out  of  Europe,  had  not  their  attention  been  diverted  directly 
by  the  affairs  of  Sweden  and  Belgium,  and  indirectly  by  the  start- 
ling events  which  were  taking  place  in  France.  The  Triple 
Alliance  looked  with  great  disfavour  on  the  alliance  between 
Austria  and  Russia.  Pitt,  as  has  been  said,  prepared  a  great  i 
fleet,  which  is  known  in  English  naval  history  as  the  Russian 
Armament,  and  Frederick  William  11.  began  to  negotiate  an\ 
alliance  with  Turkey.  But  they  limited  their  direct  interfer- 
ence to  inducing  Denmark  to  make  peace  with  Sweden.  Gus- 
tavus  III.  of  Sweden  had,  in  1788,  forced  his  way  at  the  head 
of  30,000  men  into  Russian  Finland,  and  the  sound  Revolution 
of  his  guns  had  been  heard  in  Saint  Petersburg,  in  Sweden, 
which,  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  bulk  of  the  Russian  troops, 
was  almost  defenceless.  But  the  Swedish  nobility  had  great 
influence  over  the  army;  they  disliked  the  war  with  Russia; 


46  European  History,  1789- 1790 

and  took  this  opportunity  to  declare  themselves.  Under  the 
secret  leadership  of  Prince  Charles,  Duke  of  Sudermania,  they 
refused  to  obey  the  king's  orders,  and  hoped  in  the  embarrass- 
ment which  ensued  to  regain  their  former  power.  At  this 
moment  Christian  vii..  King  of  Denmark  and  Norway,  at  the 
instance  of  Catherine,  invaded  Sweden  and  prepared  to  besiege 
Gothenburg.  Gustavus  saw  the  opportunity  which  this  invasion 
offered  to  rouse  the  patriotic  feelings  of  the  Swedes.  He 
appealed  to  the  people,  and  leaving  the  command  of  the  army 
in  Finland  to  the  Duke  of  Sudermania,  raised  a  fresh  army  ot 
volunteers  to  resist  the  invaders.  In  spite  of  his  efforts,  Sweden 
was  in  great  danger  of  falling  before  the  combined  attacks  of 
Russia  and  Denmark.  The  Triple  Alliance  now  intervened 
promptly  and  decisively,  and  by  threatening  to  attack  Denmark 
by  land  and  sea,  they  induced  Bernstorff,  the  Danish  minister,  to 
evacuate  Sweden  and  to  agree  to  an  armistice.  Gustavus  iii. 
returned  to  Stockholm  with  the  reputation  of  having  repulsed  the 
invaders,  and  summoned  the  Diet  to  meet  on  2d  February  1 789. 
Sure  of  the  support  of  the  Commons  he  proposed  a  new  Con- 
stitution, or  rather  a  new  fundamental  law  for  the  Swedish 
monarchy,  which  is  summed  up  in  one  of  the  articles  :  '  The 
king  can  administer  the  affairs  of  the  State  as  seems  good  to 
him.'  The  nobility  opposed  a  fruitless  resistance ;  Gustavus 
imprisoned  their  leaders  and  completed  the  work  of  his 
former  revolution  of  1772  by  this  coup  d'etat.  He  then 
renewed  the  war  with  Russia,  but  the  military  operations 
of  his  campaign  in  1789  were  not  marked  by  any  event  of 
importance. 

While  Catherine  of  Russia  was  being  distracted  from  the 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  against  Turkey  by  the  invasion 
Affairs  in  of  the  Swedes,  her  ally,  the  Emperor  Joseph,  was 
Belgium,  1789.  chiefly  concerned  with  the  state  of  affairs  in  the 
Austrian  Netherlands  or  Belgium.  It  seemed  at  first  as  if 
he  was  to  be  as  successful  as  Gustavus  in  changing  the  old 
constitution  of  the  country.  But  there  was  this  difference. 
Whereas  Gustavus  in.  was  enacting  the  part  of  a  national 


Affairs  in  Belgium  47 

deliverer,  and  had  the  Swedish  people  on  his  side  in  his 
overthrow  of  the  nobility,  Joseph  11.  was  opposed  not  only  by 
the  Belgian  nobles,  but  by  the  clergy  and  the  people  also.  The 
country  seemed  quiet  enough  under  the  government  of  Count 
Trautmannsdorf  and  the  military  rule  of  the  Captain-General 
d'Alton.  The  suppression  of  the  risings  at  Brussels  and 
Louvain,  Malines  and  Antwerp  seemed  to  have  established 
the  Austrian  sway  most  firmly,  and  the  leading  opponents  of 
the  Emperor's  policy  were  in  exile.  The  Estates  of  the 
different  provinces  were  convoked  as  usual,  and  all  of  them, 
except  those  of  Hainault  and  Brabant,  voted  the  customary 
subsidies.  The  Estates  of  Hainault  were  at  once  dissolved  by 
a  military  force,  and  their  constitution  aboHshed  on  31st 
January  1789.  By  this  example  the  Emperor  hoped  to  over- 
awe the  wealthy  and  populous  province  of  Brabant,  and  when 
it  did  not  have  the  expected  effect,  he  directed  Trautmannsdorf 
to  summon  a  special  meeting  of  the  Estates  of  Brabant,  and 
to  require  them  to  increase  the  number  of  deputies  of  the 
Third  Estate  or  Commons,  and  to  grant  a  permanent  subsidy. 
He  also  maintained  his  attitude  towards  the  Church,  and  tried 
to  compel  Cardinal  Frankenberg,  the  Archbishop  of  Malines, 
to  withdraw  his  opposition  to  the  new  Imperial  Seminary  at 
Brussels,  or  to  resign  his  see.  The  Archbishop  stoutly  refused 
to  comply,  and  the  Estates  of  Brabant  proved  equally  stubborn. 
Joseph  then  decided  on  a  sudden  blow,  and  by  his  orders 
Count  Trautmannsdorf,  on  i8th  June  1789,  declared  the 
'Joyeuse  Entree,'  or  Constitution  of  Brabant  abolished. 
The  day  was  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Kolin,  in 
which,  at  the  crisis  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  the  Austrians 
had  defeated  Frederick  the  Great.  D'Alton  thought  he 
made  a  happy  comparison  in  saying  :  'The  18th  of  June 
is  a  happy  epoch  for  the  House  of  Austria;  for  on  that 
day  the  glorious  victory  of  Kolin  saved  the  monarchy, 
and  the  Emperor  became  master  of  the  Netherlands.'  lUit 
the  victory  was  not  to  be  won  so  easily.  The  two  parties 
of  opposition,  the   Van   der   Nootists,   or   partisans  of  Van 


48  European  History,  1789- 1790 

der  Noot,  the  supporter  of  the  ancient  constitutional  rights, 
and  the  Vonckists,  or  followers  of  Vonck,  the  advocate  of 
popular  or  democratic  ideas,  united.  The  Triple  Alliance 
was  as  glad  to  hamper  Joseph's  activity  in  the  East  by 
encouraging  these  Belgian  patriots,  as  it  had  been  to  leave 
Gustavus  free  to  harass  Catherine,  by  stopping  the  interference 
of  Denmark  in  the  north,  and  the  ministers  of  England, 
Holland,  and  Prussia  all  entered  into  relations  with  Van  der 
Noot.  That  partisan,  encouraged  by  hopes  of  active  assist- 
ance, formed  a  patriotic  committee  at  Breda,  on  the  Dutch 
frontier,  and  raised  an  army  of  exiles,  which  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Van  der  Mersch.  Joseph  was  not  to 
be  intimidated.  D'Alton  put  down  popular  riots,  which  broke 
out  in  various  towns,  notably  at  Tirlemont,  Louvain,  Namur, 
and  Brussels,  with  unrelenting  severity.  A  sweeping  decree 
was  issued  on  19th  October  against  the  exiles  or  emigres^ 
declaring  that  ordinary  emigration  would  be  punished  by 
banishment  and  confiscation  of  property,  and  that  joining  an 
armed  force  on  the  frontier  for  the  purpose  of  invasion  would 
be  punished  by  death,  and  that  informers  against  emigres 
would  receive  a  reward  of  10,000  livres  and  absolute  impunity.^ 
But  all  the  Emperor's  measures  and  decrees  were  of  no  effect. 
The  meeting  of  the  States-General  in  France  had  been  fol- 
lowed by  the  capture  of  the  Bastille  and  the  bringing  of  the 
King  of  France  from  Versailles  to  Paris  by  a  Parisian  mob ; 
and  the  effects  of  the  French  Revolution  on  affairs  in  Belgium 
was  soon  to  be  perceived. 

In  the  bishopric  of  Liege,  which,  from  its  situation,  always 

reflected  and  repeated  any  political  troubles  that  took  place  in 

Revolution   Belgium,  the  influence  of  the  French  Revolution 

in  Liege.       -^^s   immediately   felt.      The   inhabitants  of  the 

bishopric  had  long  resented  the  rule  of  the  prince-bishops,  and 

felt  the  anomaly  of  being  subject  to  an  ecclesiastical  sovereign. 

Many  exiles  from  the  democratic  party  in  Belgium  assembled 

in   the  bishopric,   and  on  the  news  of  the  capture  of  the 

^  V Europe  et  la  Revohition  Franfaise,  by  Albert  Sorel,  vol.  ii,  p.  50. 


Revolution  in  Liege  49 

Bastille,  the  people  of  Liege  needed  little  persuasion  to  renew 
their  former  insurrection.  The  revolution  was  carried  out 
without  the  shedding  of  blood.  On  i6th  and  17th  August 
1789  the  people  of  the  city  of  Liege  rose  in  rebellion  ;  on  the 
i8th  MM.  Chestret  and  Fabry  were  chosen  burgomasters  by 
popular  acclamation,  the  garrison  was  disarmed,  and  the 
citadel  occupied  by  bourgeois  national  guards.  On  the  same 
day  the  Prince-Bishop,  Count  Caesar  Constantino  Francis  de 
Hoensbroeck,  was  brought  into  the  city,  and  he  signed  a  pro- 
clamation acknowledging  the  revolution  and  abrogating  the 
despotic  settlement  of  1684.  The  other  towns  in  the  bishopric 
followed  the  example  of  the  capital,  and  in  each  of  them  free 
municipalities  were  elected  and  national  guards  raised  and 
armed.  The  Prince-Bishop,  after  accepting  the  loss  of  his 
political  power,  fled  to  Treves,  and  considered  himself  fortunate 
to  be  allowed  to  escape. 

It  is  now  time  to  examine  the  course  of  the  events  in  France, 
which  led  to  such  important  developments  upon  its  north-east 
frontier,  and  which  distracted  the  attention  of  all  the  monarchs 
and  ministers  of  Europe,  except  Catherine  of  Russia,  from  the 
wars  in  the  North  and  East.  It  was  owing  to  the  increasing 
difficulty  of  raising  money  for  carrying  on  the  administra- 
tion of  the  State  and  paying  the  interest  on  the -r^e  Elections 
national  debt,  and  the  consequent  necessity  for  to  the  states- 
revising  the  system  of  taxation  and  reorganising 
the  financial  resources  of  France  that  Louis  xvi.,  on  the 
advice  of  his  minister,  Lomenie  de  Brienne,  had  vaguely  pro- 
mised in  November  1787  to  summon  the  States-General  for 
July  1792,  and  had  definitely  convoked  the  ancient  assembly 
of  France  on  8th  August  1788  to  meet  at  Versailles  on  ist  May 
1789.  But  the  arrangements  for  the  elections  were  not  made 
by  Lomenie  de  Brienne,  who  retired  from  office  in  the  same 
month  as  the  States-General  was  convoked,  but  by  his 
successor  Necker,  who  was  recalled  to  office  as  an  expert 
financier,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  summons  of  the  States- 
General  was  looked  on  as  a  purely  financial  expedient.     The 

PERIOD  vii.  D 


50  European  History,  1789- 1790 

procedure  to  be  adopted  in  electing  deputies  gave  rise  to  much 
anxious  deliberation  and  heated  controversy  in  the  public 
press,  and  the  Notables  of  1787  were  again  assembled  to  give 
their  advice.  The  burning  question  was  as  to  the  represen- 
tation of  the  Tiers  Etat,  Third  Estate  or  Commons.  The 
ancient  representative  assembly  of  France  was  known  to 
consist  of  the  three  orders  of  the  Nobility,  the  Clergy,  and  the 
Tiers  Etat,  and  the  disputed  question  was  as  to  the  proportion 
of  the  number  of  deputies  of  the  Tiers  Etat  to  that  of  the 
t'wo  other  orders.  This  and  the  other  electoral  questions  were 
finally  settled  by  the  Resultat  du  Conseil  published  on  27th 
December  1788.  It  was  decreed  that  the  royal  bailliages  and 
royal  senechaussees,  feudal  circumscriptions  which  had  long 
fallen  into  disuse,  should  be  treated  as  electoral  units,  and 
that  they  should  elect,  according  to  the  extent  of  their  popula- 
tion, one  or  more  deputations,  each  consisting  of  four  members, 
one  chosen  by  the  Nobility,  one  by  the  Clergy,  and  two  by 
the  Tiers  Etat.  The  elections  were  to  be  made  in  two  and 
sometimes  in  three  degrees,  and  at  each  stage  cahiers  or  state- 
ments of  grievances  and  projects  for  reform  were  to  be  drawn 
up  by  the  electoral  assemblies.^  In  provinces,  where  there 
were  no  royal  bailliages  or  senechaussees,  and  consequently  no 
Grand  Baillis  or  Grand  Senechals  to  preside,  corresponding 
circumscriptions  were  adopted  or  invented.  During  the  early 
months  of  17S9  the  French  people  were  fully  occupied  in  the 
election  of  the  deputies  to  the  States-General.  Whatever 
might  be  the  opinion  of  the  French  Court  or  the  French 
Ministry,  the  people, — and  more  especially  the  educated  bour- 
geois of  the  towns  and  the  country  lawyers, — looked  upon  the 
future  assembly  as  something  more  than  a  financial  expedient ; 
they  trusted  to  it  to  draw  up  a  new  political  system  for  the 
State,  which  should  admit  the  representative  principle  and 
allow  the  taxpayer  a  voice  not  only  in  the  granting,  but  in 
the  spending  of  the  national  revenue.     The  working  classes, 

^  A  History  of  the  Fyench  RevohitioK,  by  H.  Morse  Stephens.     Vol.  i., 
chapter  i.  gives  a  detailed  account  of  the  method  of  election. 


Meeting  of  the  States-  General  5 1 

whether  in  the  towns  or  the  rural  districts,  did  not  take  much 
active  interest  in  the  elections,  and  their  representatives  in 
the  secondary  electoral  assemblies  were  generally  educated 
bourgeois,  but  they  vaguely  built  high  hopes  on  the  meeting 
of  the  States-General,  and  expected  it  to  give  them  land  qj- 
higher  wages.  Considering  the  novelty  of  choosing  represen- 
tatives in  France,  it  is  extraordinary  that  the  electoral  opera- 
tions were  carried  out  as  peacefully  and  as  efficiently  as  they 
were.  This  was  mainly  due  to  the  success  of  a  little  revolu- 
tionary movement  in  Dauphine,  where  an  unauthorised  and 
irregular  assembly  had  met  in  July  17S8  to  protest  against  the 
abolition  of  the  provincial  Parlements  by  Lonienie  de  Brienne. 
That  minister  had  left  office  when  he  was  not  permitted  to 
put  down  the  assembly  in  Dauphine  by  force,  and  Necker 
hoped  to  save  the  prestige  of  the  monarchy  by  summoning  a 
new  assembly  of  the  province  in  its  place.  But  the  ruse  was 
quickly  perceived ;  the  men  who  had  sat  in  the  illegal 
assembly  were  elected  to  its  successor,  and  in  the  eyes  of 
France  the  representatives  of  the  Dauphine  had  won  a  signal 
victory  over  the  Court.  The  new  assembly  in  Dauphine 
became  the  court  of  appeal  in  every  electoral  difficulty,  and  its 
■  secretary,  Mounier,  the  leader  of  the  Tiers  Etat  of  France^ 
Owing  to  his  energy  and  ability  local  jealousies  of  town 
against  town,  province  against  province,  class  jealousies  and 
personal  rivalry,  were  set  at  rest,  and  it  was  more  owing  to 
Mounier  than  to  any  one  else  that  the  deputies  to  the  States- 
General  were  legally  and  quietly  elected,  and  that  the  acts  of 
the  future  assembly  could  not  be  stigmatised  as  the  work  of  a 
factious  or  unrepresentative  minority  of  the  French  nation. 

On  5th  May  1789  the  first  States-General  held  in  France 
since  the  year  1614  met  at  Versailles.     Barentin,  the  Keeper 
of  the  Seals,  and  Necker  harangued  the  collected   Meeting  of 
deputies,  and  the  latter  explained  the  desperate  the  states- 
financial  situation  of  the  State  and  the  necessity   °'="^'''»'- 
for  immediate  action  to  relieve  the  national  treasury.     Tlie 
representatives   of  the   nobility   and   clergy   then   retired  to 


52  European  History,  1789-1790 

separate  chambers,  leaving  their  colleagues  of  the  Tiers  Etat 
in  the  great  hall.  No  word  was  spoken  about  the  relation  of 
the  three  orders  to  each  other.  It  was  assumed  that  each 
order  was  to  deliberate  separately.  The  representatives  of  the 
Tiers  Etat  were  placed  in  a  most  difficult  position.  There 
was  no  advantage  in  their  being  as  numerous  as  the  two  other 
orders  put  together,  if  the  three  orders  were  to  be  independent 
of  each  other,  for  in  that  case  the  majorities  of  the  privileged 
orders  could  outweigh  the  opinion  of  the  majority  among 
themselves.  The  question  of  vote  par  ordre,  which  would 
give  each  order  equal  authority,  or  vote  par  tete,  which 
would  allow  the  numerical  preponderance  of  the  Tiers  Etat 
to  take  effect,  had  been  long  recognised  as  crucial.  It  had 
been  assumed  from  the  grant  of  double  representation  to  the 
Tiers  Etat  that  the  Government  intended  to  sanction  the 
vote  par  tete,  and  the  tacit  acknowledgment  of  the  separation 
of  the  orders  and  consequent  recognition  of  the  vote  par 
ordre  on  5th  May  disconcerted  for  the  moment  the  popular 
leaders. 

But  the  deputies  of  the  Tiers  Etat,  under  the  guidance  of 

Le  Chapelier,  a  Breton  lawyer  from  Rennes,  and  of  Rabaut  de 

Saint-Etienne,  a  Protestant   pastor  from    Nimes, 

struggle  ' 

between  proceeded  to  take  up  a  most  skilful  attitude.  They 
the  Orders,  j-ggolved  on  a  policy  of  masterly  inactivity.  They 
refused  to  form  themselves  into  the  assembly  of  the  Order  of 
the  Tiers  fitat ;  they  refused  to  open  letters  addressed  to  them 
.under  that  title ;  they  refused  to  elect  a  president  or  secre- 
taries ;  and  stated  that  they  were  a  body  of  citizens,  represen- 
tatives of  the  French  nation,  waiting  in  that  hall  to  be  joined 
by  the  other  deputies.  This  attitude  received  the  unanimous 
approval  of  the  people  of  Paris,  and  threw  upon  the  Govern- 
ment the  onus  of  declaring  that  the  double  representation  of 
the  Tiers  Etat  was  merely  a  sterile  gift.  The  representatives 
of  the  two  privileged  orders  treated  the  situation  very  differ- 
ently. The  nobility  accepted  the  separation  of  the  orders  to 
distinct  chambers,  and  resolved  to  constitute  their  chamber 


The  National  Assembly  53 

by  1 88  votes  to  47,  while  the  clergy  only  decided  in  the  same 
sense  by  133  votes  to  114.  Even  this  majority  was  not  really 
significant.  For,  owing  to  a  tendency  which  had  developed 
during  the  course  of  the  elections,  the  greater  part  of  the 
deputies  of  the  clergy  were  poor  country  cures,  who  sympa- 
thised with  the  Tiers  Etat,  from  which  they  sprung,  and  not 
with  the  prelates  and  dignitaries  of  the  Church,  who  belonged 
to  the  nobility.  This  tendency  of  the  true  majority  of  the 
clergy  was  well  known  to  the  leaders  of  the  Tiers  Etat  and 
encouraged  them  in  their  passive  attitude.  In  vain  the  King 
and  Necker  attempted  to  terminate  the  deadlock ;  the 
deputies  of  the  Tiers  Etat  persisted  that  they  did  not  form 
an  order,  and  they  were  reinforced  by  the  representatives 
of  Paris,  where  the  elections  were  not  concluded  until  the  end 
of  May.  At  last,  on  loth  June,  on  the  proposition  of  the 
Abbe  Sieyes,  deputy  for  Paris,  a  final  invitation  was  sent  to 
the  deputies  of  the  nobility  and  the  clergy  to  join  the  deputies 
of  the  Tiers  Etat,  and  it  was  resolved  that  whether  the 
request  was  granted  or  refused  the  Tiers  Etat  would  con- 
stitute itself  into  a  regular  deliberative  body.  The  invita- 
tion was  rejected  by  the  nobility,  and  only  a  few  cures, 
including  the  Abbe  Gregoire,  belonging  to  the  Order  of  the 
Clergy,  complied  with  it.  The  deputies  then  verified  their 
powers,  and  elected  Bailly,  a  famous  astronomer  and  deputy 
for  Paris,  to  be  their  president.  But  what  sort  of  assembly 
were  they?  They  denied  that  they  were  representatives  of 
an  Order,  and  they  were  certainly  not  the  States-General  of 
France.  The  question  was  hotly  debated,  and  The  Tiers 
on  1 6th  June  they  declared  themselves  the  Etat  declare 
National  Assembly.  They  then  declared  all  the  the  National 
taxes,  hitherto  levied,  to  be  illegal,  and  ordered  Assembly, 
that  they  should  only  be  paid  provisionally.  This  defiant 
conduct  disconcerted  the  King  and  his  ministers,  and  it  was 
announced  that  a  Seance  Royale,  or  Royal  Session,  would  be 
held  by  the  King  in  person  to  settle  all  disputed  questions. 
On   20th  June  the  deputies  of  the  Tiers  T^'Aat,  or  of  the 


54  European  History,  1789- 1790 

National  Assembly,  as  they  now  termed  themselves,  were 
The  Oath  of  excluded  from  their  usual  meeting-place.  They 
the  Tennis  ti^gj-efore  met  in  the  Jeu  de  Paume  or  Tennis 
20th  June.  Court  at  Versailles,  and,  amidst  a  scene  of  wild 
excitement,  swore  that  they  would  not  separate  until  they  had 
drawn  up  a  new  Constitution  for  France.  By  this  act  they 
practically  became  rebels,  and  the  French  Revolution  really 
commenced.  On  2 2d  June  they  met  in  the  Church  of  Saint 
Louis  at  Versailles,  where  they  were  joined  by  149  deputies  of 
the  clergy,  who  thus  recognised  the  act  of  rebellion.  On  23d 
June  the  Seance  Royale  was  held.  In  the  speech  from  the 
throne  it  was  announced  that  the  King,  '  of  his  own  goodness 
The  Seance  ^"^  gCHCrosity,'  wouM  levy  no  taxes  in  future 
Royale.  without  the  asscnt  of  the  representatives  of  the 
23d  June.  people,  but  it  was  also  declared  that  the  financial 
privileges  of  the  nobility  and  clergy  were  unassailable,  and 
that  the  States-General  was  to  vote  par  ordre.  This  was  the 
'most  critical  moment  in  the  first  stage  of  the  Revolution.  If 
the  deputies  of  the  Tiers  Etat  had  given  way,  the  oath  of  the 
Tennis  Court  would  have  seemed  only  an  idle  threat.  But 
they  found  a  leader  in  the  Comte  de  Mirabeau,  deputy  for  the 
Tiers  Etat  of  Aix,  a  man  of  extraordinary  ability,  who  in  the 
course  of  a  tempestuous  career  had  travelled  much  and  learned 
much.  He  courageously  faced  the  situation,  and  after  making 
a  reply  to  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  that  the 
deputies  of  France  would  only  be  expelled  by  force,  he 
induced  the  National  Assembly  to  declare  the  persons  of  its 
members  inviolable.  Sieyes  summed  up  the  situation  by 
telling  the  deputies :  '  Gentlemen,  you  are  to-day  what  you 
were  yesterday.'  Before  this  daring  opposition  the  King  gave 
way  :  on  25th  June  the  minority  of  the  Order  of  the  Nobility, 
consisting  of  forty-seven  deputies,  headed  by  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  the  friend  of  Washington,  joined  the  National 
Assembly,  and  two  days  later  the  majority  of  that  Order  reluc- 
tantly followed  their  example  at  the  command  of  the  King.^ 
The  rapid  transformation  of  the  deputies  of  the  Tiers  Etat 


The  Attitude  of  Louis  X  VL  5  5 

into  a  National  Assembly,  which  defied  the  royal  authority  and 
spoke  of  drawing  up  a  new  Constitution  for  France,  exasperated 
the  courtiers,  who  looked  with  disgust  at  all  attempts  to  modify 
the  ancien  regime.  The  King  did  not  share  their  feelings ;  he 
was  honestly  desirous  of  doing  his  duty  by  his  people,  and 
preferred  the  diminution  of  his  royal  prerogative  to  coming 
into  open  conflict  with  his  subjects  and  to  initiating  a  civil 
war.  He  had  hitherto  trusted  to  Necker  and  followed  Necker's 
advice.  But  the  result  had  not  been  encouraging.  His 
minister  had  repeatedly  put  him  in  a  false  position.  He  had 
been  made  to  speak  in  a  haughty  tone  to  the  deputies  of  the 
Tiers  Etat  at  the  Seance  Royale  on  23d  June,  and  then  to  eat 
his  words  by  directing  the  deputies  of  the  Nobility  to  join  the 
self-created  National  Assembly.  This  great  concession  seemed 
to  have  been  wrung  from  him ;  the  deputies  of  the  Tiers  Etat 
appeared  to  have  won  a  great  victory  in  the  face  of  the  royal  _ 
opposition,  when  in  reality  the  King  had  yielded  from  thei 
goodness  of  his  heart.  Since  he  found  that  following  thej 
advice  of  Necker  had  only  resulted  in  a  loss  of  authority,  com^ 
bined  with  profound  unpopularity,  without  improving  the 
financial  prospect,  Louis  xvi.  not  unnaturally  turned  his  atten- 
tion to  the  enemies  of  the  minister.  These  enemies  were 
headed  by  the  Queen,  Marie  Antoinette,  who  resented  Necker's 
endeavours  to  restrain  the  extravagance  of  the  Court  and  his 
admission  of  the  need  to  make  concessions  to  the  will  of  the 
people,  and  by  the  King's  younger  brother,  the  Comte  d'Artois, 
a  staunch  supporter  of  the  absolute  prerogative  of  the  Crown 
and  of  the  system  of  the  ancien  regime.  Yielding  unwillingly! 
to  the  arguments  of  the  enemies  of  Necker  and  of  the  National! 
Assembly,  the  King  determined  to  use  force,  and  he  began  to 
concentrate  troops  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris  and  Ver- 
sailles. The  National  Assembly  did  not  know  what  to  do; 
Mounier  and  other  leaders  had  formed  a  committee  to  draw 
up  the  bases  of  a  new  constitution ;  but  they  had  no  force  on 
which  they  could  depend  to  resist  the  royal  troops,  and  felt 
that   they  would   probably   be    arrested    and   the   Assembly 


56  European  History,  1789- 1790 

dissolved  long  before  the  foundation  of  the  Constitution  was 
laid.    At  this  crisis  Mirabeau  again  came  to  the  front.    With  the 
most  daring  audacity  he  attacked  and  revealed  the  policy  of 
Mirabeau's  the  Court  on  8th  July,  and  on  9th  July  carried  an 
^t^Kin^  *°    address  to  the  King  on  the  part  of  the  Assembly, 
9th  July.       requesting  the  immediate  removal  of  the  troops 
collected  in  the  neighbourhood,  but  protesting  the  loyalty  of 
the  Assembly  to  the  person  of  the  King.     But  the  King  was 
Dismissal     ^^^  undcr  the  influence  of  the  opponents  of  the 
of  Necker.     Assembly.       His  answer   to    Mirabeau's   address 
■      was  the  dismissal  of  Necker  and  his  colleagues  on 
12th  July,  the  banishment  of  Necker,  and  the  appointment  of 
the  Marechal  de  Broglie,  an  experienced  general,  who  detested 
the  idea  of  change,  to   be  Minister  for  War  and  Marshal- 
General  of  the  troops  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris. 

Hitherto  the  struggle  had  been  between  the  Court  and  the 
deputies  of  the  Tiers  Etat ;  the  popular  element  was  now  to 
intervene;  and  the  people  of  Paris  was  for  the  first  time  to 
make  its  influence  felt.  The  news  of  Necker's  dismissal  was 
received  in  Paris  with  wrath  and  dismay.  A  young  lawyer 
without  practice,  named  Camille  Desmoulins,  announced  the 
event  to  the  crowd  collected  in  the  Palais  Royal  and  incited  his 
hearers  to  resistance.  His  words  were  eagerly  applauded.  The 
population  of  Paris,  both  bourgeois  and  proletariat,  had  watched 
the  course  of  events  at  Versailles  with  unflagging  interest,  and 
the  formation  of  a  camp  of  soldiers  in  the  neighbourhood  with 
terror.  The  working  classes,  who  lived  near  the  margin  of 
starvation,  expected  that  the  National  Assembly  would  cause 
in  some  way  a  rise  in  wages  and  a  decrease  in  the  price  of 
necessaries,  and  were  exasperated  at  the  prospect  of  the  non- 
fulfilment  of  their  hopes.  They  had  already  sacked  the  house 
of  a  manufacturer,  named  Reveillon,  who  was  reported  to 
have  spoken  scornful  words  of  their  poverty,  on  28th  April, 
and  were  ready  for  any  mischief.  From  the  Palais  Royal, 
excited  by  the  news  and  the  words  of  Camille  Desmoulins, 
started  a  tumultuous  procession  bearing  busts  of  Necker  and 


Capture  of  t lie  Bast?' lie  57 

of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  a  prince  of  the  royal  house,  who  had 
been  exiled  by  the  King  for  previous  opposition  to  him,  and 
who  was  regarded  as  a  supporter  of  the  popular  claims.  The 
procession  was  charged  by  a  German  cavalry  regiment  in  the 
French  service,  commanded  by  the  Prince  de  Lambesc,  a  near 
relative  of  the  Queen,  and  the  mob  dispersed  to  riot  and  to 
pillage.  The  more  patriotic  rioters  broke  into  the  gunsmiths' 
shops  to  seize  weapons,  the  rest  pillaged  the  butchers'  and 
bakers'  shops,  and  burned  the  barriers  where  octroi  duties  were 
collected.  This  scene  of  riot  brought  about  its  own  remedy. 
The  bourgeois,  terrified  for  the  safety'of  their  shops,  took  up 
arms,  and  on  the  following  day  formed  themselves   ^ 

°        ■'  Formation 

mto  companies  of  national  guards  for  the   pre-  of  National 
servation  of  the   peace.      The  guidance  of  this  '^"^'''^s- 
movement  was  taken  by  the  electors  of  Paris,  who,  after  com- 
pleting their  work  of  electing  deputies  for  Paris,  continued  to 
meet  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville. 

The  14th  of  July  found  the  capital  of  France  organised  for 
resistance.  The  Gardes  Frangaises,  the  force  maintained  for 
the  security  of  Paris,  were  devoted  to  the  cause  of  the  National 
Assembly,  and  were  resolved  to  fight  with  the  people,  not 
against  them.  And  it  was  ascertained  that  the  soldiers  in  the 
camp  were  very  lukewarm  in  their  attachment  to  their  ofificcrs, 
and  were  likely  to  refuse  to  attack  the  citizens.  Under  these 
circumstances  an  idea  arose  that  an  armed  demonstration  of 
the  Parisians  at  Versailles  would  strengthen  the  King,  whose 
sentiments  were  well  known,  to  resist  the  Court  party  and  to 
recall  Necker.  With  this  notion,  large  crowds  approached  the 
Hotel  des  Invalides  and  the  Bastille,  the  two  principal  store- 
houses of  arms  in  Paris.  The  crowd,  which  went  to  the 
Hotel  des  Invalides,  had  no  difficulty  in  seizing  the  arms 
there,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the  Governor.  But  it  was 
otherwise  at  the  Bastille.  The  mob,  which  col-  capture  of 
lected  in  the  Governor's  Court  in  that  fortress  and  the  BasUiic. 
shouted  for  arms,  was  isolated  by  the  raising  of  '^*  •'"  ^' 
the  outer  drawbridge  and  fired  upon  by  the  weak  garrison  in 


S^  Eiu-opean  History,  1789- 1790 

the  Bastille  itself.  The  sound  of  this  firing  brought  a  number  of 
armed  men  from  other  parts  of  the  city ;  the  outer  drawbridge 
was  cut  down,  and  preparations  were  being  made  to  force  a 
way  into  the  fortress  itself,  when  the  garrison  surrendered. 
The  result  of  the  firing  upon  the  mob  in  the  Governor's  Court 
had  been  to  kill  eighty-three  persons  and  wound  many  others. 
The  sight  of  the  corpses  and  the  cries  of  the  wounded  excited 
the  anger  of  the  successful  conquerors  of  the  fortress.  A  panic 
arose,  and  three  officers  and  four  soldiers  of  the  garrison  were 
murdered.  Then  the  more  disciplined  of  the  conquerors 
started  to  take  the  rest  of  the  defenders  of  the  Bastille  to 
the  Hotel  de  Ville.  On  the  way  the  Governor  and  the  Major 
of  the  fortress  were  murdered  by  the  mob,  and  M.  de  Flesselles, 
the  Provost  of  the  merchants  of  Paris,  who  was  accused  of  en- 
couraging the  Governor  to  resist,  was  also  slain.  By  these 
^events  the  people  of  Paris  felt  that  they  had  commenced  a 
Avar  against  the  Crown ;  entrenchments  were  thrown  up  and 
barricades  were  erected  in  the  streets ;  all  shops  were  shut  up ; 
the  barriers  were  closed ;  no  one  was  allowed  to  leave  the 
city,  and  preparations  were  made  to  stand  a  siege. 

But  if  the  people  of  Paris  were  ready  to  fight,  the  King  was  not. 
As  has  been  said,  he  loathed  the  idea  of  civil  war,  and  when  he 
heard  of  the  capture  of  the  Bastille  and  of  the  martial  attitude 
of  Paris,  he  at  once  gave  up  the  idea  of  opposing  the  revolu- 
tionary movement  by  force.  He  dismissed  his  reactionary 
Recall  of  ministers  and  recalled  Necker,  and  he  declared  him- 
Necker.  self  ready  to  co-operate  with  the  National  Assembly 
15  Juy-  j-j^  restoring  order.  The  first  victories  of  the 
Assembly  had  been  won  by  its  statesmanlike  inaction  in  the 
month  of  May  and  its  courage  on  23d  June ;  the  victory  over 
the  party  of  force  had  been  won  by  Paris  on  14th  July.  The 
Assembly  prepared  to  take  advantage  of  this  fresh  success. 
On  1 6th  July  it  legalised  the  establishment  of  National  Guards 
and  elective  municipalities  all  over  France,  and  recognising 
that  the  only  way  to  convince  the  Parisians  that  the  King  had 
accepted  the  new  situation  and  had  abandoned  the  idea  of 


Results  of  the  Capture  of  the  Bastille  59 

employing  force,  was  to  induce  the  King  to  visit  Paris  in  per- 
son, it  proposed  that  he  should  do  so  at  once.  Louis  xvi. 
was  not  devoid  of  personal  courage,  and  consented.  On  17th 
July,  accordingly,  he  entered  Paris  accompanied  by  -j-he  King's 
100  deputies,  and  amidst  wild  acclamation  put  on  visit  to  Paris, 
the  tricolour  cockade,  which  the  Parisians  had  ^^  •'"^" 
assumed  as  their  badge,  and  consented  to  the  nomination  of 
Bailly,  the  President  of  the  National  Assembly,  to  be  Mayor 
of  Paris,  and  of  Lafayette  to  be  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
Paris  National  Guard.  These  concessions,  and  the  victory  of 
the  National  Assembly  and  of  Paris  threw  consternation  among 
the  court  party  of  reaction  :  the  Comte  d'Artois  and  those  of 
his  adherents,  who  were  most  hated  as  conspicuous  reaction- 
aries or  who  had  advocated  the  employment  of  force,  fled 
from  the  country. 

The  immediate  results  of  the  capture  of  the  Bastille  were 
no  less  important  in  the  provinces  of  France.  In  every  city, 
even  in  small  country  towns,  mayors  and  municipalities  were 
elected  and  National  Guards  formed;  in  many  the  local  citadels 
were  seized  by  the  people  ;  in  all  the  troops  fraternised  with  the 
people ;  and  in  some  there  was  bloodshed.  This  movement 
was  essentially  bourgeois ;  where  blood  was  shed  and  pillage 
took  place  at  the  hands  of  the  working  classes,  the  new 
National  Guards  soon  restored  order.  The  general  excite- 
ment was  so  great  that  it  is  surprising  that  there  was  not  more 
bloodshed  and  that  peace  was  so  quickly  and  efficiently  estab- 
lished. Among  these  outbreaks  the  most  noteworthy  took 
place  in  Paris  itself,  where  on  21st  July  Foullon  Murder  of 
de  Doue,  who  had  been  nominated  to  succeed  Fouiion. 
Necker  on  12th  July,  and  his  son-in-law  Berthicr  ^'^'J"^- 
de  Sauvigny  were  murdered  almost  before  the  eyes  of  Bailly, 
the  new  Mayor  of  Paris.  But  these  occasional  town  riots  were 
speedily  quelled  by  the  armed  bourgeois.  Far  more  wide- 
spread and  important  was  the  upheaval  in  the  rural  districts 
of  France. 

The  peasants  believed  that  the  time  had  come,  when  they 


6o  European  History,  1789- 1790 

( 
were  to  own  their  land  free  from  copyhold  rights  or  the  relics 

I  of  feudal  servitudes.      Even  the  better-educated  farmers  for 
I  their   own  interests  favoured   this   idea.     The   result  was   a 
i  regular  jacquerie  in  many  parts  of  France.     The  chateaux 
I  of  the  lords  were  burnt,  or  in  some  instances  only  the  charters 
stored  in  them,  and  the  lords'  dovecotes  and  rabbit-warrens 
were  generally  destroyed.     In  certain  provinces  the  National 
Guards  of  the  neighbouring  towns  put  down  these  rural  out- 
breaks, occasionally  with  great  severity,  but  as  a  rule  they  ran 
their  course  unchecked. 
4-       On  4th  August  a  deputy  named  Salomon  read  a  report  on 
these  occurrences  to  the  National  Assembly,  or  as  it  is  generally 
The  Session  Called  from  the  Constitution  it  framed,  the  Con- 
of  4th  August,  stituent  Assembly.     His  report  was  followed  by  a 
curious  scene,  which  marked  the  transition  from  feudal  to 
modern  France.     The  scene  was  opened  by  the  sacrifice  by 
some  of  the  young  liberal  noblemen  of  their  feudal  rights. 
Privileges  of  all  sorts,   privileges   of  class,   of  town  and   of 
province   were  solemnly  abandoned.      Feudal  customs  and 
all  relics  of  feudalism  were  condemned  and  declared  to  be 
abolished.     Even  tithes  were  swept  away,  in  spite  of  a  protest 
froiiT  Sieyes,  and  the  '  orgie,'  as  Mirabeau  termed  it,  closed 
with  a  decree  that  a  monument  should  be  erected  to  Louis  xvi., 
'  the  restorer  of  French  liberty.' 

But  it  was  not  possible  to  restore  peace  and  prosperity  to 
France  by  the  abolition  of  the  relics  of  feudalism.  Destruc- 
tion of  former  anomalies  and  of  a  crumbling  system  of  govern- 
ment would  inevitably  lead  to  anarchy,  unless  accompanied  by 
the  construction  of  a  new  scheme  of  central  and  local  administra- 
tion. It  was  here  that  the  Constituent  Assembly  failed.  The 
deputies  were  quick  to  destroy  but  slow  to  construct.  For 
two  months  they  wasted  time  instead  of  hastening  to  draw  up 
The  Deciara-  a  new  Constitution  for  France.  They  first  wrangled 
tion  of  the  ^     Wording  of  a  Declaration  of  the  Rights 

Rights  of  o  .... 

Man.  of  Man,  which  they  resolved  to  compile  in  imita- 

tion of  the  founders  of  the  American  Republic.     They  then 


The  Suspetisive  Veto  6i 

debated  lengthily  whether  the  future  representative  assembly 
of  France  should  consist  of  one  or  two  chambers,  and  whether 
the  King  should  have  power  to  veto  its  acts.  The  first 
question  was  decided  in  favour  of  a  single  chamber,  more 
because  the  English  Constitution  sanctioned  two  chambers, 
and  the  deputies  feared  to  be  thought  imitators,  than  for  any 
logical  reason.  And  the  debate  on  the  second  question  ter- 
minated in  the  grant  to  the  King  of  a  suspensive  veto  for  six 
months,  in  spite  of  the  eloquence  of  Mirabeau,  who  saw  that 
a  monarchical  constitution,  which  gave  the  King  no  more 
power  than  the  President  of  the  United  States  xhe  Suspen- 
of  America,  would  prove  unworkable,  because  it  sive  veto, 
would  divorce  responsibility  from  real  authority,  leaving  the 
former  to  the  King  and  the  latter  to  the  Legislature. 

During  the  two  months  occupied  by  these  debates  the 
situation  had  again  become  critical.  Necker's  only  idea  to 
relieve  the  financial  situation  was  to  propose  loans,  which  the 
Assembly  granted,  but  which  he  could  not  succeed  in  raising. 
The  King  was  again  being  acted  upon  by  the  Court  party,  \ 
which  advocated  the  use  of  force  and  the  dissolution  of  the 
Assembly,  and  this  party  was  encouraged  by  the  Queen  and  by 
the  King's  sister,  Madame  Elizabeth.  He  was  also  urged  to 
leave  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris  and  to  establish  himself  in 
some  provincial  town,  where  the  populace  could  be  more  easily 
restrained  by  the  regular  troops.  He  would  not  heartily  agree 
to  either  of  these  courses,  but  weakly  consented  once  more  to 
concentrate  troops  round  his  person.  Everything  advised  at 
Versailles  was  soon  known  in  Paris.  The  journalists,  who  had 
since  the  capture  of  the  Bastille  sprung  uj)  in  the  capital  to 
advocate  the  views  of  the  popular  party,  and  of  whom  the 
ablest  were  Loustalot,  editor  of  the  Revoliitiojis  de  Paris,  and 
Marat,  editor  of  the  Aijit  du  Peuple,  kept  warning  the  people 
of  Paris  against  treason  on  the  part  of  the  King,  and  prophesying 
dire  consequences  if  he  were  allowed  to  leave  the  neighbour- 
hood or  to  concentrate  troops.  Their  words  did  not  fall  on 
unheeding  ears.     The  working  classes  feared  a  siege  of  Paris 


62  European  History,  1789- 1790 

again  as  they  had  done  in  July,  and  looked  on  the  King's 
presence  in  Paris  as  the  only  means  to  keep  down  the  price  of 
necessaries.  The  thinking  bourgeois,  whether  liberal  deputies 
in  the  Assembly  or  national  guards  in  Paris,  feared  a  sudden 
forced  dissolution  of  the  Assembly,  and  not  only  the  loss  of 
the  advantages  they  had  gained  but  punishment  for  the  part 
they  had  played.  Both  these  elements  were  perceptible  in  the 
movement  which  followed.  The  description  given  in  the 
popular  journals  of  a  banquet  at  Versailles,  honoured  by  the 
presence  of  the  royal  family,  at  which  the  national  cockade  had 
iDeen  trampled  underfoot,  on  ist  October,  roused  the  people 
of  Paris  to  a  frenzy  of  wrath  and  fear.  On  5th  October  a 
crowd  of  women  collected  in  Paris,  declaring  that  they  were 
The  march  of  Starving,  and  were  led  to  Versailles  by  Maillard, 
the  Women  f  ^j^^  conqucrors  of  the  Bastille,  followed  by 

to  VersaiUes.  ^  •' 

5th  October,  a  mob.  The  representatives  of  the  women  mter 
viewed  the  King,  and  the  mob  prepared  to  spend  the  night 
outside  the  palace  walls.  Late  at  night  they  were  followed  by 
a  powerful  detachment  of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  under 
the  command  of  Lafayette,  who  protested  that  he  came  to 
save  the  King.  Nevertheless,  owing  to  bad  management,  some 
of  the  mob  broke  into  the  palace  before  daybreak  on  the 
morning  of  6th  October  and  murdered  two  of  the  royal  body- 
guards. Lafayette  came  to  the  rescue  and  demanded  that  the 
King  and  royal  family  should  come  to  Paris  and  take  up  their 
residence  at  the  Tuileries.  The  King,  horrified  by  the  events 
of  the  morning,  and  obliged  to  obey  Lafayette,  consented,  and 
The  King  the  royal  family,  accompanied  by  the  mob,  and 
brought  to     gs(,orte(j  ijy   the   National   Guard,   at   once   pro- 

Pans.  -' 

6th  October,  cccdcd  to  the  capital.  This  second  victory  of 
the  Parisians  was  not  less  important  than  the  first :  on  14th 
July  the  people  of  Paris  had  terrified  the  King  into  abandoning 
the  idea  of  dissolving  the  National  Assembly  by  force ;  on  6th 
October  they  brought  him  amongst  them,  so  that  if  he  again 
conceived  the  idea,  he  would  be  unable  to  execute  it. 

The   capture   of  the   Bastille   caused   the   most  profound 


The  Belgian  Revolution  63 

astonishment  in  Europe.  Where  the  people  possessed  some 
amount  of  political  liberty,  as  in  the  United  States  of  America 
and  in  England,' it  appealed  to  the  imagination,  and  the  French 
were  regarded  as  the  conquerors  of  their  freedom.  In  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  France,  in  the  Rhenish  principalities,  in  Belgium, 
and  above  all  in  Liege,  it  caused  a  general  sense  of  discon- 
tent and  even  riots.  The  despotic  monarchs  of  Europe  and 
their  principal  ministers  did  not  pay  so  much  attention  to  the 
capture  of  the  Bastille  as  did  the  inhabitants  of  free  countries ; 
they  did  not  for  one  moment  believe  that  the  National  Assembly 
would  be  allowed  to  alter  the  old  constitution  of  France,  and 
looked  upon  the  whole  of  the  popular  movement  with  an  eye 
of  favour  as  likely  to  weaken  France  and  prevent  her  from  in- 
terfering in  the  affairs  of  the  Continent.  They  took  care, 
however,  to  suppress  all  similar  risings  in  their  own  states. 
The  King  of  Sardinia  and  the  Elector  of  Mayence  were 
especially  severe;  the  Emperor's  General  d' Alton  was  more 
than  severe  in  Belgium  ;  and  the  King  of  Prussia  sent  General 
Schlieffen  with  a  strong  force  to  restore  the  authority  of  the 
Bishop  of  Lie'ge.  This  attitude  of  the  continental  monarchs 
was  encouraged  by  the  first  French  emtgres,\\\\o  loudly  declared 
that  the  success  of  the  Assembly  was  due  to  the  culpable 
weakness  of  Louis  xvi. 

The  tidings  of  the  events  of  5th  and  6th'  October  showed 
both  the  French  emigres  and  the  continental  monarchs  that  they 
were  wrong  in  their  estimate  of  the  Revolution.  That  the 
French  royal  family  should  be  triumphantly  brought  to  Paris 
and  be  practically  imprisoned  in  the  Tuileries  under  the  eyes  of 
the  Parisian  populace  was  a  startling  proof  of  the  power  of  the 
people.  It  proportionately  encouraged  the  supporters  of  all 
the  popular  movements  on  the  French  borders.  Of  these,  the 
most  important  was  that  which  had  already  made  so  much 
progress  two  years  before  in  Belgium.  The  first  The  Belgian 
result  of  the  removal  of  the  King  of  France  to  R^^°'"tion. 

^  Oct.  1789— 

Pans  was  the  Belgian  Revolution  of  1789,  which  Jan.  1790. 
filled  almost  as  large  a  place  in  the  eyes  of  contemporaries 


64  European  History,  1789- 1790 

as  the  French  Revolution  itself.  Encouraged  by  the  Triple 
Alliance,  and  more  especially  by  Frederick  William  11.  of 
Prussia,  the  Belgian  exiles  of  both  wings,  the  supporters 
of  Van  der  Noot,  the  advocate  of  the  ancient  Constitution, 
and  of  Vonck,  the  radical,  had  formed  a  patriotic  army  at 
Breda.  The  news  of  the  events  of  5th  and  6th  October 
^  determined  them  to  act.  On  23d  October  the  army  under 
Van  der  Mersch  crossed  the  border,  and  on  24th  October 
Van  der  Noot  issued  a  manifesto  declaring  the  Emperor 
Joseph  deprived  of  his  sovereignty  over  the  Duchy  of  Brabant 
for  having  violated  its  fundamental  charter. 
!  The  march  of  the  patriotic  army  was  both  rapid  and  suc- 
I  cessful.  Bruges  and  Ostend  opened  their  gates  to  the  exiles ; 
!  the  fort  of  St.  Pierre  at  Ghent  was  stormed ;  and  the  Estates 
\  of  Flanders  at  once  assembled,  published  a  declaration  of 
independence,  and  called  on  the  other  provinces  to  join  in 
the  movement.  In  Brabant  the  excitement  was  at  its  height. 
Trautmannsdorf  in  vain  promised  to  restore  the  'Joyeuse 
Entree,'  to  abolish  the  Imperial  Seminary  at  Brussels,  and  to 
declare  a  general  amnesty.  The  patriots  would  not  trust  him, 
and  Van  der  Mersch  advanced  into  the  Duchy  and  occupied 
Tirlemont.  The  people  of  Brussels  then  rose  in  insurrection. 
From  7th  to  12th  December  was  a  period  of  long-continued 
riot  and  street  fighting.  Many  of  the  Austrian  soldiers 
deserted  to  the  popular  side,  and  those  who  remained  true  to 
their  colours  were  shot  at  from  windows  and  refused  to  charge. 
The  advance  of  Van  der  Mersch  set  the  seal  upon  d' Alton's 
discomfiture.  He  made  a  capitulation  on  12th  December, 
and  marched  out  of  Brussels,  leaving  his  guns,  military  stores, 
and  military  chest  containing  3,000,000  florins  behind.  He 
retreated  to  Luxembourg,  the  only  province  which  remained 
faithful  to  the  House  of  Austria,  and  his  example  was  followed 
by  the  imperial  garrisons  of  Malines,  Antwerp,  and  Louvain, 
which  were  abandoned  to  the  patriots.  D'Alton  himself  died 
at  Treves,  it  is  said  by  taking  poison,  on  being  summoned  to 
Vienna  to  be  tried  by  a  court-martial,  and  was  succeeded  in 


The  Belgian  Republic  65 

command  of  the  Austrian  troops  in  Luxembourg  by  General 
Bender.     On  i8th  December  the  patriot  committee  entered 
Brussels,  headed  by  Van  der  Noot,  who  was  hailed  by  the 
people  as  the  Belgian  Franklin.     On  7th  January  1790  repre- 
sentatives from  all  the  provinces  of  the  former  Austrian  Nether- 
lands  met    at    Brussels    under   the   presidency   of  Cardinal 
Frankenberg,    Archbishop  of  Malines,  and  on  loth  January 
they  passed  a  federal  constitution  for  the  '  United  Formation  of 
Belgian  States,'  resembling  that  of  Holland,  under   Rgpubifc^"      \ 
which  each  province  was  to  preserve  its  internal  lothjan.  1790.  j 
independence,  and  only  foreign  affairs  and  national  defence  , 
were  left  to  the  central  government.     Van  der  Noot  was  chosen  I 
Minister  of  State,  and  he  at  once  asked  for  the  official  recogni-  j 
tion  of  the  new  Belgian  Constitution  by  the  Triple  Alliance, 
whose  ministers  at  the  Hague,  Lord  Auckland,  Count  Keller, 
and  Van  der  Spiegel  had,  he  asserted,  promised  to  guarantee 
the   independence  of  the    new    United    States   of   Belgium. 
Frederick  William  11,  of  Prussia  endeavoured  to  carry  out  this 
promise.   He  authorised  one  of  his  officers,  General  Schonfeld, 
to  organise  the  Belgian  army,  and  ordered  General  Schlieffen 
at  Lie'ge  to  enter  into  communication  with  the  new  govern- 
ment.    But  England  and  Holland,   though  approving  the  in- 
surrection of  Belgium  as  affording  a  powerful  counterpoise  to 
the  Emperor's  policy  in  the  East,  were  in  no  hurry  to  guarantee 
the  new  Republic,  and  Van  der  Noot  then  determined,  under 
the  influence  of  the  radicals  or  Vonckists,  to  solicit  the  help  of 
France,    and  announced  the  new  Belgian    Constitution  in  a 
significant  manner  both  to  Louis  xvi.  and  to  the  President  of 
the  National  Assembly. 

The  news  of  the  declaration  of  the  independence  of  the 
Belgian  provinces,  and  of  the  revolution  which  had  led  to  it, 
proved  to  be  the  death-blow  of  the  Emperor  Death  of  the 
Joseph.  To  the  Prince  de  Ligne,  a  native  of  ^^^^^^^ 
Belgium,  he  said,  just  before  his  death,  '  Your  20th  Feb.  1790. 
country  has  killed  me  ;  the  taking  of  Ghent  is  my  agony  ;  the 
evacuation  of  Brussels  is  my  death.     What  a  disgrace  this  is 

PERIOD  VII.  E 


66  European  History,  17 89- 1790 

for  me !  I  die  ;  I  must  be  made  of  wood,  if  I  did  not.  Go 
to  the  Netherlands  ;  make  them  return  to  their  allegiance.  If 
you  do  not  succeed  in  the  attempt,  remain  there.  Do  not 
sacrifice  your  fortune  for  me ;  you  have  children.'  The  dying 
Emperor  in  his  despair  made  concessions  in  every  direction. 
He  humbled  his  pride  to  entreat  the  Pope  to  use  his  influ- 
ence with  the  Belgian  clergy.  He  gave  in  to  the  Hungarian 
magnates,  who  demanded  the  repeal  of  his  great  reforms  with 
threats  of  insurrection ;  and  on  28th  January  1790  he  issued 
his  'Revocatio  Ordinationum  quae  sensu  communi  legibus 
adversari  videbantur,'  by  which  he  revoked  all  his  reforms  in 
Hungary,  except  the  edict  of  toleration  and  the  decrees 
against  serfdom  ;  and  on  1 8th  February  he  ordered  the  Crown 
of  St.  Stephen  to  be  sent  back  to  Pesth.  He  assented  to  the 
suspension  of  his  reforming  edicts  in  Bohemia,  and  even  in  the 
Tyrol,  where  an  insurrection  was  on  the  point  of  breaking 
out.  Then,  feeling  his  life  a  failure,  he  prepared  for  death. 
He  confessed  and  received  the  ordinances  of  the  Church ; 
the  last  words  he  was  heard  to  say  were  :  '  I  believe  I  have 
done  my  duty  as  a  man  and  a  prince,'  and  on  the  morning  of 
20th  February  he  died.  The  words  he  wished  to  be  written 
on  his  grave  were :  '  Here  rests  a  prince,  whose  intentions 
were  pure ;  but  who  had  the  misfortune  to  see  all  his  plans 
miscarry  ; '  but  the  people  of  Vienna,  with  a  deeper  sense  of 
the  merits  of  the  great  ruler  who  had  lived  in  their  midst, 
placed  on  his  statue  the  inscription,  '  Josepho  secundo,  arduis 
nato,  magnis  perfuncto,  majoribus  praecepto,  qui  saluti  publicse 
vixit  non  diu,  sed  totus.'  The  failure  of  the  career  of  Joseph, 
the   noblest   sovereign   of  the   eighteenth    century, — one   of 

,  the  noblest  sovereigns  of  any  century, — was  a  proof  of 
the  fallacy  of  the  eighteenth  century  conception  of  benevo- 
lent despotism.    He  had  tried  to  accomplish  in  his  dominions 

'  the  very  measures  of  reform  which  the  Constituent  Assembly 
had  undertaken  in  France.  The  abolition  of  the  relics  of 
feudalism,  the  creation  of  a  spirit  of  nationality,  based  upon 
the   existence   of  uniform    laws,    the   nationalisation   of    the 


I 


Joseph's  Reforms  6y 

Church  and  of  education,  the  removal  of  all  caste  privileges,! 
whether  in  the  payment  of  taxes  or  in  eligibility  for  public 
employment,  and  the  maintenance  of  good  internal  administra- 
tion, the  primary  aims  and  the  great  achievements  of  the  Revolu- 
tion in  France,  were  also  the  objects  of  Joseph's  reforms.  But 
everything  was  to  be  done  for  the  people,  nothing  by  the 
people,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether,  if  Joseph  had  been  in  the 
place  of  Louis  xvi.,  the  French  people  would  have  relished  the 
advantages  he  might  have  conferred.  The  spirit  of  locality 
was  perhaps  not  so  strong  in  France  as  in  the  hereditary 
dominions  of  the  House  of  Austria.  Dauphine  and  Bur- 
gundy did  not  differ  from  Brittany  and  Normandy  as  much  as 
Bohemia  and  Hungary,  Belgium  and  the  Milanese  differed 
from  each  other.  Yet  the  abolition  of  local  distinctions  might 
have  been  resented  in  France,  as  it  was  in  the  dominions  of 
Joseph,  if  it  had  been  accomplished  by  the  monarch,  instead 
of  being  the  work  of  elected  representatives.  It  is  indeed 
remarkable  that,  allowing  for  the  want  of  exactness  in  the 
parallel,  owing  to  the  difference  of  local  conditions,  the  very 
reforms,  which  rallied  all  France  to  the  side  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, should  have  led  to  the  disastrous  termination  of  the 
Emperor  Joseph's  reign,  and  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  coming 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  whole  subject  illustrates  the  grand 
distinction  between  the  eighteenth  and  the  nineteenth  cen- 
turies, the  distinction  between  alterations  in  the  political, 
social,  or  economical  conditions  of  a  state  made  by  a 
monarch  for  his  people,  and  by  a  people  for  itself. 

Louis  XVI.,  indeed,  showed  himself  a  very  different  type  of 
monarch  from  Joseph.  He  wished  for  the  good  of  his  people 
as  ardently  as  his  brother-in-law,  but  he  had  during  the  early 
years  of  his  reign  been  satisfied  with  wishing  for  reforms 
instead  of  energetically  initiating  them.  When  the  success  of 
the  Revolution  was  assured  by  the  policy  of  the  deputies  of 
the  Tiers  Etat,  by  the  capture  of  the  Bastille  and  by  his  own 
establishment  at  Paris,  he  never  thought  of  setting  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  party  of  reform.     He  did  not  openly 


68  European  History,  1789- 1790 

ally  himself  with  the  Tiers  Etat,  to  vanquish  the  opposition  of 
the  nobles,  as  Gustavus  iii.  of  Sweden  had  done  ;  he  did  not 
dream  of  outbidding  the  National  Assembly  for  popularity  by 
lavish  promises,  as  other  monarchs  before  and  since  have 
done;  and  he  did  not  even  try  to  share  the  credit  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people  by  exhibiting  an  ardent  zeal  for 
reform.  The  horror  he  felt  for  civil  war  was  not  recognised ; 
his  partial  yielding  to  the  Court  party  of  reaction  in  July  and 
October,  though  at  so  late  a  date  and  so  half-heartedly  as  to 
nullify  any  chance  of  its  success,  was  imputed  to  him  as  a 
crime  ;  and  the  difficulty  presented  by  the  fact  that  his  dearest 
relatives,  his  Queen,  Marie  Antoinette,  and  his  sister,  Madame 
Elizabeth,  were  against  all  reform,  was  never  fully  appreciated. 
In  consequence,  the  King's  real  wishes  to  please  his  people 
and  avoid  bloodshed  were  looked  on  as  simulated  by  the 
members  of  the  National  Assembly,  and  not  only  Louis  him- 
self, but  the  very  principle  of  the  French  monarchy,  were 
regarded  as  hostile  to  representative  institutions.  Louis  xvi. 
was  as  weak  as  Joseph  11.  was  energetic,  but  he  was  equally 
well-intentioned  ;  and  it  was  a  distinct  misfortune,  both  for 
himself  and  for  France,  that  the  value  of  the  passive  inert- 
ness, which  he  generally  opposed  to  the  reactionary  schemes 
of  his  family  and  of  the  partisans  of  the  ancien  regime,  was 
not  adequately  recognised. 

This  attitude  towards  the  King  had  an  important  effect  upon 
the  constitution  which  the  Constituent  Assembly  was  engaged 
The  New  in  framing  during  the  year  1790.  Only  the  main 
French  Con-    ^Qj^ts  in  the  growth  of  this  Constitution,  which 

stitution.  ^  °  r      ^  ■  c      ^ 

1789-1791.         occupied   the   greater  part    of  the   tmie   ot   the 

Assembly  from   1789  to   1791,   can  here  be  touched  upon. 

I  But  one  striking  feature  must  first  be  observed,   that  it  was 

j  drawn  up  and  applied  piecemeal,  not  as  an  organic  whole,  like 

\  the  later  French  constitutions  of  the   revolutionary  period. 

"^  The  first  important  principle  was  decreed  upon  12th  November 

1789,  when  it  was  resolved  that  all  the  old  local  divisions  of 

France,  which  perpetuated  the  memory  of  the  gradual  growth 


The  French  Constitution  of  iyg\  6g 

of  the  French  provinces  into  France,  should  be  abohshed/ 
and  that  the  country  should  be  divided  into  eighty  depart- 
ments of  nearly  equal  size.  It  was  naturally  some  months 
before  the  new  division  was  effected,  and  still  longer  before 
the  further  division  of  each  department  into  districts,  and  each 
district  into  cantons  was  finished.  No  wiser  step  for  converting 
France  from  a  congeries  of  provinces  into  a  nation  could  have 
been  devised.  On  the  basis  of  the  new  divisions  a  new  local ; 
government  was  established.  Each  department  and  district 
was  to  be  administered  by  elected  authorities,  elaborately 
chosen  by  a  system  of  double  election.  Next  to  the  local 
government,  the  judicial  system  was  reorganised.  The  Parle- 
ments  were  all  abolished,  and  local  courts,  consisting  of 
elected  judges  of  departmental  and  district  tribunals,  and 
elected  justices  of  the  peace,  were  substituted.  A  uniform 
system  of  law  was  projected,  and  juries  were  sanctioned  in 
criminal  but  not  in  civil  cases.  In  these  sweeping  reforms  one  ' 
natural  blemish  is  perceptible  :  from  having  no  elected  officials 
the  other  extreme  was  adopted  of  having  all  ofificials  elected. 

The  mania  for  election  affected  the  reform  of  the  ecclesias-' 
tical  arrangements  of  France,  and  directly  brought  about  the 
schism,  which  so  largely  contributed   to  the  misfortunes  of 
France  during  the  revolutionary  period.     On  2d  November 
1789  it  had  been  resolved,  in  the  face  of  the  financial  distress, 
that  the  property  of  the  Church  in   France  should  be  confis- 
cated or  resumed,  as  it  was  represented  by  opposite  parties, 
while  acknowledging  the  duty  of  providing  and  paying  cures 
and  bishops.     This  implied  the  formation  of  a  State  Church, 
a  measure  which  needed  the  most  delicate  handling.    On  13th 
February   1790    all   monasteries   and   religious   houses   were 
suppressed  ;  but  as  there  had  already  been  a  partial  suppres- 
sion a  few  years  previously,   this  would  not  by  itself  have 
caused  a  schism.     It  was  otherwise  with  regard  to  -r^e  civii 
the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy.     It  was  re-  Constitution 
solved  to  reduce  the  number  of  bishoprics  to  one  °     ^     """^^^ 
for  each  department,  and  that  all  the  beneficed  clergy,  from 


•JO  Eiiropean  History,  1789- 1790 

curds  to  bishops,  should  be  elected.  This  violation  of  a 
fundamental  principle  of  the  Catholic  Church  could  not  be 
allowed  to  pass  unchallenged,  and  when ,  the  Constituent 
Assembly  found  that  opposition  was  raised,  it  drove  matters 
to  a  crisis  by  ordering  that  every  beneficed  ecclesiastic  should 
take  an  oath  to  observe  the  new  Civil  Constitution  of  the 
Clergy.  This  oath  was  generally  refused  by  the  bishops  and 
dignitaries,  and  largely  by  the  parochial  clergy,  and  it  was  re- 
solved by  the  Assembly,  on  27th  November  1790,  that  all 
who  refused  the  oath  within  one  week  should  be  held  to 
be  dismissed  from  their  offices.  The  King  sanctioned  this 
decree  on  26th  December  1790,  and  the  great  schism  in 
France  began.  It  was  doubtful  at  first  whether  apostolical 
succession  could  be  preserved  in  the  new  Church  of  France. 
Only  four  beneficed  bishops,  including  Lomenie  de  Brienne, 
Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Sens,  and  Talleyrand,  Bishop  of 
Autun,  out  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-five,  and  three  coadjutor 
bishops,  or  bishops  iti  partibus,  including  Gobel,  Bishop  of 
Lydda,  consented  to  take  the  oath,  but  by  them  the  first  of 
the  elected  bishops  of  departmental  sees  were  consecrated. 

The  measures  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  in  abolishing 
the  old  provincial  divisions  and  law  courts,  and  substituting 
new  and  more  modern  arrangements  for  administration,  were 
in  the  nature  of  great  reforms,  though  marred  by  the  mania 
for  election;  the  attempt  to  establish  a  Galilean  Church,  though 
obviously  opposed  to  the  discipline  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
and  seriously  discounted  by  the  same  mania,  was  patriotic,  if 
not  very  wise ;  but  the  arrangements  for  the  central  admini- 
stration were  utterly  absurd.  In  their  dislike  of  the  system  of 
the  ancien  regitne,  and  their  fear  of  a  strong  executive,  the 
Constituent  Assembly  thought  it  could  not  do  enough  to 
hamper  the  authority  of  the  throne  and  of  the  central  admini- 
stration. The  King,  under  the  new  Constitution,  was  left  power- 
less. He  was  to  be  the  first  functionary  of  the  State,  nothing 
more.  His  veto  on  the  measures  of  the  Legislature  was  to 
have  effect  for  only  six  months ;  his  guards  were  suppressed. 


The  French  Constitution  of  lygi  yi 

and  his  position  made  untenable  for  a  strong  monarch,  and 
unbearable  for  a  weak  one.  The  ministers  were  invested  with 
supreme  executive  authority,  but  more  regulations  were  made 
to  ensure  their  responsibility  and  limit  their  actual  power, 
than  to  define  their  functions.  They  were  to  be  answerable 
to  the  Legislature,  in  which  they  were  not  allowed  to  sit ;  and 
their  measures  were  to  be  criticised  by  an  irresponsible  repre- 
sentative assembly.  Under  such  regulations  the  King  and  his 
ministers,  that  is,  the  executive,  were  put  in  a  position  of 
inferiority,  which  no  vigorous  man  could  be  expected  to 
accept,  to  the  inevitable  derangement  of  the  whole  admini- 
strative machine.  In  addition  to  the  Constitution,  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly  carried  several  measures  of  the  greatest 
importance  to  a  free  state.  All  citizens,  of  whatever  religion 
or  class,  were  declared  eligible  for  employment  by  the  State ; 
and  on  13th  April  1790  a  noble  decree,  declaring  the  most 
absolute  and  entire  toleration  of  every  form  of  religion,  was 
carried.  The  Constitution  of  1791  was,  on  the  whole,  a 
praiseworthy  effort  of  untried  legislators  to  give  their  country 
a  representative  constitution.  It  was  marred  only  by  the 
fatal  jealousy  of  giving  due  authority  to  the  executive,  and  the 
mania  for  election.  But  it  was  in  no  way  democratic.  For 
the  election  to  all  offices  was  to  be  by  at  least  two  degrees, 
and  no  man  was  to  have  a  vote  unless  he  was  an  'active 
citizen.'  To  be  an  active  citizen,  a  man  had  to  contribute  to 
the  direct  taxation  of  the  country  an  amount  equivalent  in 
value  to  three  days'  wages  in  his  locality.  Further,  to  be 
eligible  for  office,  a  candidate  had  to  pay  taxes  of  the  value  of 
a  '  silver  mark,'  which  inevitably  restricted  all  offices  to  the 
bourgeois,  or  very  prosperous  working  men. 

Though  the  main  occupation  of  the  Constituent  Assembly 
was  the  building  up  of  the  Constitution  of  1791,  it  interfered 
only  too  much  in  matters  of  current  administration,    other  acts 
It  was  soon  obvious  that  its  power  exceeded  that   "tit^ent" 
of  the  King,  and  it  has  been  observed  that  Van  der   Asacmbiy. 
Noot  announced  the  new  Belgian  Constitution  alike  lo  the 


72  European  History ,  1789- 1790 

King  and  the  President  of  the  Assembly,  as  to  authorities  of 
equal  importance.  The  mischief  produced  by  this  constant 
interference  was  perceptible  in  every  department  of  govern- 
ment. Mirabeau,  who  was  a  profound  master  of  state-craft, 
saw  through  the  fallacies  of  endeavouring  to  separate  the 
legislative  and  executive  powers  in  the  State,  and,  what  was 
implied  in  the  preponderance  of  a  legislature  in  which  the 
ministers  had  no  seat,  to  divorce  authority  from  responsibility. 
He  understood  and  approved  of  the  English  system,  and  as 
soon  as  the  Constituent  Assembly  had  removed  to  Paris  in 
October  1789,  after  the  establishment  of  the  King  at  the 
Tuileries,  and  he  had  got  the  ear  of  the  Court  through  his 
friend,  La  Marck,  Mirabeau  proposed  the  formation  of  a 
constitutional  ministry,  after  the  English  fashion,  from  among 
the  leading  members  of  the  Assembly.  His  scheme  got  noised 
abroad  :  the  Assembly  in  its  fear  of  the  executive,  which  was 
afterwards  consecrated  in  the  Constitution  of  1791,  and 
stimulated  by  Lafayette,  who  dreaded  the  influence  of  a  strong 
ministry,  passed  a  motion  on  7th  November,  that  no  member 
of  the  Assembly  could  take  office  as  a  minister  while  he 
remained  a  deputy,  or  for  three  years  after  his  resignation. 

The  spirit,  which  lay  at  the  root  of  this  decree,  showed 
itself  in  other  ways.  The  fear  of  the  influence  of  the  Crown 
extended  itself  to  the  army  and  navy,  as  the  natural  instruments 
of  the  Crown  for  re-establishing  its  former  authority.  The  army, 
already  disorganised  by  the  emigration  of  many  of  its  officers, 
was  practically  destroyed  in  its  efficiency  as  a  fighting  machine 
by  the  relaxation  of  discipline  among  the  soldiers,  caused  not 
only  by  the  actual  decrees  of  the  Assembly,  but  by  the  im- 
punity aUowed  to  desertion  and  mutiny.  The  Marquis  de 
Bouille,  the  general  commanding  at  Metz,  did  indeed  put 
down  a  military  mutiny  at  Nancy  on  31st  August  1790,  but 
his  action,  though  applauded  by  the  Assembly,  which  could 
not  openly  encourage  mutiny,  was  isolated  and  not  imitated. 
In  the  navy  matters  were  even  more  desperate,  for  a  larger 
proportion  of  officers  deserted,  resigned,  or  emigrated  than  in 


Mirabeaii  '  73 

the  army,  and  loss  of  discipline  is  even  more  disastrous  in  a 
naval  than  in  a  military  force.  The  weakness  of  the  army  was 
intended  to  be  compensated  by  the  enrolment  of  national 
guards.  But  these  citizen  soldiers  could  not  be  treated  with 
the  strictness  of  regular  troops.  They  were  chiefly  of  the 
bourgeois  class,  and  had  the  prejudices  of  that  class,  caring 
more  for  the  protection  of  their  property  than  for  military 
efficiency.  In  Paris  they  were  of  the  most  importance,  owing 
to  their  numerous  strength,  and  their  commander-in-chief, 
Lafayette,  was,  owing  to  his  position,  probably  the  most  power- 
ful man  in  France  in  1790.  The  framing  of  the  Constitution, 
and  the  disorganisation  of  the  central  authority  and  its  instru- 
ments were  the  chief  results  of  the  labours  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly  in  1790  ;  but  among  its  minor  acts  should  be  noted 
the  abolition  of  titles  of  nobility,  liveries  and  other  relics  of 
social  pre-eminence  on  13th  July  1 790,  as  an  evidence  of  its  de- 
sire to  extirpate  even  the  outward  signs  of  the  ancien  regime. 

Only  one  man  seems  to  have  understood  the  dangers  to 
which  France  was  drifting  owing  to  the  policy  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly,  and  that  man  was  Mirabeau.     He  had 

,  ,  ,  .  Mirabeau. 

done  more  than  any  man  to  assure  the  victory 
of  the  Tiers  Etat  in  June  1789;  he  was  the  greatest  orator 
and  greatest  statesman  the  revolutionary  crisis  had  produced. 
Mirabeau,  however,  hated  anarchy  as  much  as  he  did  despotism. 
He  saw  the  absolute  necessity  of  establishing  a  strong  executive, 
if  the  crisis  of  1789,  the  dissolution  of  the  old  authorities,  the 
unpunished  riots  in  towns,  and  the  jacquerie  in  the  rural 
districts  were  not  to  lead  to  anarchy.  Foiled  in  his  prudent 
scheme  of  selecting  a  strong  ministry  from  the  Constituent 
Assembly^  by  the  vote  of  7  th  November  1789,  Mirabeau  saw 
that  it  was  impossible  to  overcome  the  distrust  of  the  Assembly 
for  the  executive.  He  therefore  turned  to  the  Court,  and  in 
May  1790  he  became  the  secret  adviser  of  the  King  through 
the  mediation  of  his  friend  La  Marck.    In  a  series  of  memoirs 

1  On  Mirabeau's  proposed  Ministries,  see  A  History  of  the  I'retuh 
Rtvolulwn,  by  II.  Morse  Stephens,  vol.  i.,  pp.  246  and  247. 


74  European  History,  1789-1790 

or  notes  for  the  Court  of  surpassing  political  wisdom,  Mirabeau 
analysed  the  situation  of  affairs  and  proposed  remedies.  The 
two  main  dangers  were  the  state  of  the  finances  and  the  fear  of 
foreign  intervention.  Mirabeau's  horror  of  national  bankruptcy 
was  as  great  as  his  personal  extravagance  in  expenditure.  In 
September  1789  he  advocated  Necker's  scheme  of  a  general 
contribution,  though  it  was  accompanied  by  stipulations  which 
were  certain  to  make  it  almost  entirely  unproductive,  and  he 
personally  disapproved  of  it  \  in  December  1789  he  grudgingly 
acquiesced  in  the  first  issue  of  '  assignats  '  or  promises  to  pay, 
based  on  the  value  of  the  property  of  the  Church,  resumed  or 
confiscated  by  the  Assembly,  and  to  be  extinguished  as  this 
property  was  sold.  In  August  1790  he  went  yet  further.  Com- 
prehending that  men  are  mainly  influenced  by  their  pecuniary 
interests,  he  advocated  a  wide  extension  of  the  system  of 
assignats,  down  to  small  sums,  on  the  grounds  that  they  would 
then  be  able  to  reach  the  hands  of  the  poorer  classes  and  give 
them  an  interest  in  their  maintaining  their  value,  and  would  also 
frustrate  the  machinations  of  speculators,  who  began  to  make 
money  by  depreciating  the  exchange  of  specie  against  the  new 
paper  currency.  But  he  also  wisely  proposed  and  successfully 
carried  severe  regulations  for  the  extinction  of  assignats  as 
the  national  property  was  realised,  regulations  which,  unfortu- 
nately, were  not  strictly  observed.  His  decree  was  followed 
in  September  1790  by  the  retirement  of  Necker  from  office, 
and  it  is  a  significant  proof  of  the  change  in  popular  opinion 
that  the  final  retirement  of  the  minister,  whose  dismissal  in 
July  1789  had  brought  about  the  capture  of  the  Bastille,  was 
received  without  excitement. 

The  other  great  danger  which  France  incurred,  by  the  dis- 
organising policy  of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  was  the 
possibility  of  the  armed  intervention  of  foreign  powers. 
Mirabeau  thought  that  if  national  bankruptcy  and  the  interfer- 
ence of  foreigners  could  be  avoided,  the  anarchy,  which  was 
making  itself  felt,  might  soon  be  quelled.  He  did  not  fear 
civil  war ;    indeed,  he  argued   that   it   might   be  a  positive 


The  Views  of  Mirabeau  75 

advantage,  and  that  as  long  as  the  King  did  not  retract  his 
concession  of  a  representative  constitution,  a  large  portion  of 
his  subjects  would  support  him  in  winning  back  the  legitimate 
authority  of  the  executive.  But  foreign  war  was  to  him  an  evil 
to  be  feared  as  much  as  national  bankruptcy.  He  knew  the 
spirit  of  his  countrymen  well,  and  that  they  would  in  case  of 
national  disaster  submit  to  any  despotism  rather  than  submit 
to  the  dictation  or  the  interference  of  a  foreign  power  in  their 
internal  affairs.  Success  in  a  foreign  war  owing  to  the  state  of 
the  army  was  not  to  be  expected,  but  if  it  did  come,  it  would 
with  almost  equal  certainty  lead  to  the  despotism  of  the  con- 
quering government,  whether  it  were  the  reigning  monarch,  his 
successor,  or  a  victorious  general.  To  avoid  a  foreign  war 
it  was  necessary  as  far  as  possible  to  leave  the  conduct  of 
foreign  affairs  in  the  hands  of  the  King.  This  was  Mirabeau's 
intention  in  the  great  debate  on  the  right  of  declaring  peace 
and  war  in  May  1790,  and  he  succeeded  in  getting  the 
Assembly  to  sanction  the  initiation  of  peace  or  war  as  part  of 
the  duties  of  the  King.  But  at  this  period  Louis  xvi.  was  too 
weak  or  too  unwilling  to  understand  the  paramount  necessity 
of  maintaining  peace.  Mirabeau,  therefore,  got  himself  elected 
to  a  special  Diplomatic  Committee  of  the  Constituent  As- 
sembly, and  as  its  reporter  endeavoured  throughout  the  year 
1790  to  keep  France  clear  of  international  complications. 

Unfortunately  neither  Louis   xvi.   nor   his  ministers,  and 
still  less  Marie  Antoinette,  grasped  the  truth  of  Mirabeau's 
memoirs  for  the  Court.     On  the  contrary,  the  one  idea  of  the 
Queen  was  to  get  her  brother,  the  Emperor  Leopold,  to  inter- 
fere, and,  if  necessary,  by  force  of  arms  to  restore  the  power 
of  the  French    monarch.      The    King,  too,  was   startled  at 
Mirabeau's  ideas  ;  he  felt  no  horror  at  the  notion  of  a  foreign 
war,  but  would  suffer  anything  rather  than  engage  in  a  civil 
war.    The  wise  advice  of  the  great  statesman  went   ^ir^bcau 
unheeded  ;  both  King  and  Queen  regarded  their  and  the 
connection  with  him   as  the  clever  muzzling  of  a   Court, 
dangerous  revolutionary  leader.     They  could  not  comprehend 


'j6  European  History,  1789- 1790 

his  desire  to  establish  a  strong  executive  for  the  sake  of  France, 
and  looked  on  it  as  a  bit  of  personal  ambition.  The  King  was 
not  sufficiently  far-seeing,  nor  the  Queen  sufficiently  patriotic  to 
understand  his  views.  If  the  Constituent  Assembly  distrusted 
the  Court,  the  King  and  Queen  no  less  strongly  distrusted 
Mirabeau. 

As  reporter  of  the  Diplomatic  Committee,  Mirabeau  had 
three  different  problems  to  solve,  in  which  the  policy  of  the 
Assembly  came  in  contact  with  foreign  powers,  the  affairs  of 
Avignon,  the  maintenance  of  the  Facte  de  Famille  with  Spain, 
and  the  interference  caused  by  the  legislation  of  the  Assembly 
with  the  Princes  of  the  Empire  who  owned  fiefs  of  the  Empire 
in  Alsace. 

The  city  of  Avignon  and  the  county  of  the  Venaissin, 
though  inhabited  by  Frenchmen  and  surrounded  by  French 
territory,  were  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Pope.  As  early 
as  the  'orgie'  of  4th  August  1789  the  Constituent  Assembly 
had  pronounced  on  the  expediency  of  uniting  both  the 
city  and  the  county  with  France.  A  French  party  was 
formed  in  Avignon ;  and  a  free  municipal  constitution 
I  after  the  model  of  those  just  established  in  France  was 
framed  and  assented  to  by  the  Cardinal  Vice-Legate  in 
April  1790.    The  Pope,  however,  annulled  his  deputy's  assent, 

.  .  with  the  result  that  fierce  street  fighting  took  place 

Avignon  i 

and  the  in  the  city,  which  was  only  stopped  by  the  mter- 
Venaissin.  ygntion  of  the  National  Guard  of  the  neighbouring 
French  city  of  Orange.  The  result  of  these  events  was  that 
the  city  of  Avignon,  or  at  least  the  French  party  there,  declared 
Avignon  united  to  France  on  12th  June  1790.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Venaissin,  on  the  other  hand,  declared  their 
attachment  for  the  Pope,  and  their  wish  to  remain  subject  to 
him.  When  these  circumstances  became  known  in  Paris  a 
strong  party  showed  itself  in  the  Assembly  in  favour  of 
accepting  the  union  of  Avignon  with  or  without  the  Pope's 
assent.  Mirabeau  skilfully  averted  the  danger  of  a  flagrant 
breach  of  international  law  by  securing  the  appointment  of  an 


The  Affair  of  Nootka  Sound  yy 

Avignon  Committee,  and  when  it  became  necessary  to  send 
regular  troops  to  maintain  order  in  the  city,  he  secured  their 
despatch  thither  without  the  assumption  of  any  rights  of 
sovereignty. 

Far  more  serious  was  the  question  which  arose  in  May 
1790,  and  which  gave  rise  to  the  debate  in  the  Constituent 
Assembly  on  the  right  of  declaring  peace  and  war,  for  it 
brought  into  prominence  a  doubt  whether  the  Assembly 
should  recognise  the  treaties  made  by  the  French  monarchy. 
Of  these  treaties,  the  most  popular  in  France,  and  The  Affair 
the  first  to  be  brought  into  evidence,  was  the  Facte    °^  Nootka 

^  '  oounda 

de  Famille,  which  had  been  concluded  in  1761  May  1790.  ' 
by  Choiseul  between  France  and  Spain.  Charles  iv.  had 
succeeded  his  able  and  accomplished  father,  Charles  in., 
on  1 2th  December  1788.  The  new  monarch  was  completely 
under  the  influence  of  his  wife,  Marie  Louise,  a  princess  of 
Parma,  who  in  her  turn  was  governed  by  a  young  guardsman, 
her  lover,  Godoy.  Charles  iv.  made  a  friend  of  Godoy,  a 
fact  which  of  itself  shows  the  essential  weakness  of  his 
character.  He,  as  well  as  his  Queen,  was,  outwardly  at  least, 
deeply  religious,  and  it  was  pretty  certain  that  before  long  a 
reaction  would  take  place  at  the  Spanish  Court  against  the 
liberal  regime,  which,  in  the  previous  reign,  under  the 
administration  of  Aranda  and  Florida  Blanca,  Campomanes 
and  Jovellanos,  had  done  so  much  for  Spain.  But  for  the 
first  three  years  of  his  reign,  Charles  iv.  maintained  his 
father's  experienced  ministers,  with  the  assent  of  the  Queen, 
who  did  not  dare  at  once  to  introduce  her  lover  into  the 
ministry,  or  invest  him  openly  with  power.  Florida  Blanca, 
the  Spanish  minister,  with  Spanish  pride,  refused  to  recognise 
the  actual  weakness  of  Spain,  and  was  particularly  active  in 
maintaining  her  supremacy  in  America.  When,  therefore, 
Vancouver  Island  was  demonstrated  to  be  an  island  and  not 
a  peninsula,  he  claimed  its  possession  for  Spain,  and  also 
alleged  pre-colonisation.  But  he  went  further.  Sjjanish  officers 
had  seized  an  English  ship  in  Nootka  Sound,  now  St.  George's 


yS  Ejivopean  History^  1789- 1790 

Sound,  in  Vancouver  Island,  had  destroyed  an  English  settle- 
ment there,  and  had  even  insulted  an  English  naval  captain. 
When  Pitt  demanded  reparation,  Florida  Blanca  replied 
haughtily,  and  claimed  the  possession  of  the  island  on  the 
grounds  stated.  Pitt  at  once  sent  one  of  the  ablest  English 
diplomatists,  Alleyne  Fitzherbert,  afterwards  Lord  St.  Helens, 
to  threaten  to  declare  war,  and  prepared  a  great  fleet,  known  in 
English  naval  history  as  the  Spanish  Armament. 

Both  Pitt  and  Florida  Blanca  knew  that  a  war  between  Eng- 
land and  Spain  would  only  be  seriously  undertaken  if  France 
decided  to  intervene.     Florida  Blanca  claimed  the  assistance 

j  of  France  under  the  terms  of  the  Pacte  de  Famille,  and  Pitt, 
who  understood  that  power  had  passed  from  Louis  xvi.  to  the 
Constituent  Assembly,  sent  two  secret  emissaries  to  Paris  to 
see  if  the  Assembly  was  inclined  to  maintain  the  policy  of  the 
ancien  regime.  One  of  these  emissaries  was  Hugh  Elliot, 
brother  of  Sir  Gilbert  Elliot,  afterwards  Lord  Minto,  an  old 
schoolfellow  of  Mirabeau,  who  was  expected  to  influence  the 
orator,  and  the  other,  William  Augustus  Miles,  who  was  to 
ally  himself  with  the  leading  democratic  deputies.  The 
question  came  before  the  Constituent  Assembly  on  a  letter 
from  the  Comte  de  Montmorin,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
The  enthusiasm  in  the  Assembly  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Spanish  Alliance  was  extreme,  defiance  was  hurled  at  England, 
Spain's  faithful  adherence  to  the  Pacte  de  Famille  in  the  Seven 
Years'  War  and  the  War  of  American  Independence  was 
remembered,  and  a  fleet  for  active  service  was  ordered  to  be 

,  got  ready  at  Brest,  and  sixteen  new  ships  of  war  built.  But 
the  first  burst  of  enthusiasm   soon  cooled.  .  Some  deputies 

(  feared  war  would  strengthen  the  monarchy,  others  did  not  like 
to  be  bound  by  the  treaties,  especially  the  dynastic  treaties  of 
the  ancien  regime,  and  others  again,  headed  by  Robespierre 
and  Petion,  inveighed  against  the  idea  of  any  offensive  war. 
The  whole  question  was  referred  to  the  Diplomatic  Committee. 
Mirabeau,  who  knew  perfectly  well  that  Spain  would  not  fight 
without  the  aid  of  France,  read  an  able  report,  recommending 


Complications  in  Alsace  79 

that  the  Facte  de  Famille  should  be  changed  to  a  simple 
defensive  treaty,  which  was  adopted.  The  Court  of  Spain, 
seeing  that  no  help  was  to  be  got  from  France  under  these 
circumstances,  resigned  its  pretensions  to  Vancouver  Island, 
and  consented  to  pay  the  compensation  demanded  by  England. 
This  diplomatic  victory  of  England  exasperated  the  Spaniards; 
Charles  iv.  was  surprised  and  disgusted  at  the  concessions 
made  by  Louis  xvi.,  and  declared  them  a  breach  of  the  Facte 
de  Famille ;  and  by  her  conduct  France  lost  the  friendship  of 
her  closest  ally  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  third  question  in  which  the  new  state  of  things  in 
France  touched  the  diplomatic  system  of  old  Europe  and 
threatened  to  cause  international  complications,  The  Rights  of 
which  might  lead  to  a  foreign  war,  was  concerned  [{^^  Em"p^ire  °n 
with  the  fiefs  of  the  Empire  in  Alsace.  By  the  Alsace. 
Treaty  of  Westphalia  that  province  had  been  ceded  to  France 
in  full  and  entire  sovereignty,  but  reserving  the  rights  of  the 
Empire.  The  complications  caused  by  this  ambiguous 
arrangement  had  raised  perpetual  difficulties  throughout  the 
reigns  of  Louis  xiv.  and  Louis  xv.,  and  many  separate  treaties 
had  been  concluded  with  individual  princes,  by  which  they 
recognised  the  sovereignty  of  France  in  Alsace,  in  return  for 
the  acknowledgment  of  all  their  ancient  rights.  A  further 
problem  was  added  by  the  fact  that  the  more  important 
princely  landowners  in  Alsace  were  also  ruling  and  independent 
sovereigns  across  the  French  border.  They  were  thus  supreme, 
save  for  the  loose  over-lordship  of  the  Emperor  in  Germany, 
and  subject  to  the  French  monarchy  for  their  domains  in 
Alsace.  Among  the  principal  of  these  rulers  were  the  three 
ecclesiastical  electors,  the  Archbishops  of  Mayence,  Treves, 
and  Cologne,  the  Bishops  of  Strasbourg,  Spires,  Worms,  and 
Basle,  the  Abbot  of  Murbach,  the  Dukes  of  Wiirtemburg  and 
of  Deux-Fonts  or  Zweibriicken,  the  Elector  Falatine,  the 
Margrave  of  Baden,  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Darmstadt,  and 
the  Princes  of  Nassau,  Lciningen,  Salm-Salm,  and  Ilohenlohc- 
Bartenstein.    These  princes  were  naturally  profoundly  affected 


8o  European  History^  1789- 1790 

by  the  abolition  of  feudalism  decreed  by  the  Constituent 
Assembly,  which  further  complicated  their  position.  They 
felt  as  German  princes,  and  appealed  against  the  measures  of 
the  Assembly  as  contrary  to  international  law,  and  violating 
the  Treaty  of  Westphalia  and  the  many  separate  treaties.  The 
protests  of  certain  of  these  princes  were  laid  before  the 
Assembly  on  nth  February  1790,  and  referred  by  it  to  the 
Feudal  Committee  on  28th  April.  The  reporter  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  this  matter  was  Merlin  of  Douai,  one  of  the  greatest 
French  jurists  and  statesmen  of  the  whole  revolutionary  period. 
On  28th  October  he  read  his  report,  in  which  he  insisted  on 
the  new  principle  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people.  He 
asserted  that  the  unity  of  Alsace  with  France  rested  not  on 
ancient  treaties,  but  on  the  unanimous  resolution  of  the 
Alsatian  people  to  be  Frenchmen  But  at  the  same  time  he 
argued  that  in  practice  old  rights  ought  to  be  maintained. 
Mirabeau,  with  his  usual  sagacity,  saw  that  international  com- 
plications might,  on  this  ground,  be  adjourned,  if  not 
altogether  avoided ;  and  it  was  on  his  motion  that  the 
Constituent  Assembly  resolved  to  uphold  the  sovereignty  of 
France  in  Alsace,  and  the  application  of  all  its  decrees  to  that 
province,  but  at  the  same  time  requested  the  King  to  arrange 
the  amount  of  indemnity  to  be  paid  to  the  Princes  of  the 
Empire  as  compensation  for  the  rights  of  which  they  were 
thus  deprived.  These  princes,  however  with  but  very  few 
exceptions,  refused  absolutely  to  accept  any  monetary  com- 
pensation, and  appealed  to  the  Diet  of  the  Empire.  It  was 
on  this  question,  therefore,  that  foreign  intervention  most 
seriously  threatened  France  at  the  end  of  1790,  in  spite  of  the 
diplomatic  knowledge  and  skill  of  two  of  her  leading  states- 
men, Mirabeau  and  Merlin  of  Douai. 

While  Mirabeau  was  doing  his  best  to  keep  France  from  the 
disturbance,  and  even  disasters,  which  a  foreign  war  would 
cause  in  the  midst  of  her  new  development,  the  Queen  cast 
all  her  hopes  for  the  restoration  of  the  power  of  the  French 
monarchy  on  the  armed  help  of  foreign  states.     Louis  xvi.  in 


TJie  Position  of  Leopold  8i 

a  half-hearted  fashion  was  opposed  to  foreign  interference,  but 
his  younger  brother,  the  Comte  d'Artois,  and  the  French 
emigres,  who  had  estabhshed  themselves  on  the  borders  of 
France,  declared  that  the  King  was  not  in  his  right  senses,  and 
that  he  was  forced  to  yield  to  the  measures  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly  against  his  will.  They  felt  no  patriotic  misgivings, 
and  loudly  invoked  the  assistance  of  all  monarchs  in  the  cause 
of  monarchy  and  the  feudal  system.  The  ruler  on  whom  the 
Queen  chiefly  relied,  and  to  whom  she  appealed  most  fervently, 
the  monarch  to  whom  the  emigres  looked  with  most  confidence, 
was  Leopold,  the  brother  and  successor  of  Joseph  ii.  He  held 
the  key  of  the  position ;  he  was  the  sovereign  especially  feared 
by  the  leaders  of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  and  as  Emperor 
and  as  brother  of  Marie  Antoinette  he  was  expected  by  the 
royalists  to  intervene  in  the  affairs  of  France. 


PERIOD  VII. 


CHAPTER    III 

1790-1792 

The  Emperor  Leopold — His  Internal  Policy — The  Policy  of  Prussia — Leopold's 
Foreign  Policy — Conference  of  Reichenbach — Leopold  and  the  Turks — 
Treaty  of  Sistova — Leopold  crowned  Emperor — Leopold  and  Hungary — 
State  of  Parties  in  Belgium — Their  Internal  Dissensions — Congress  at  the 
Hague— Leopold  reconquers  Belgium— War  between  Russia  and  Sweden 
— Treaty  of  Verela — Wai-  between  Russia  and  the  Turks— Capture  of  Ismail 
—Treaty  of  Jassy— Position  of  Leopold— The  State  of  France— Mirabeau's 
advice— Death  of  Mirabeau— The  Flight  to  Varennes— Its  Results : 
in  France — The  Massacre  of  17th  July  1791 — Revision  of  the  Constitution 
— Its  Results  :  in  Europe — Manifesto  of  Padua — Declaration  of  Pilnitz — 
Completion  of  the  French  Constitution  of  1791 — The  Polish  Constitution 
of  1791 — The  Legislative  Assembly  in  France — The  Girondins — Approach 
of  War  between  France  and  Austria— Causes  of  the  War — Attitude  of 
Europe— Death  of  the  Emperor  Leopold — Murder  of  Gustavus  iii.  of 
Sweden — Policy  of  Dumouriez — War  declared  by  France  against  Austria 
— Invasion  of  theTuileries,  20th  June  1792 — Francis  11.  crowned  Emperor 
— Invasion  of  France  by  Piussia  and  Austria— Insurrection  of  loth  August 
1792 — Suspension  of  Louis  xvi.— Desertion  of  Lafayette— The  Massacres 
of  September  in  the  prisons — Battle  of  Vaimy — Meeting  of  the  National 
Convention — The  Girondins  and  the  Mountain — Conquest  of  Savoy, 
Nice,  and  Mayence — Battle  of  Jemmappes — Conquest  of  Belgium- 
Execution  of  Louis  XVI. — War  declared  against  Spain,  Holland,  England 
and  the  Empire — Catherine  invades  Poland— Overthrow  of  the  Polish 
Constitution — Second  Partition  of  Poland — Contrast  between  the  resist- 
ance of  France  and  Poland. 

The  successor  of  Joseph  11.,  the  Emperor  Leopold,  was,  except 
The  Emperor  perhaps  Catherine  of  Russia,  the  ablest  monarch  of 
Leopold.  his  time.  He  had  had  a  long  experience  in  the  art 
of  government,  for  he  had  succeeded  to  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Tuscany  in  1765,  on  the  death  of  his  father, 
the  Emperor  Francis  of  Lorraine.     While  his  brother  Joseph 


The  Emperor  Leopold  83 

was  kept  until  1780  by  Maria  Theresa  in  leading-strings  as 
far  as  the  actual  administration  of  the  Hapsburg  dominions 
was  concerned,  and  was  only  able  to  exert  his  authority 
as  Emperor,  Leopold  had  from  his  boyhood  been  an  absolute 
and  irresponsible  sovereign,  and  had  imbibed  from  his  educa- 
tion an  Italian  knowledge  of  statecraft.  During  his  longi 
reign  in  Tuscany  he  showed  the  finest  qualities  of  a  benevolent 
despot  in  his  measures  for  increasing  the  material  comforts  oi\ 
his  people,  combined  with  tact  and  diplomatic  subtlety.  His 
reforms  were  as  sweeping  as  those  of  Joseph,  but  were  so 
managed  as  not  to  set  his  dominions  in  a  flame.  With  the 
help  of  Scipio  de  Ricci,  Bishop  of  Pistoia,  he  freed  the  people 
of  Tuscany  from  the  heavy  burden  of  an  excessive  number 
of  ecclesiastics;  he  reorganised  the  internal  administration, 
and  especially  the  judicial  system ;  and  he  showed  such 
intelligence  in  grasping  and  partially  applying  the  new  prin- 
ciples of  political  economy  as  to  be  called  '  the  physiocratic 
prince.'  He  had  been  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  for  twenty- 
five  years,  and  when  he  succeeded  his  elder  brother  Joseph  as 
King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia  in  February  1 790,  he  had  earned 
the  reputation  of  a  singularly  wise  and  prudent  statesman,  and 
of  one  who,  if  it  could  be  done,  might  be  expected  to  restore 
the  power  of  the  House  of  Austria.  He  abandoned  the  Grand 
Duchy  of  Tuscany  to  his  second  son  Ferdinand,  and  at  once 
applied  himself  to  the  difficult  task  bequeathed  to  him  by 
Joseph  II. 

Leopold  found  the  power  of  Austria  seriously  affected  by 
dangers  from  within  and  dangers  from  without.  Policy  of 
He  at  once  undid  much  of  Joseph's  work.  He  Leopold, 
recognised  the  difference  between  consolidating  and  unifying 
a  nation,  which  was  essentially  one,  and  a  congeries  of  nations 
speaking  different  languages,  belonging  to  different  races,  and 
geographically  widely  separated.  In  Tuscany  he  had  accom- 
plished a  great  work  in  abolishing  the  local  franchises  of  the 
cities  and  building  up  a  Tuscan  slate,  but  he  understood  that 
such  a  work  was  impossible  in  the  divided  hereditary  dominions 


84  European  History,  1790- 1792 

of  the  House  of  Hapsburg,  and  that  the  Emperor  Joseph  had 
been  attempting  a  hopeless  task.  Leopold's  first  step  was,  there- 
fore, to  restore  the  former  state  of  things  in  such  parts  of  his 
dominions  as  were  not  in  open  insurrection.  In  Austria 
proper,  in  Bohemia,  in  the  Milanese,  and  in  the  Tyrol,  the 
concessions  of  Leopold  were  received  with  demonstrations  of 
popular  gratitude.  He  abolished  the  new  system  of  taxation 
and  the  unpopular  seminaries  ;  he  recognised  the  separate 
administrations  of  provinces  which  were  essentially  diverse; 
he  gave  up  futile  attempts  at  unification.  But,  at  the  same 
time,  he  maintained  the  edict  of  religious  toleration,  the  most 
noble  of  Joseph's  reforms,  and  introduced  many  slight  but 
appreciable  improvements  in  the  local  institutions  which  he 
restored.  Having  thus  assured  the  fidelity  of  an  important 
body  of  his  subjects,  he  prepared  to  deal  with  the  declared 
rebels  in  Belgium  and  the  unconcealed  opposition  in  Hungary. 
It  was  here  that  Leopold  suffered  most  from  the  foreign  policy 
of  Maria  Theresa  and  Joseph,  for  it  was  indisputable  that  the 
prevalent  discontent  and  insurrection  in  Belgium  and  Hungary 
was  fostered  by  the  Triple  Alliance,  and  especially  by  Prussia. 
He  had  a  serious  war  with  the  Turks  on  his  hands  ;  his  ally, 
Catherine  of  Russia,  was  too  much  occupied  with  her  wars 
with  the  Swedes  and  Turks  and  with  the  affairs  of  Poland, 
to  come  to  his  help ;  France,  excited  by  her  internal  dissen- 
sions, and  with  the  Assembly  indisposed  to  the  maintenance  of 
the  Treaty  of  1756,  might  almost  be  reckoned  an  enemy  ;  the 
Empire  had  been  roused  to  distrust  by  the  policy  of  Joseph, 
and  the  Triple  Alliance  was  openly  hostile.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances Prussia  appeared  at  once  the  chief  power  on  the 
Continent  and  the  principal  enemy  of  Austria,  and  it  was  with 
Prussia  that  Leopold  first  resolved  to  deal. 

The  events  of  the  year  1789  had  greatly  improved  the 
position  of  Prussia  on  the  Continent.  The  pretensions  of 
Joseph  to  Bavaria  had  made  Erederick  William  11.,  as  it  had 
made  Frederick  the  Great,  the  real  leader  of  the  Princes 
of  the  Empire,  and   the  Triple  Alliance  had  done  more  to 


The  Policy  of  Prussia  85 

improve  and  strengthen  his  position  in  Europe.  The  classicv 
policy  of  Prussia  was  consistent  opposition  to  The  Policy  ' 
Austria,  and  Hertzberg,  the  Prussian  minister,  in  °f  Prussia, 
pursuance  of  this  poHcy,  had  made  use  of  all  Joseph's  mistakes 
to  lower  the  power  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg.  He  felt  it/ 
necessary,  indeed,  to  disavow  a  treaty  with  the  Turks,  which 
the  too  zealous  Prussian  envoy  had  signed  in  January  1790, 
but  he  was  eager  to  make  use  of  the  difficulties  of  Russia  and 
Austria  caused  by  the  Turkish  war  to  forward  Prussia's 
designs  on  Poland.  His  main  aim  was  to  obtain  the  cession  off 
the  important  Polish  cities  of  Thorn  and  Dantzic,  which  would 
give  Prussia  complete  control  of  the  great  river  Vistula. 
The  ablest  Prussian  diplomatist,  Lucchesini,  was  sent  to 
Warsaw,  and  on  29th  March  1790  he  signed  a  treaty  of  friend- 
ship and  union  with  the  Poles,  by  which  Poland  was  to  cede 
Thorn  and  Dantzic  to  Prussia  in  return  for  the  retrocession  of 
part  of  Austrian  Galicia,  which  had  fallen  to  Austria  at  the 
first  partition,  while  Prussia  promised  to  guarantee  the  territory 
and  constitution  of  Poland,  and  to  send  an  army  of  18,000 
men  to  the  help  of  the  Poles  if  they  were  attacked. 

This  treaty,  shameless  even  in  its  epoch  for  its  desertion  of 
allies,  breach  of  former  engagements  and  absence  of  good  faith, 
was  highly  approved  by  Frederick  William  11.  and  Hertzberg. 
They  would  not  have  dared  to  conclude  it  but  for  the  seeming  1 
weakness  of  Russia  and  Austria,  the  partners  in  the  former  \ 
partition.  Russia  was  hampered  by  the  Swedish  and  Turkish 
wars,  and  the  discontent  of  the  ceded  provinces  of  Poland. 
Austria  was  in  a  still  more  desperate  condition.  With  the 
Turkish  war  still  unconcluded,  with  open  insurrection  in 
Belgium,  and  disaffection  in  Hungary,  unpopular  in  the  Empire, 
and  deprived  of  the  alliance  of  France  by  the  unconcealed 
dislike  of  the  Assembly  to  the  Treaty  of  1756,  it  seemed  as  if  the 
House  of  Hapsburg  must  now  give  way  entirely  to  the  House 
of  Hohenzollcrn.  Of  the  active  encouragement  given  to  the 
Turks,  the  Belgians,  the  Hungarians,  and  the  Princes  of  the 
Empire  against  Austria  by  Prussia,  mention  has  been  made. 


86  European  History,  1790- 1792 

Not  less  skilful  was  the  conduct  of  the  Prussian  ambassador  at 
Paris,  Goltz,  who  intrigued  with  the  more  extreme  leaders  in 
the  Assembly,  and  especially  Petion,i  against  Austria,  and  in 
particular  did  all  in  his  power  to  increase  the  growing  un- 
popularity of  Marie  Antoinette  and  to  insist  that  she  was  a 
traitor  to  France. 

Had  a  less  able  statesman  than  Leopold  been  the  successor 

The  Policy    of  Joscph,  the  schemcs  of  Prussia  might   have 

of  Leopold,   been  crowned  with  success.     But  he  had  not  ruled 

in  the  native  city  of  Machiavelli  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  for 

nothing;   and  he  set  to  work  to  checkmate  the   designs  of 

Hertzberg  and  Frederick  William  11.     His  wise  measures  of 

conciliation    speedily    rallied   the   heart    of    the    hereditary 

dominions  to  him ;  and  he  determined  to  use  diplomacy  to 

establish  his  position  in  Europe  before  he  dealt  with  Belgium 

and   Hungary.       He    quickly   perceived   that   Prussia's   real 

strength   lay   in   the    support   of    the   Triple   Alliance;    her 

financial  situation  was  such  that  she  dared  not  undertake  a 

serious  war  without  the  active  countenance  of  England  and 

Holland.     He  knew  that  it  was  worse  than  hopeless  to  rely 

upon  France,  and  therefore  at  once  applied  to  England.     He 

protested  that  he  did  not  share  his  brother's  attachment  for 

Russia,  or  his  schemes  for  the  division  of  the  Ottoman  pro- 

j  vinces  ;   and  he  further  hinted   that  he  would  abandon  all 

I  attempt   to   reconquer  Belgium  and   surrender  it  to  France 

I  unless  he  received  some  assistance.     Pitt  felt  the  weight  of 

these  considerations;    he   did    not   care   much   about   what 

happened  to  Poland,  but  he  cared  a  great  deal  that  the  French 

should  not  occupy  Belgium.      When,  therefore,  the  King  of 

Prussia  mobilised  a  powerful  army  in  Silesia,  and  demanded 

through  Hertzberg  that  Austria  should  on  the  one  hand  make 

an  armistice  with  the  Turks,  and  on  the  other  restore  Galicia 

to  Poland,  Leopold,  trusting  that  he  had  broken  the  harmony 

of  the  Triple  Alliance,  made  no  elaborate  warlike  preparations, 

\  but  demanded  a  conference. 

1  Sorel,  IJEuroie  et  la  Revolution  Fran^aise,  vol.  ii.  p.  69. 


Conference  of  RcicJienbacJi  87 

The  King  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia  thoroughly  understood 
the  character  of  the  Prussian  king  and  the  intrigues  of  his 
courtiers  and  ministers ;  he  knew  that  Hertzberg  The  Confer- 
was  the  real  enemy  of  Austria,  and  that  Frederick  R^lchenbach. 
William  was  unstable  and  easily  persuaded.  He  June  1790. 
felt  that  his  own  strength  lay  in  diplomacy,  not  war.  On 
26th  June  the  two  Austrian  envoys,  Reuss  and  Spielmann, 
arrived  at  the  headquarters  of  the  Prussian  army  in  Silesia  at 
Reichenbach,  and  demanded  a  conference.  Rather  to  the 
disgust  of  the  Prussians,  their  allies  of  the  Triple  Alliance 
insisted  on  being  present,  and  a  regular  congress  was  held, 
at  which  Hertzberg  and  Lucchesini  represented  Prussia,  Reuss 
and  Spielmann,  Austria,  Ewart,  England,  Reden,  Holland, 
and  Jablonowski,  the  Poles.  Even  the  Hungarian  malcon- 
tents and  the  Belgian  rebels,  relying  on  the  promises  of 
Frederick  William,  ventured  to  send  envoys.  The  conclu- 
sions of  the  congress  justified  Leopold's  diplomatic  skill. 
When  Hertzberg  laid  the  Prussian  demands  in  full  before 
the  assembled  envoys,  to  his  surprise  Jablonowski  declared 
that  the  Poles  would  never  cede  Thorn  and  Dantzic,  while 
the  representatives  of  England  and  Holland  not  only  advo- 
cated the  maintenance  of  the  status  quo,  but  refused  the 
co-operation  of  their  governments  in  Prussia's  schemes  for 
aggrandisement.  The  policy  of  Hertzberg  and  Kaunitz,  of 
perpetuating  the  rivalry  of  Prussia  and  Austria,  had  failed. 
Leopold  was  far  too  acute  to  leave  these  matters  to  mini- 
sters. He  placed  himself  in  direct  communication  with 
the  King  of  Prussia  and  his  personal  favourites,  Lucchesini 
and  Bischofswerder ;  he  argued  that  the  interests  of  the 
two  great  German  states  both  with  regard  to  Poland  and 
France  were  identical,  and  on  27th  July  1790  the  Convention 
of  Reichenbach  was  signed,  by  which  Austria  promised  at 
once  to  make  an  armistice  with  the  Turks,  and  eventually  to 
conclude  peace  with  them  under  the  mediation  of  the  Triple 
Alliance,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  powers  of  the  'IViplc 
Alliance  guaranteed  the  restoration  of  the  Austrian  authority 


88  European  History,  1790- 1792 

in  Belgium.  It  was  more  privately  arranged  that  Prussia 
should  withdraw  from  encouraging  discontent  in  Hungary 
and  Belgium,  and  support  Leopold's  candidature  for  the 
Imperial  throne.  This  great  diplomatic  victory  did  more 
than  merely  check  the  active  enmity  of  Prussia ;  it  established 
the  ascendency  of  Leopold  over  the  weak  mind  of  Frederick 
William;  and  it  eventually,  in  May  1791,  brought  about,  not 
indeed  his  actual  dismissal  from  office,  but  the  removal  of 
Hertzberg,  the  sworn  foe  of  Austria,  from  the  charge  of  the 
foreign  policy  of  Prussia. 

The  first  actual  consequence  of  the  Convention  of  Reich- 
enbach  was  the  conclusion  of  an  armistice  between  Austria 
and  the  Turks.  The  war  had  never  been  looked  on  with 
favour  by  Leopold,  who  regarded  Joseph's  infatuation  for 
Leopold  and  the  graudiosc  schemes  of  Catherine  of  Russia  as 
the  Turks,  absurd,  and  the  dismemberment  of  Turkey  as 
impracticable,  and  at  the  present  time  undesirable.  He 
had  not  attempted  to  press  matters  against  the  Turks,  and 
had  withdrawn  many  of  his  best  troops  under  Loudon  from 
the  seat  of  war  to  Bohemia  to  strengthen  his  position  at 
Reichenbach.  The  Prince  of  Coburg,  who  succeeded  Loudon, 
aided  by  an  earthquake,  took  Orsova,  and  laid  siege  to  Giur- 
gevo,  but  he  was  defeated  in  his  camp  after  a  severe  battle  on 
8th  July  1790.  This  defeat  was  only  partially  compensated 
by  a  victory  won  by  Clerfayt,  and  by  the  capture  of  Zettin 
by  General  de  Vins  on  20th  July.  Under  these  circum- 
stances Leopold  was  not  sorry  to  conclude  an  armistice  for 
nine  months  at  Giurgevo  on  19th  September.  Shortly  after- 
wards a  congress  of  plenipotentiaries  from  Austria,  Turkey, 
and  the  mediating  powers  met,  as  had  been  arranged  at 
The  Treaty  Reichcnbach,  at  Sistova.  The  negotiations  lasted 
of  Sistova.  for  many  months  ;  Leopold  insisted  on  the  cession 
4th  Aug.  i79i.|^y  Turkey  of  Old  Orsova  and  a  district  in  Croatia, 
which  would  make  the  Danube  and  the  Unna  the  boundary 
between  Austria  and  Turkey ;  Prussia  at  first  strongly  protested 
against  any  cession  to  Austria  ;  the  congress  even  for  a  time 


Leopold  crowned  Emperor  89 

broke  up;  and  it  was  not  until  Leopold  adroitly  got  Lucchesini, 
the  Prussian  envoy,  on  his  side,  that  the  important  Treaty  of 
Sistova  upon  the  terms  desired  by  Leopold  was  concluded  on 
4th  August  1 791. 

By  this  treaty  the  hereditary  dominions  of  the  House  of 
Hapsburg  were  relieved  from  the  danger  of  foreign  war ; 
the  next  result  which  Leopold  drew  from  the  Convention 
of  Reichenbach  was  the  re-establishment  of  the  Austrian 
ascendency  in  Germany.  Assured  of  the  support  of  Prussia, 
Leopold  travelled  to  the  Rhine.  On  30th  September  1790 
he  was  unanimously  elected  King  of  the  Romans ;  on  4th 
October  he  solemnly  entered  Frankfort,  and  on  Leopold 
9th  October  he  was  crowned  Emperor.  But  it  Emperor 
was  not  enough  for  him  to  be  crowned  Emperor ;  gth  Oct.  1790. 
he  had  to  destroy  the  bad  effect  of  his  brother  Joseph's  attitude 
towards  the  Empire ;  he  had  to  become  the  real  as  well  as  the 
nominal  head  and  leader  of  the  German  princes,  and  to  win 
back  the  advantages  which  Prussia  had  secured  by  forming  the 
League  of  Princes.  The  opportunity  was  afforded  to  him  by 
the  disinclination  of  the  German  princes,  who  owned  territories 
in  Alsace,  Lorraine,  and  Franche  Comte,  to  accept  the  com- 
pensation offered  to  them  by  the  French  Constituent  Assembly. 
Their  protests  took  the  shape  of  a  clause  in  the  '  capitulation ' 
laid  before  him  and  accepted  by  him  on  his  election  as 
Emperor  by  which  he  promised  to  intervene  on  behalf  of  the 
Empire  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights,  sanctioned  by  the 
Treaty  of  Westphalia,  of  the  princes,  whose  interests  were 
affected.  Leopold  thus  seized  this  opportunity  to  pose  as  the 
head  of  the  German  Empire,  and  on  14th  December  1790  he 
wrote  a  very  strong  letter  to  Louis  xvi.,  in  which  he  said  : 
'  The  territories  in  question  have  not  been  transferred  to  the 
kingdom  of  France  ;  they  are  subject  to  the  supremacy  of  the 
Emperor  and  the  Empire  :  no  member  of  the  Empire  has  the 
right  to  transfer  that  supremacy  to  a  foreign  nation.  It 
follows,  therefore,  that  the  decrees  of  the  Assembly  arc  null 
and  void  so  far  as  concerns  the  Empire  and  its  members. 


90  European  History,  1790-1792 

and  that  everything  ought  to  be  replaced  on  the  ancient 
footing.'  1 

After  being  crowned  Emperor  at  Frankfort,  Leopold  re- 
turned to  Vienna  and  proceeded  to  establish  his  power  iirmly 
Leopold  and  i^^  Hungary.    The  discontent  aroused  in  the  most 

Hungary,  backward  part  of  his  dominions  by  the  Emperor 
Joseph's  measures  had  not  been  appeased  by  that  monarch's 
wholesale  retractation,  nor  even  by  the  return  of  the  Crown 
of  St.  Stephen.  The  Hungarian  nobles  regarded  Joseph's  re- 
tractation as  a  sign  of  weakness,  and,  encouraged  by  the 
intrigues  of  Prussia  and  the  difficulties  in  which  Leopold 
was  involved  by  the  war  with  the  Turks,  resolved  to  obtain 
more  sweeping  concessions.  The  example  of  France  exerted 
an  influence  even  in  Hungary,  and  the  following  sentences 
from  a  memorial,^  presented  to  Leopold  by  the  people  of 
Pesth,  might  have  been  written  by  a  Parisian  popular  society  : 
'  From  the  rights  of  nations  and  of  man,  and  from  that  social 
compact  whence  States  arose,  it  is  incontestable  that  sove- 
reignty originates  from  the  people.  This  axiom  our  parent 
Nature  has  impressed  on  the  hearts  of  all ;  it  is  one  of  those 
which  a  just  prince  (and  such  we  trust  Your  Majesty  will  ever 
be)  cannot  dispute ;  it  is  one  of  those  inalienable,  imprescrip- 
tible rights  which  the  people  cannot  forfeit  by  neglect  or 
disuse.  Our  constitution  places  the  sovereignty  jointly  in 
the  king  and  people,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  remedies 
necessary  to  be  applied  according  to  the  ends  of  social  life 
for  the  security  of  persons  and  property,  are  in  the  power  of 
the  people.  We  are  sure,  therefore,  that  at  the  meeting  of 
the  ensuing  Diet,  Your  Majesty  will  not  confine  yourself  to  the 
objects  mentioned  in  your  rescript ;  but  will  also  restore  our 
freedom  to  us,  in  like  manner  as  to  the  Belgians,  who  have 
conquered  theirs  with  the  sword.  It  would  be  an  example 
big  with  danger  to  teach  the  world  that  a  people  can  only 
protect  or  regain  their  liberties   by  the  sword,  and   not  by 

^  Sorel,  V Europe  et  la  Revolution  Fran^aise,  vol.  ii.  p.  194,  footnote. 
^  Coxe's  Hist,  of  House  of  Austria,  ed.  1847,  vol.  iii.  p.  552,  footnote. 


Leopold  and  Hungary  g  i 

obedience.'  The  Hungarian  Diet,  which  Leopold  had 
summoned  for  the  ceremony  of  his  coronation,  and  to  which 
the  people  of  Pesth  alluded  in  this  remarkable  address,  was 
largely  attended.  The  Hungarian  nobility  regarded  its  con- 
vocation as  a  further  sign  of  weakness,  for  none  had  been 
held  since  the  accession  of  Maria  Theresa,  and  prepared  an 
inaugural  act  or  compact,  which  would  have  reduced  the 
kings  of  Hungary  to  a  similar  position  to  that  occupied  by 
the  kings  of  Poland.  Full  of  confidence  in  themselves  they 
even  went  so  far  as  to  send  envoys,  as  has  been  mentioned,  to 
the  Congress  of  Reichenbach.  Leopold,  however,  had  no 
intention  of  yielding  to  these  demands  ;  his  only  desire  was 
to  gain  time  until  he  had  secured  his  position  by  diplomacy. 
Meanwhile  he  tried  to  stir  up  opposition  in  Hungary  itself,  by 
encouraging  the  other  nationalities  in  the  kingdom,  such  as 
the  inhabitants  of  Croatia  and  the  Banat.  But  when  the 
Congress  of  Reichenbach  was  over,  the  armistice  of  Giurgevo 
concluded,  and  his  coronation  as  Emperor  performed,  Leopold 
proceeded  to  deal  with  the  Hungarians.  He  first  ordered  the 
army  of  60,000  men,  which  he  had  concentrated  in  Bohemia 
to  support  his  attitude  against  the  Prussians,  to  Pesth,  and 
then  directed  the  Diet  to  remove  to  Presburg  for  his  coro- 
nation as  King  of  Hungary.  He  then  declared  that  nothing 
would  induce  him  to  accept  the  proposed  new  constitu- 
tion, or  to  consent  to  an  infringement  of  the  Edict  of 
Toleration,  and  that  he  would  only  consent  to  the  terms  of 
the  inaugural  acts  of  his  grandfather,  Charles  vi.,  and  his 
mother,  Maria  Theresa.  The  Hungarian  nobles,  Leopold 
overcome  by  his  firmness  and  the  presence  of  his  crowned 
troops,  yielded  ;  the  Emperor  appointed  his  fourth  Hungary, 
son,  the  Archduke  Leopold,  to  be  Palatine  of  15th  Nov. 
Hungary  in  the  place  of  the  late  Prince  Ester-  '^^' 
hazy ;  and  it  was  from  him  that  he  received  the  Crown  of  St. 
Stephen  on  15th  November,  on  the  terms  he  had  stipulated. 

Having  gained  this  victory  by  his  firmness,  Leopold  pro- 
ceeded to  win  popularity  by  a  timely  concession,  and  proposed 


92  European  History,  1790- 1792 

a  law,  obliging  every  future  king  to  be  crowned  within  six 
months  of  his  accession.  This  concession  was  received  with 
the  wildest  enthusiasm,  as  it  obviated  the  possibility  of  conduct 
resembling  that  of  Joseph  11.  ;  the  Diet  granted  the  Emperor  a 
gift  of  225,000  florins  instead  of  the  usual  100,000  florins; 
and  the  disaffected  attitude  of  the  nobility  was  changed  for 
one  of  hearty  admiration  and  gratitude.  The  bourgeois  of 
Pesth  and  their  declarations  were  disavowed ;  the  echo  of 
the  French  Revolution,  which  had  been  heard  there,  was 
quickly  stifled  ;  and  the  Hungarian  nobility,  well  contented 
with  Leopold,  declined  to  encourage  the  popular  aspirations. 

The  difficulties  which  the  Emperor  Leopold  encountered 
in  Hungary  were  trifling  to  those  which  faced  him  in  Belgium. 
But  in  this  quarter  time  had  worked  for  the  House  of  Haps- 
burg,  and  when  the  Congress  of  Plenipotentiaries,  arranged  at 
the  Congress  of  Reichenbach,  met  at  the  Hague  in  October 
1791,  the  situation  had  entirely  changed.  The  victory  of  the 
Belgian  rebels  in  1789  had  been  followed  by  internal  dissen- 
Parties  in  sions,  which  appeared  directly  the  new  Constitu- 
Beigium.  tion  was  proclaimed.  The  first  difference  was 
between  the  Van  der  Nootists,  or  Statists,  as  they  termed 
themselves,  and  the  Vonckists.  The  latter,  inspired  by  the 
success  of  the  French  Revolution,  advocated  a  thoroughly 
democratic  constitution,  and  the  organisation  of  a  new  elec- 
tive system  of  local  administration,  to  the  great  disgust  of  the 
Statists,  who  desired  simply  the  restoration  of  the  old  order 
of  things,  but  with  the  central  government  controlled  by 
elected  assembly  instead  of  being  in  the  hands  of  the  House 
of  Hapsburg.  Curiously  enough  popular  feeling  ran  in  a  direc- 
tion very  different  from  that  followed  in  France.  Influenced  by 
the  priests,  the  Belgian  people,  and  more  especially  the  mob  of 
Brussels,  were  convinced  that  the  Vonckists  were  atheists ; 
the  democrats  were  attacked  in  the  streets,  maltreated  and 
imprisoned ;  the  bourgeois  National  Guards  refused  to  pro- 
tect them ;  they  were  proscribed  by  Van  der  Noot  and  the 
party  in  power ;  and  after  many  riots  and  disturbances  Vonck 


Affairs  in  Belgium  93 

fled  to  France  in  April  1790.  These  events  greatly  weakened 
the  Belgian  Republic,  for  the  democratic  party,  which  had  been 
energetic  in  the  revolution,  numbered  in  its  ranks  many  of  the 
ablest  and  most  enlightened  men  in  the  country.  But  even 
more  serious  was  the  result  abroad,  for  the  National  Assembly 
of  France  and  Lafayette  were  surprised  and  disgusted  at  the 
persecution  of  the  democrats,  and  the  sympathy  of  the  French 
people  was  entirely  alienated  from  the  Belgian  leaders.  Still 
more  striking  in  its  effect  was  the  conduct  of  the  Van  der 
Nootists  towards  the  gallant  officer,  Van  der  Mersch,  who  had 
commanded  the  patriot  troops  in  the  invasion  of  October 
1789.  Not  satisfied  with  superseding  him  by  the  Prussian 
general,  Schonfeld,  the  Van  der  Nootists  had  him  arrested  on 
a  charge  of  disorganising  the  Belgian  army  and  imprisoned 
at  Antwerp,  to  the  great  wrath  of  the  people  of  Flanders,  of 
which  province  Van  der  Mersch  was  a  native.  The  conquer- 
ing party  was  further  divided.  The  nobility  and  clergy, 
headed  by  the  Due  d'Aremberg,  were  jealous  of  the  ascend 
ency  assumed  by  Van  der  Noot,  and  of  the  continued 
omnipotence  of  the  Assembly  at  Brussels.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  was  a  significant  fact  that  the  Austrian 
troops  in  Luxembourg  under  the  command  of  Marshal  Bender 
were  able  with  the  help  of  the  people  themselves  to  occupy 
the  province  of  Limburg. 

In  October  1790  the  Congress,  which  had  been  resolved 
on  at  Reichenbach,  met  at  the  Hague.     The  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiary was  the   Comte   de  Mercy-Argenteau,    the   most 
accomplished  Austrian  diplomatist  and  ambassador  at  Paris, 
and  the  representatives  of  England,  Prussia,  and  congress  at 
Holland  were  Lord  Auckland,  Count  Keller,  and  the  Hague, 
the  Grand  Pensionary  Van  der  Spiegel.     l>copold     '^  '  ^^^°' 
now    reaped    the    advantages    of   his   skilful    diplomacy    at 
Reichenbach.      England  and  Holland  understood  that  the 
new  Emperor  was  a  very  different  man  from  his  predecessor, 
and  Prussia  dared  not  act  without  them.    As  he  had  promised, 
Leopold   solemnly   announced    his    intention  to    resiurc   all 


94  European  History,  1790- 1792 

the  charters,  laws,  and  arrangements,  which  had  existed  in 
Belgium  in  the  time  of  his  mother,  Maria  Theresa,  under  the 
guarantee  of  the  three  powers,  and  further  promised  a  general 
amnesty  if  his  authority  was  recognised  by  21st  November. 
The  Belgian  States-General  made  no  reply  to  Leopold,  and 
the  Emperor  proceeded  to  concentrate  45,000  men  under 
Bender  in  Luxembourg.  Then  the  Belgian  leaders  applied 
to  the  Congress  at  the  Hague  for  a  prolongation  of  the 
armistice  and  the  restoration  of  the  state  of  government  exist- 
ing in  the  time  of  Charles  vi.  and  not  in  that  of  Maria  Theresa. 
These  demands  were  supported  by  the  representatives  of  the 
Triple  Alliance,  but  rejected  by  the  Austrian  ambassador.  On 
2 1  St  November  the  Belgian  States-General  elected  the  Arch- 
duke Charles,  the  third  son  of  the  Emperor,  to  be  hereditary 
Leopold  Grand  Duke,  but  the  time  had  gone  by  for  com- 
reconquers  promises,  and  on  the  following  day  Bender  entered 
e  gium.  Belgium.  The  experiences  of  a  year  of  revolu- 
tion made  the  Belgian  people  not  unwilling  to  return  under 
'the  sway  of  Austria;  the  cities  surrendered  without  a  blow, 
land  on  2d  December  1790  Brussels  capitulated.  Van  der 
Noot  fled  with  his  chief  friends,  and  Belgium  was  won  back 
by  Leopold  as  easily  as  it  had  been  lost  by  Joseph.  On  8th 
December  the  Comte  de  Mercy-Argenteau  assented  to  the 
restoration  of  the  liberties  recognised  in  the  inaugural  act  of 
Charles  vi.,  but  Leopold  disavowed  his  ambassador  and  in- 
sisted on  the  authority  possessed  by  Maria  Theresa  at  the 
close  of  her  reign.  Under  these  circumstances  the  mediating 
powers  refused  their  guarantee,  a  refusal  which  rather  gratified 
the  Emperor  than  otherwise,  as  it  freed  him  from  the  fear  of 
foreign  interference.  Not  only  in  Belgium  itself,  but  in  the 
neighbouring  bishopric  of  Liege  also,  Leopold  established 
Austrian  ascendency.  The  princes  of  the  Circle  of  the 
Empire,  which  adjoined,  were  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of 
The  Austrians  Prussia  and  General  Schlieffen,  and  appealed  to 
at  Liege,  j^^g  Emperor.  He  was  only  too  glad  to  assert  his 
authority;    Schlieffen  evacuated  the  territory;  and  on  13th 


The  Treaty  of  Verela  95 

January   1791  it  was  occupied  by  an  Austrian  force,  which 
re-established  the  Prince-bishop  in  all  his  former  authority. 

The  entire  reversal  of  Joseph's  policy  by  Leopold,  the 
arrangements  made  at  Reichenbach,  and  the  friendly  attitude 
of  the  new  Emperor  towards  the  powers  forming  the  Triple 
Alliance,  deprived  Russia  of  her  only  ally  at  a  Russia  and 
time  when  the  Empress  had  on  her  hands  two  Sweden, 
exhausting  wars  with  Sweden  and  Turkey.  The  former  was  the 
most  serious.  Gustavus  iii.,  freed  from  the  dangers  of  a  Danish 
invasion,  and  by  his  coup  (Tetat  from  the  formidable  plots  of 
his  nobility,  rejoined  his  army  in  Finland  and  prepared  to 
carry  on  the  war  vigorously  by  land  and  sea.  His  army  was 
too  small  to  effect  much  in  spite  of  his  near  approach  to  St. 
Petersburg,  and  his  chief  confidence  was  in  his  fleet.  This 
fleet  was  soon  blockaded  in  the  Gulf  of  Vyborg  by  the  Russian 
admiral,  the  Prince  of  Nassau-Siegen,  one  of  the  most  famous 
soldiers  of  fortune  of  the  century;  an  attempt  it  made  to 
break  out  on  24th  June  1790  was  repulsed,  and  the  Russians 
even  hoped  to  force  it  to  capitulate.  But,  to  their  surprise, 
the  Swedes  broke  the  blockade  on  the  3d  July,  though  with 
a  loss  of  5000  men,  and  on  9th  July  won  a  great  naval  victory 
in  Svenska  Sound,  in  which  the  Russians  lost  30  ships,  600 
guns  and  6000  men.  But  this  victory  led  to  no  corresponding 
diplomatic  result.  Catherine,  defeated  though  she  was,  made 
overtures  in  no  humiliated  spirit  to  the  King  of  Sweden,  and 
proposed  to  him  that,  instead  of  quarrelling  with  his  neigh- 
bours, he  should  turn  his  attention  to  the  state  of  affairs  in 
France.  The  chivalrous  and  romantic  king  was  not  unwilling 
to  listen  to  her  suggestions ;  he  had,  during  a  visit  to  Paris, 
been  much  impressed  by  Marie  Antoinette,  and  was  full  of 
pity  at  the  situation  of  the  royal  family  of  France  and  of  dis- 
gust at  the  progress  of  the  Revolution.  1  Ic  felt.  Treaty  of 
too,  that  the  war  with  Russia  was  not  popular  Vereia. 
among  his  people,  and  on  14th  August  1790  he  ^"e- '41111790. 
signed  a  treaty  of  peace  at  Verela,  by  which  the  status  (]uo 
ante  bellicm  between  Russia  and  Sweden  was  restored  without    \ 


96  European  History,  1790-1792 

any  compensation  in  money  or  territory  being  obtained  by 
the  victorious  Swedes. 

While  resisting  the  Swedes,  Catherine  made  her  chief  effort 
against  the  Turks.  In  this  quarter  the  defection  of  Leopold 
and  the  Armistice  of  Giurgevo  seriously  compromised  her 
position.  The  war  had  resolved  itself  into  the  siege  of  the 
strong  city  of  Ismail,  where  the  Turks  defended  themselves 
Capture  of  ^^^^h  the  utmost  tenacity.  The  Russian  attacks 
Ismail.  were  foiled  again  and  again,  and  Potemkin  re- 

ec.  1790.  gjgj-jg(^  jj^g  conduct  of  the  siege  in  despair.  His 
place  was  taken  by  Suvdrov,  whose  brilliant  victory  on  the 
Rymnik  in  1789  had  marked  him  as  the  greatest  Russian 
general  of  his  time.  His  valour  and  constancy  equalled 
those  qualities  in  the  Turks  ;  and  Ismail  was  stormed  on  20th 
December  1790,  after  a  scene  of  carnage  which  cost  the  lives 
of  10,000  Russians  and  30,000  Turks.  In  the  following  year 
the  Russians  pressed  onwards  towards  Constantinople,  and 
on  9th  July  1 791  the  Russian  General  Repnin,  under  whom 
served  Suv6rov  and  Kutuzov,  defeated  the  Grand  Vizier  at 
Matchin.  But  the  Empress  Catherine  was  not  inclined  to 
follow  up  these  military  advantages.  The  policy  of  Leopold 
had  isolated  her ;  the  Treaty  of  Sistova  had  deprived  her  of 
an  auxiliary  army  against  the  Turks  ;  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Poland  demanded  her  most  serious  attention ;  and  .she  had 
to  observe  the  action  of  Europe  on  the  French  Revolution 
and  of  the  French  Revolution  on  Europe,  in  the  hope  of 
deriving  some  advantage  for  Russia  from  the  complications. 
She,  therefore,  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Turks  at 
Treaty  of  Jassy  ou  9th  January  1792,  by  which  Russia  re- 
jassy.  tained  only  Oczakoff  and  the  coast  line  between 

9th Jan.  1792.  ^^g  niouths  of  the  Bug  and  the  Dniester.  By 
making  this  peace,  Catherine  only  deferred  the  prosecution 
of  the  schemes  of  Russia  against  the  Ottoman  Empire,  and 
certain  clauses  with  regard  to  the  Danubian  Principalities, 
affording  a  pretext  for  future  wars,  were  skilfully  included  in 
the  Treaty  of  Jassy. 


Position  of  Leopold  7 ?i  1791  97 

The  success  of  the  poHcy  of  the  Emperor  Leopold  entirely 
altered  the  situation  of  the  European  states  and  their  attitude 
towards  each  other.  He  was  in  1791  not  only  position  of 
master  in  his  own  dominions,  but  the  recognised  Leopold, 
representative  of  the  Empire,  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name.  He 
had  broken  down  the  combination  against  Austria  and  the 
solidarity  of  the  Triple  Alliance.  England  was  far  more  favour- 
ably inclined  to  him  than  she  had  ever  been  to  Joseph  11. ; 
Frederick  William  11.  of  Prussia  was  his  ally  not  his  enemy. 
He  was,  therefore,  able  in  1791  to  turn  his  thoughts  to  the 
situation  of  France,  and  to  see  what  advantages  could  be 
drawn  from  the  position  of  affairs  there  for  the  benefit  of 
Austria.  The  political  effacement  of  France  in  foreign  affairs 
was  due  to  the  assumption  of  all  real  authority  by  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly,  while  leaving  the  responsibility  to  the  King's 
ministers,  and  Leopold  did  not  doubt  that  the  result  of  an 
entire  victory  of  the  popular  party  would  be  a  recurrence  to 
the  classical  policy  of  opposition  to  Austria  and  the  rupture 
of  the  Treaty  of  1756.  It  was  to  his  interest  to  prevent  this, 
and  he  had  therefore  political,  as  well  as  personal,  ends  to 
secure  in  endeavouring  to  restore  the  authority  of  the  King 
of  France.  The  capture  of  the  Bastille  and  the  transference  > 
of  the  royal  family  to  Paris  were  great  events  in  the  history  of 
France,  but  they  only  affected  Leopold  as  weakening  the 
authority  of  Louis  xvi.  and  Marie  Antoinette,  the  faithful' 
allies  of  Austria.  The  behaviour  of  the  Constituent  Assembly 
gave  him  pretexts  for  interfering  in  France,  in  spite  of  the 
diplomatic  ability  of  Mirabeau,  and  he  was  earnestly  besought 
by  the  French  emigres,  or  opponents  of  the  new  state  of 
things  in  France,  who  had  gone  into  voluntary  exile  with 
the  King's  younger  brother,  the  Comte  d'Artois,  at  their  head, 
to  intervene  on  behalf  of  the  French  monarchy. 

The  conduct  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  in  disorganising 
every  branch  of  the  executive  in  France  had  its  natural  effect 
by  the  commencement  of  1791.  The  army,  in  spite  of  the 
effort  of  General  Bouille  to  restore  discipline  by  making  an 

PERIOD  VII.  o 


98  Eiiropean  History,  1790- 1792 

example  of  some  Swiss  mutineers  at  Nancy  in  1790,  was 
rendered  inefficient  by  the  disaffection  of  the  soldiers  and  the 
exaggerated  royalism  of  most  of  the  officers  ;  the  navy  was  in 
a  still  worse  condition  ;  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy 
had  caused  a  schism,  which  disturbed  the  minds  of  men  in  all 
parts  of  France,  and  created  an  army  of  opponents  to  the 
work  of  the  Assembly,  who  had  peculiar  influence  over  the 
rural  communities ;  the  issue  of  assignats  on  the  security  of 
The  state  of  the  Confiscated  domains  of  the  Church  had  in- 
France,  1791.  fluted  the  Currency,  and,  while  giving  an  appear- 
ance of  fictitious  prosperity,  had  really  given  a  feeling  of 
insecurity  to  all  trade  and  commerce ;  the  old  internal 
administrations  of  the  provinces  had  been  replaced  by  the 
new  administrations  of  the  departments,  which  were  filled  by 
inexperienced  men,  utterly  unable  to  cope  with  the  difficulties 
of  a  time  of  unrest  and  revolution.  The  practical  dis- 
organisation of  the  executive  was  meanwhile  being  conse- 
crated by  the  measures  of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  which, 
in  the  Constitution  it  was  drawing  up,  in  its  fear  of  the  power 
of  the  monarchy,  so  hampered  the  authority  of  the  executive 
as  to  destroy  the  necessary  foundations  of  good  government. 

In  its  ardour  for  the  Rights  of  Man  and  the  principle  of 
election,  the  Constituent  Assembly  forgot  the  need  for  en- 
forcing the  authority  of  the  law,  and  the  necessity  for  provid- 
ing a  strong  arm  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Mirabeau  had  clearly 
[perceived  that  France  was  drifting  into  a  state  of  anarchy.  In 
Ihis  secret  notes  for  the  Court  he  insisted  on  the  importance 
of  restoring  its  proper  power  to  the  executive,  and  he  advised 
the  King  to  leave  Paris  and  call  the  partisans  of  order  to  his 
side.  Civil  war,  he  contended,  was  preferable  to  anarchy, 
cloaked  by  fine  words ;  it  would  openly  divide  France  into 
the  adherents  of  order  and  of  disorder,  and  result  in  the  main- 
tenance of  the  popular  rights  sanctioned  by  the  royal  power. 
The  King  was  to  acknowledge  the  right  of  the  people  to  legis- 
late, and  tax  themselves  through  their  representatives,  but  was 
to  point  out  the  importance  of  maintaining  a  strong  govern- 


The  Flight  to  Varennes  99 

ment  to  secure    the   happiness    of  the   governed.      Against  ' 
foreign  war,  however,  Mirabeau  strongly  protested  ;   foreign  j 
interference  would  rouse  the  spirit  of  national  patriotism,  and 
if  the  King  was  suspected  of  favouring  the  foreigners,  it  would 
result  in  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  and  in  a  long  struggle 
before  the  country  could  agree  on  a  new  form  of  government. ' 
However,  on  2d  April  1791,  Mirabeau  died,  and       Death  of 
France  was  deprived  of  its  most  sagacious,  if  not      Mirabeau. 
its  only,  statesman.    In  truth,  Louis  xvi.  and  Marie  Antoinette^ 
had  no  wish  to  take  Mirabeau's  advice;  the  King  regarded 
civil  war  as  a  horrible  calamity,  and  to  be  shunned  in  every  ■ 
way  and  at  any  sacrifice  ;    the  Queen  longed  for  the  inter- 
ference of  her  brother,  the  Emperor,  and  begged  him  to  inter- 
vene to  restore  the   royal   authority.     The  King's  religious 
convictions  were  wounded  by  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the 
Clergy  ;  the  Queen  was  roused  to  wrath  by  the  feeling  that  she 
was  a  prisoner,  by  daily  insults  in  the  press,  and  by  the  degra- 
dation of  the  power  of  the  monarchy.     On  iSth  April  1791 
the  royal  prisoners  were  prevented  by  the  Parisians  from  going 
to  Saint-Cloud  for  Easter,  and   on  i8th  May  the  Emperor 
Leopold  issued  a  circular  to  all  crowned  heads  calling  atten- 
tion to  the  position  of  the  King  of  France  in  his  capital.     On 
20th  May  he  had  an  interview  with  the  Comte  de  Durfort,  a 
secret  emissary  from  the  Tuileries,  at  Mantua,  and  charged 
him  to  tell  the  King  and  Queen  of  France  that  '  he  was  going 
to  concern  himself  with  their  affairs,  not  in  words,  but  in  acts.' 
The  action  of  the  Parisian  mob  on    i8th   April   caused 
Louis  XVI.  and  Marie  Antoinette  to  resolve  to  escape  secretly 
from  Paris,  since  they  were  obviously  prisoners  ^.j^g  p,ig,^t  ^^ 
and  could  not  leave  openly.     They  determined,  varennes. 
contrary  to  the  advice  so  often  given  by  Mirabeau,  ^'^    ""^  '''^'' 
and  contrary  also  to  the  wishes  of  the  Emperor  and  of  his 
able  representative   at   the    Hague,    the   Comte   dc    Mcrcy- 
Argenteau,  who  knew  France  better  than  any  living  diploma- 
tist, to  fly  towards  the  frontier.     Leopold,  under  the  pretext  of 
supporting  his  authority  in  Belgium  and  Luxembourg,  and  that 


lOO  European  History,  1790- 1792 

of  his  allies,  the  Elector-Archbishop  of  Treves  and  the  Bishop 
of  Liege,  massed  his  troops  upon  the  frontier  in  readiness  to 
succour  or  assist,  and  Bouille,  who  commanded  at  Metz, 
made  preparations  to  have  the  part  of  his  forces  on  which  he 
could  rely  ready  to  receive  the  fugitive  monarch.  On  20th 
June  1 791  the  royal  family  left  Paris  by  night,  after  the  King 
had  drawn  up  a  declaration  protesting  against  the  whole  of 
the  measures  of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  and  disavowing 
them.  The  flight,  from  a  combination  of  circumstances, 
ended  in  the  royal  family  being  stopped  at  Varennes,  and 
being  brought  back  to  Paris  in  custody.  It  had  the  most 
momentous  results  upon  the  history  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion, which  are  sometimes  disregarded  in  the  recollection  of 
the  romantic  circumstances  attending  it. 

The  primary  result  of  the  flight  to  Varennes  was  the  sudden 
comprehension  by  France  that  Louis  xvi.  was  an  unwilling 
collaborator  in  the  work  of  reconstituting  the  French  govern- 
ment on  a  new  basis.  Hitherto  the  people,  and  even  the 
leaders  of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  had  believed  in  his 
acquiescence,  if  not  in  his  hearty  assistance.  But  the  declara- 
tion, left  behind  on  the  occasion  of  his  flight,  proved  the  con- 
trary. The  statesmen  of  the  Constituent  Assembly, 

Results  of  '^       -^  .  ■" 

the  Flight  to  including  the  makers  of  the  new  Constitution,  such 
Varennes.  ^^  -j^^  Chapclicr  and  Thouret,  and  the  triumvirate 
of  Duport,  Barnave,  and  Lameth,  who,  after  Mirabeau's  deatli, 
were  the  undisputed  leaders  of  the  majority,  saw  they  had 
gone  too  far,  and  that  in  their  desire  to  weaken  the  royal 
authority,  they  had  seriously  weakened  the  executive,  and 
had  made  the  King's  position  intolerable.  They  therefore 
threw  the  blame  of  the  flight  to  Varennes  on  the  subordinates 
in  the  scheme,  ignored  the  King's  declaration,  and  acted  on 
the  supposition  that  he  was  misled  by  bad  advisers.  This 
attitude  not  being  wholly  approved  by  the  Jacobin  Club, 
which,  through  its  affiliated  clubs  in  the  provinces,  exercised 
the  most  powerful  sway  in  the  formation  of  pubUc  opinion, 
the  believers  in  the  royal  authority  seceded  and  formed  the 


Revision  of  the  French  Constitution  loi 

Constitutional    Club,   or   Club    of    17S9,  which   temporarily 
weakened  the  power   of  the   Jacobins  in   Paris.      But   this 
secession  was  entirely  sanctioned   by  the  bourgeois  classes 
both  in  Paris  and  throughout  France,  who  had  the  strongest 
interest  in  the  maintenance  of  order,  and  who  sent  in  numer- 
ous declarations  of  their  adhesion  to  the  cause  of  monarchy. 
Moreover,  their  chief  representatives  in  arms,  the  National 
Guard  of  Paris,  under  the  command  of  Lafayette,  had  soon  an 
opportunity  of  giving  practical  proof  of  this  loyal  ^j^^  Massacre 
disposition.      The   Cordeliers    Club,    which  was  of  17th  July 
chiefly  influenced  by  Danton,  a  lawyer  of  Paris,  '"  ^^"^• 
who  had  Mirabeau's  gift  of  seeing  things  as  they  really  were, 
felt  it  impossible  to  hush  things  up.     They  understood  the  1 
King's  declaration  to  mean  a  declaration  of  war  against  the  new  } 
Constitution ;    his  flight  to  Varennes  they  rightly  interpreted 
to  show  that  he  was  trusting  to  the  intervention  of  foreign 
powers  to  re-establish  him  in  his  former  position;  and  they 
resolved  to  draw  up  a  petition  for  his  dethronement.      This 
petition  was  largely  the  work  of  Danton  and  of  Brissot,  a 
pamphleteer  and  journalist,  who  had  been  imprisoned  in  the 
Bastille,  and  had  imbibed  republican  notions  in  America,  and 
a  large  crowd  assembled  to   sign  it  on  the  Champ  de  Mars. 
Lafayette  determined  to  disperse  this  crowd,  and  the  National 
Guard,  under  his  command,  fired  on  the  people,  killing  several 
persons.    This  vigorous  measure,  which  was  intended  to  show 
the  power  of  the  party  of  order,  was  followed  by  vigorous  steps 
against  the  party  for  dethronement. 

The  leaders  of  the  Cordeliers  were  proscribed.    Danton  and 
Marat  fled  to  England,  and  the  party  of  order  seemed  trium- 
phant.    A  revision  of  the  Constitution  was  under-  ^j.«^^|sion 
taken,  and  various  reactionary  clauses,  specially  Constitution, 
directed  against  the  press,  the  popular  clubs  or  societies,  and 
the  rights  of  assembly  and  of  petition,  were  inserted.    But  this 
new  attitude  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  had  but  a  slight  effect , 
upon   France,  for  the  king's  flight  had  caused  the  people  in  \ 
general  to  believe  that  he  was  the  enemy  of  their  ncw-boin 


I02  European  History,  1790-1792 

liberties,  and  a  traitor  in  league  with  foreign  powers  to  over- 
throw them. 

The  flight  to  Varennes  proved  to  the  people  of  France,  as 

well   as   to   the   monarchs   and   statesmen   of  Europe,    that 

Louis  XVI.  was  a  prisoner  in  Paris,  and  an  enemy  to  the  new 

,  ,    settlement  of  the  government,   as  laid  down  by 

Effects  of  the  °  .  ^ 

Flight  to  the  Constitution  m  course  of  preparation.  Ihe 
Varennes.  Empcror  Leopold,  as  brother  of  Marie  Antoinette, 
as  Holy  Roman  Emperor  and  supporter  of  dynastic  legiti- 
macy, as  the  leading  monarch  of  Europe,  decided  to  inter- 
vene. On  6th  July  1791  he  issued  the  Manifesto  of  Padua, 
in  which  he  invited  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  to  join  him 
,,    .,  in   declaring   the   cause  of  the  King   of  France 

Manifesto  °  i  i    i 

of  Padua.  to  be  their  own,  in  exacting  that  he  should  be 
6th  July  1791.  f^gg(j  ixQxa.  all  popular  restraint,  and  in  refusing  to 
recognise  any  constitutional  laws  as  legitimately  established 
in  France,  except  such  as  might  be  sanctioned  by  the  King 
acting  in  perfect  freedom.  The  English  Government  paid 
little  or  no  attention  to  these  requests  of  Leopold,  but  the 
Empress  Catherine,  and  the  Kings  of  Prussia,  Spain,  and 
Sweden,  for  different  reasons  and  in  different  degrees,  heartily 
accepted  Leopold's  views,  and  armed  intervention  to  carry 
them  into  effect  was  suggested.  But  Leopold  had  no  desire 
for  war.  His  policy  since  his  accession  had  been  distinctly 
in  favour  of  peace.  He  was  a  diplomatist,  not  a  soldier,  and 
he  desired  to  frighten  France  by  threats,  rather  than  to  fight 
France  for  the  liberty  of  Louis  xvi.  and  his  family. 

The  sequel  to  the  Manifesto  of  Padua  was  a  conference  at 
Pilnitz  between  the  Emperor  Leopold  and  King  Frederick 
William  11.  of  Prussia,  accompanied  by  their  ministers,  in 
August  1 791.  At  this  conference  the  King's 
of  Piinitz,  brothers,  Monsieur,  the  Comte  de  Provence,  after- 
27th  Aug.  1791.  .^vards  Louis  xviii.,  who  had  escaped  from  France 
at  the  time  of  the  flight  to  Varennes,  and  the  Comte  d'Artois, 
afterwards  Charles  x.,  who  had  fled  in  July  1789,  at  the  epoch 
of  the  capiuiL;  of  the  Bastille,  were  present.     They  had  their 


TJie  Declaration  of  P Unit::;  103 

own  aims  to  serve.  They  were  disgusted  at  the  weak  con- 
duct, as  they  termed  it,  of  Louis  xvi.  in  yielding  so  far  as  he 
had  done  to  the  popular  wishes ;  they  desired  to  undo  the 
whole  effect  of  the  Revolution  and  to  restore  the  Bourbon 
monarchy  in  its  ancient  authority  by  the  arms  of  the  monarchs 
of  Europe.  But  Leopold  did  not  care  about  the  French 
princes  or  the  Bourbon  monarchy.  He  cared  rather  for  the 
safety  of  his  sister,  Marie  Antoinette,  and  the  maintenance 
through  her  of  the  Franco-Austrian  alliance.  In  the  Declaration 
of  Pilnitz,  which  was  signed  by  the  Emperor  and  the  King  of 
Prussia  on  27th  August  1791,  the  two  sovereigns  declared  that 
the  situation  of  the  King  of  France  was  an  object  of  interest 
common  to  all  European  monarchs,  and  that  they  hoped 
other  monarchs  would  use  with  them  the  most  efficacious 
means  to  put  the  King  of  France  in  a  position  to  lay  in  per- 
fect liberty  the  bases  of  a  monarchical  government,  suited  alike 
to  the  rights  of  sovereigns  and  the  happiness  of  the  French 
nation.  Provided  that  other  powers  would  co-operate  with  them  | 
they  were  willing  to  act  promptly,  and  had  therefore  placed 
their  armies  on  foot.  These  threats  exasperated  but  did  not 
terrify  the  French  people.  Leopold  had  no  intention  of  enter- 
ing upon  hostilities,  and  found  a  loophole  by  which  completion 
to  escape  from  declaring  war  in  the  acceptance  oftheCon- 
by  Louis  xvi.  of  the  completed  Constitution  on  st't"t'°"- 
2ist  September  1791.  He  then  solemnly  withdrew  his  pre- 
tensions to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  France. 

While  the  first  Constitution  of  France,  sanctioning  the 
representative  principle  and  the  rights  of  the  people,  was 
being  slowly  built  up  in  the  midst  of  troubles  and  intrigues  at 
Paris,  a  not  less  remarkable  constitution  was  pro-  ^j^^  p^jj^j^ 
mulgated  in  Poland,  manifesting  the  same  ideas.  Constitution. 
The  partition  of  Poland  in  1773  had  proved  to  all  ^'^  May  1791.  ^ 
patriotic  Poles  that  their  independence  as  a  nation  was  in  the 
utmost  peril.  A  serious  effort  was  therefore  made  to  organise 
the  country,  and  to  place  the  government  on  a  settled  and 
logical  basis.    The  army  was  made  national  instead  of  feudal ; 


104  European  Histojy,  1790-1792 

an  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  national  system  of  finance, 
and  a  scheme  of  national  education  was  propounded  and 
partly  carried  into  effect.  But  these  measures  were  but  steps 
in  the  work  of  making  Poland  a  nation,  instead  of  a  loose 
confederation  of  nobles;  the  final  decision  was  taken  in  1788, 
when  the  Polish  Diet  elected  a  Committee  to  draw  up  a  new 
Constitution,  raised  the  national  army  to  60,000  men,  and 
decreed  regular  taxes  in  order  to  replenish  the  national 
treasury.  This  consciousness  of  nationality  enabled  Stanislas 
Poniatowski,  King  of  Poland,  to  negotiate  as  an  independent 
and  powerful  sovereign  with  Prussia  in  1789,  and  to  send  his 
envoys  to  Reichenbach  in  1790  to  act  with  the  envoys  of  the 
other  powers.  The  leading  member  of  the  Pohsh  Constitu- 
tional Committee  was  Kollontai,  a  most  remarkable  man,  and 
a  Catholic  priest,  who  had  done  good  service  as  Rector  of  the 
University  of  Cracow,  which  he  reorganised,  and  who  had 
been  made  Vice-Grand-Chancellor  of  the  kingdom.  He  was 
the  principal  author  of  the  Polish  Constitution,  which  was 
accepted  by  the  Diet  of  Warsaw  on  3d  May  1791.  This 
Constitution  was  noteworthy  in  what  it  abolished  and  what 
it  created.  It  abolished  the  elective  monarchy,  the  source  of 
so  many  evils  and  intrigues,  and  declared  the  throne  of  Poland 
hereditary  in  the  House  of  Saxony  in  succession  to  Stanislas 
Poniatowski,  and  it  also  abolished  the  liberum  vefo,  which  had 
enabled  one  member  of  the  Diet  to  thwart  the  wishes  of  the 
majority.  It  created  a  regular  government,  conferring  the  legis- 
lative power  on  the  King,  the  Senate,  and  an  elected  Chamber, 
and  the  executive  power  on  the  King,  aided  by  six  ministers 
responsible  to  the  Legislature.  The  cities  were  permitted  to 
elect  their  judges  and  deputies  to  the  Diet ;  but  the  plague-spot 
of  serfdom  was  too  delicate  to  touch,  and  the  Diet  only  declared 
its  willingness  to  sanction  all  arrangements  made  between  a 
lord  and  his  serfs  for  the  benefit  of  the  latter.  In  some 
respects  this  Constitution  compares  favourably  with  that  of 
France  drawn  up  at  the  same  time ;  if  it  does  not  proclaim  so 
firmly  the  liberty  of  man,   it  at  any  rate  is  free  from  the 


Tiie  Legislative  Assembly  105 

lamentable  fear  of  the  power  of  the  executive,  which  vitiated 
the  work  of  the  French  reformers.  France  feared  its  execu- 
tive after  a  long  course  of  despotic  monarchy ;  Poland  felt  the 
need  of  a  strong  executive  after  a  long  history  of  anarchy. 
Both  countries,  trying  to  be  free,  were  affected  in  different 
ways,  and  with  very  different  results,  by  the  intervention  of 
foreign  powers. 

The  acceptance  of  the  completed  French  Constitution  was 
the  signal  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Constituent  Assembly. 
It   was    at   once   succeeded   by   the   Legislative   „,    .     . 

-'  °  The  Legis- 

Assembly,  elected  under  the  provisions  of  the  lative 
new  Constitution.  The  new  Assembly  consisted,  Assembly, 
owing  to  a  self-denying  ordinance  passed  in  May  1791,  on 
the  proposition  of  Robespierre,  forbidding  the  election  of 
deputies  sitting  in  the  Constituent  Assembly  to  its  successor, 
of  none  but  untried  men,  who  had  no  experience  of  politics. 
They  were  mostly  young  men  who  had  learned  to  talk  in  their 
local  popular  societies,  and  who  at  once  joined  the  mother  of 
such  societies,  the  Jacobin  Club  at  Paris.  They  were  forbidden 
by  a  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  1791  to  interfere  with  con- 
stitutional questions,  which  could  only  be  touched  by  a 
Convention  summoned  for  the  purpose,  and  so  could  only 
interfere  in  current  politics  and  matters  of  administration.  In 
such  interference  they  were  justified  by  the  position  of  power- 
lessness  into  which  the  executive  authority,  the  King  and  his 
ministers,  were  reduced  by  the  Constitution.  The  two  burning 
questions  which  first  came  before  them  were,  the  treatment  of 
the  clergy  who  had  not  taken  the  oath  to  observe  the  Civil 
Constitution  of  the  Clergy,  and  of  the  emigres.  Both  questions 
gave  plenty  of  opportunity  for  the  display  of  fervid  revolu- 
tionary and  patriotic  eloquence,  for  the  priests,  who  had  not 
taken  the  oath,  were  undisguisedly  stirring  up  opposition  to 
the  Revolution  in  the  provinces,  and  the  emigres  were  form- 
ing an  army  on  the  French  frontier.  And  the  Legislative 
Assembly  was  in  a  greater  degree  than  either  its  predecessor, 
the  Constituent,   or  its  successor,   the  Convention,  liable  to 


io6  European  History,  1790- 1792 

be  swayed  by  oratory.  The  deputies  liked  to  listen  to  glowing 
words  and  patriotic  sentiments,  and  were  largely  influenced  by 
the  speeches  of  three  great  orators,  Vergniaud,  Gensonne, 
and  Guadet,  who  all  came  from  Bordeaux,  the  capital  of  the 
department  of  the  Gironde,  and  to  whose  supporters  posterity 
has  given  the  name  of  Girondins.  But  these  orators  were  in 
their  turn  influenced  by  a  Norman  deputy,  Brissot.  This 
veteran  pamphleteer  was  a  sincere  republican  ;  he  also,  having 
long  been  a  journalist,  believed  himself  a  master  of  foreign 
politics.  He  desired  to  bring  about  a  war  between  France  and 
Austria.  He  believed  that  such  a  war  would  either  cause  the 
King  to  throw  in  his  lot  heartily  with  the  Revolution,  or,  what 
was  more  likely,  would  make  him  declare  himself  openly 
against  it,  and  would  thus  enable  the  advanced  democratic 
party  to  call  him  a  traitor,  and  by  rousing  all  France  against 
him,  pave  the  way  for  his  overthrow  and  the  establishment  of 
a  republic.  The  first  step  was  taken  to  make  Louis  xvi. 
appear  the  opponent  of  the  Revolution  by  passing  a  decree 
against  the  priests,  who  had  not  taken  the  oath,  which  his 
conscience  would  not  permit  him  to  sign  ;  the  second  by 
passing  a  decree  against  the  emigres,  who  were  led  by  his  own 
brothers,  and  an  instruction  that  he  should  ask  the  Emperor 
and  the  German  princes  on  the  Rhine  to  prevent  the  emigres 
from  forming  an  army,  and  to  expel  them  if  they  did  so. 

The  question  of  the  expediency  of  war  with  Austria  was  soon 
Approach  of  taken  up  in  France,  and  not  only  the  Legislative 
FYanc'^elnr"  Assembly  but  the  popular  clubs  busied  themselves 
the  Emperor,  in  discussing  it.  The  Declaration  of  Pilnitz  ex- 
asperated the  whole  nation,  which  resented  dictation  or  inter- 
ference in  the  internal  affairs  of  France,  and  the  warlike  and 
menacing  attitude  of  the  army  oi emigres,  which  had  been  formed 
by  the  Prince  de  Conde  on  the  French  frontier  at  Worms, 
increased  the  universal  wrath.  Louis  xvi.,  whose  ministers  had 
been  but  feeble. figure-heads  during  the  Constituent  Assembly, 
at  this  juncture  appointed  the  Comte  de  Narbonne,  a  young  man 
of  distinguished  ability,  to  be  Minister  for  War.     Narbonne 


The  Jacobin  Club  \o^ 

grasped  the  situation.  He  saw  the  people  wished  for  war,  and 
he  therefore  declared  that  the  King  was  as  patriotic  as  his 
subjects,  and  was  also  ready  for  war  if  satisfaction  were  not 
given  to  France.  Three  large  armies  were  formed  and  placed 
upon  the  frontiers  under  the  command  of  Generals  Rocham- 
beau,  Liickner,  and  Lafayette,  of  whom  the  two  former  were 
created  Marshals  of  France.  By  this  policy  Narbonne  took 
the  wind  out  of  the  sails  of  Brissot  and  the  Girondins;  he 
hoped  that  if  the  Austrian  war  was  successful  the  King  would 
be  sufficiently  strengthened  in  popularity  to  regain  his  authority 
as  head  of  the  executive ;  while,  if  it  failed,  the  nation  in  its 
extremity  would  turn  to  its  legitimate  sovereign  and  invest 
him  with  dictatorial  power.  The  leaders  of  the  democratic 
party  in  Paris,  which  had  been  scattered  by  Lafayette  in  July 
1 791,  saw  this  equally  clearly  with  Narbonne,  and  therefore 
opposed  the  war  Avith  all  their  might.  The  Jacobin  Club  had 
become  their  headquarters ;  most  of  the  deputies  who  came 
up  from  the  provinces  joined  the  mother  society  at  Paris,  and 
it  soon  became  more  powerful  than  ever  in  creating  public 
opinion.  The  effect  of  the  secession  and  consequent  forma- 
tion of  the  Club  of  1789  only  made  the  Jacobins  more  frankly 
democratic,  while  the  presence  of  many  of  its  members  in 
the  Legislative  Assembly  strengthened  the  influence  of  the 
Jacobin  Club.  It  was  in  the  Jacobin  Club  during  the  debates 
on  the  war  that  the  difference  between  what  were  to  be  the 
Girondin  and  the  Mountain  parties  in  the  Convention  first 
appeared.  Brissot  and  the  Girondin  orators  argued  in  favour 
of  war;  while  Marat,  Uanton,  and  still  more  Robespierre, 
whose  career  in  the  Constituent  Assembly  had  made  him  ex- 
ceedingly popular,  opposed  it.  The  last-mentioned  orator  was 
indeed  the  chief  opponent  of  the  war ;  he  saw  through  Nar- 
bonne's  schemes,  and  hinted  that  the  projected  war  was  merely 
a  court  intrigue  to  promote  the  power  of  the  King.  The 
political  strife  became  personal,  and  Robespierre,  Marat, 
and  Danton  became  the  sworn  foes  of  Brissot  and  the 
Girondins. 


io8  European  Histoiy,  1790-1792 

The  main  causes  of  the  war  were  the  questions  of  the  rights 
of  the  Princes  of  the  Empire  in  Alsace  and  of  the  emigres.    The 
defence  of  the  former  rights  as  rights  of  the  Empire  had  been 
pressed  upon  Leopold  at  the  time  of  his  election  as  Emperor, 
Causes  of        and  on  26th  April  1791  the  Prince  of  Thurn  and 
Fra'nceTnd "   ^axis,  as  Imperial  Commissary,  summoned  the  Diet 
the  Emperor,  to  meet.     It  assembled,  and  after  a  long  discussion 
a  conclusiim  was  arrived  at, .  that  the  Empire  maintained  the 
Treaties  of  Westphalia  and  of  the  eighteenth  century  now 
violated  by  France,  and  requested  the  Emperor  to  take  severe 
measures  against  the  revolutionary  propaganda.    The  Emperor 
Leopold,  as  sovereign  of  Austria,  had  withdrawn  from  the 
position  he  had  taken  up  at  Pilnitz,  but  as  Emperor  he  was 
obliged  to  submit  this  conclusum  of  the  Diet  to  the  King  of 
France,  which  he  did  in  a  strongly-worded  despatch  drawn  up 
by  the  Chancellor  Kaunitz,  which  was  laid  before  the  Legis- 
lative Assembly  on  3d  December  1791.     It  was  as  Emperor 
also  that  Leopold  defended  the  conduct  of  the  border  princes 
of  the   Empire,  notably  the  Elector-Archbishops  of  Treves, 
Cologne,  and  Mayence,  and  the  Bishops  of  Spires  and  Worms, 
in  sheltering  French  ^w/^m.     On  29th  November  1791  the 
Assembly  had  desired  the  King  to  write  to  the  Emperor  and 
to  these  border  princes  protesting  against  the  enlistment  of 
troops  by  the  emigres,  and  the  Emperor's   answer  defending 
the  conduct  of  the  princes  concerned  was  read  to  the  Assembly 
on  14th  December.     The  replies  of  Leopold  were  referred  to 
the  Diplomatic  Committee,  and  on  its  report,  the  Assembly 
resolved  on  25th  January  1792  that  the  Emperor  should  be 
requested  to  explain  his  attitude  towards  France  and  to  promise 
to  undertake  nothing  against  her  independence  in  forming  her 
own   constitution  and  settling  her  own  mode  of  government 
before  ist  March  1792,  and  that  an  evasive  or  unsatisfactory 
reply  should  be  considered  as  annulling  the  Treaty  of  1756 
and  as  an  act  of  hostility.     The  answer  to  this  demand,  which 
was  drafted  by  Kaunitz,   was  read  to  the  Assembly  on   ist 
March;   it  censured   the   course  which  was  being  taken  by 


Alliance  betwccii  Prussia  and  Austria  109 

France,  stigmatised  the  Revolution  and  accused  the  Jacobins 
of  fomenting  anarchy,  and  its  first  results  were  the  dismissal 
of  Narbonne,  the  impeachment  of  De  Lessart,  the  Foreign 
Minister,  and  the  formation  of  a  Girondin  ministry. 

In  the  position  he  had  taken  up  the  Emperor  Leopold  was 
generally  supported.  The  Princes  of  the  Empire,  as  was 
represented  in  their  conclusiim  passed  at  the  Diet,  not  only 
resented  the  interference  of  France  with  historic  rights  in 
Alsace  and  her  dictation  as  to  whom  they  should  shelter,  but 
were  beginning  to  fear  the  contagion  of  the  revolutionary  con- 
ceptions of  the  rights  of  man  and  political  liberty.  Through- 
out the  Rhine  provinces  the  peasants  had  risen  in  partial 
rebellion  against  their  lords ;  in  all  the  great  cities  of  western 
Germanythe  more  enlightened  bourgeois  protested  against  their 
exclusion  from  political  influence.  This  contagion,  however, 
did  not  spread  far  in  these  early  days.  The  Empress  Catherine, 
the  King  of  Prussia,  and  the  King  of  Sweden,  who  chiefly 
urged  Leopold  to  make  a  brave  stand  against  the  Legislative 
Assembly,  were  urged  by  other  motives.  Catherine  wished 
to  see  Austria  and  Prussia  embroiled  with  France  so  as  to 
have  her  hands  free  to  deal  with  the  Poles,  who  seemed  likely 
with  their  new  Constitution  to  ward  off  destruction.  Frederick 
William  11.  was  disgusted  by  the  disrespect  shown  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  monarchy  by  the  Parisians'  treatment  of  Louis  xvi. 
Gustavus  III.  had  imbibed  a  knightly  admiration  for  Marie 
Antoinette,  and  felt  a  personal  desire  to  relieve  her  from  her 
position  of  humiliation.  Each  monarch  showed  his  inclina- 
tion characteristically.  Catherine  received  some  French 
emigres,  who  found  their  way  to  her  distant  court,  with  kind- 
ness, and  dismissed  the  French  ambassador  ;  Gustavus  hurried 
to  Spa  to  consult  with  the  French  emigres,  and  proposed  an 
immediate  expedition  to  carry  off  the  French  court;  Frederick 
William  signed  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  the 
Emperor  on  2d  February  1792,  which  saved  him  the  trouble 
of  personal  decision,  and  left  to  the  ICmperor  the  harassing 
business  of  arranging  the  details  of  the  war  and  of  so  carrying 


no  Ew'opcan  History,  1790-1792 

out  the  necessary  diplomatic  negotiations  which  preceded  an 

open  rupture,  that  the  interference  of  the  powers  should  seem 

justified.      In   the   midst   of  his   preparations  the  Emperor 

.    .        Leopold  died  suddenly  on    ist  March  1792,  the 

\        Death  of  '  ■"  , 

\  Leopold,  ist  very  day  on  which  his  last  manifesto  was  read  to 
\  March  1792.  ^j^g  Legislative  Assembly.  His  death  was  an  irre- 
parable blow  for  Austria,  for  Germany,  for  France,  and  for 
Europe.  In  his  short  reign  he  had  shown  himself  to  be  a 
monarch  of  extraordinary  ability,  possessing  alike  singular  tact 
and  great  force  of  character.  He  was  succeeded  in  the  heredi- 
tary dominions  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg  by  his  eldest  son 
Francis  11.,  an  inexperienced  youth,  quite  unfitted  to  continue 
Leopold's  policy  in  the  troublous  times  approaching. 

Europe  had  hardly  recovered  from  the  shock  of  the 
Emperor's  sudden  death,  when  it  was  startled  by  the  news  of 
Murder  of  the  murdcr  of  Gustavus  in.  of  Sweden,  who  was 
Gustavus  III.    I  ^        j^-g  ^      ixovix  a  masked  ball  at  Stockholm 

2gth  March  -' 

1792.  by  an  officer  named  Ankarstrom,  on  i6th  March 

1792.  He  lingered  till  29th  March,  when  he  died,  and  was 
succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Sweden  by  his  infant  son, 
Gustavus  IV.  Duke  Charles  of  Sudermania  was  appointed 
Regent.  He  at  once  reversed  the  policy  of  the  late  king ;  he 
felt  none  of  the  sympathy  so  warmly  expressed  by  Gustavus  in. 
for  Marie  Antoinette,  and  he  distrusted  the  close  alliance 
which  had  been  entered  into  with  Russia  after  the  Treaty 
of  Verela.  His  first  measure  was  to  place  Sweden  in  a 
position  of  absolute  neutrality,  from  which  she  never  swerved 
during  his  tenure  of  power. 

Of  the  ministers  who  came  into  office  in  France  in  March 
1792  through  the  influence  of  the  Girondins  in  the  Legislative 
Assembly,  the  most  notable  were  Roland  and  Dumouriez. 
The  former  was  a  sincere  republican,  who  was  induced  by  his 
wife  to  take  up  an  offensive  attitude  to  the  King,  the  latter 
Policy  of  ^"^  experienced  soldier  and  diplomatist,  who  was 
Dumouriez.  -well  fitted  for  the  ministry  of  foreign  affairs.  Du- 
mouriez at  once  accepted  war  with  Austria  as  inevitable,  and 


War  declared  between  France  and  A  u stria       1 1 1 

directed  all  his  efforts  to  isolate  her.  He  was  a  sworn  enemy 
of  the  Austrian  alliance,  entered  into  by  the  Treaty  of  1756,  and 
cemented  by  the  marriage  of  Marie  Antoinette,  and  his  first 
step  was  to  endeavour  to  detach  Prussia.  He  was  sanguine 
enough  to  believe  in  the  possibility  of  doing  this,  but  he  did 
not  understand  the  character  of  Frederick  William  11.  It  was 
difficult  to  induce  that  monarch  to  make  up  his  mind,  but  when 
he  did  make  it  up  he  was  obstinate.  The  French  party  at  his 
Court,  headed  by  his  uncle  Prince  Henry,  and  in  his  ministry, 
represented  by  Haugwitz,  was  very  strong  ;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  he  had  been  convinced  by  Leopold  that  the  cause  of 
Louis  XVI.  was  the  cause  of  monarchy,  and  the  German  party 
at  Berhn  hinted  that  if  he  allowed  Austria  to  pose  as  the  de- 
fender of  the  rights  of  the  Empire  by  herself,  the  policy  of 
Frederick  the  Great  to  make  Prussia  the  leader  of  Germany 
would  be  undone.  Frederick  William  11.,  therefore,  listened 
coldly  to  the  overtures  of  Dumouriez,  and  made  war  declared 
preparations  to  support  his  ally  in  the  field.    On  ^^  France 

'■       '■  ^  '  •^  against 

20th  April  1792  the  Legislative  Assembly  assented  Austria, 
almost  unanimously  to  the  King's  proposition,  as  20th  April  1792. 
read  by  Dumouriez,  to  declare  war  against  the  King  of 
Hungary  and  Bohemia,  as  Francis  11.  was  at  this  time  styled, 
and  the  great  war,  which  was  to  rage  with  but  slight  inter- 
missions for  twenty-three  years,  began. 

The  commencement  of  the  first  campaign  of  1792  proved 
how  thoroughly  the  French  army  had  been  disorganised  and 
demoralised  by  the  policy  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  and 
the  general  course  of  the  Revolution.  An  attempt  was  made 
to  invade  the  Austrian  Netherlands  or  Belgium  on  four  lines; 
but  one  column  was  seized  with  panic  and  rushed  back  to 
Lille,  murdering  its  general,  Theobald  Dillon.  The  other 
commanders  found  their  soldiers  filled  with  a  spirit  of  distrust 
for  their  officers  and  hardly  amenable  to  discipline,  and  it  soon 
became  obvious  that  France  would  have  to  stand  on  the 
defensive.  This  news  profoundly  moved  the  people  of  France 
and  especially  of  Paris.     The  word  treachery  was  freely  used 


112  European  History^  1790- 1792 

in  connection  with  the  Court,  and  it  was  asserted  that  the 
plan  of  campaign  had  been  revealed  to  the  Austrians  by  the 
Queen.  This  was  true  ;  Marie  Antoinette  had  always  looked 
to  Austrian  help  to  rescue  her  from  her  position,  and  Louis 
XVI.  had  now  entirely  come  round  to  her  view.  At  this  junc- 
ture he  dismissed  his  Girondin  ministers  on  their  insisting  upon 
his  signing  a  decree,  which  had  been  passed  by  the  Assembly 
ordering  the  deportation  of  priests  who  had  not  taken  the 
oath,  and  even  accepted  the  resignation  of  the  ablest  of 
Invasion  of  the  them,  Dumouricz,  who  had  offered  to  form  a  new 
Tuiieries.  ministry.      The  populace  of  Paris  was  intensely 

une  1792.  gj^^j(.g^  ]jy  ^i^g  failure  of  the  attack  on  Belgium, 
the  concentration  of  the  Prussian  army  on  the  frontier,  and 
the  dismissal  of  the  popular  ministers,  and  a  body  of  peti- 
tioners, after  filing  through  the  hall  of  the  Assembly,  burst  into 
the  Tuiieries  and  for  some  hours  filled  the  palace,  insulting  the 
King  and  Queen  and  forcing  the  former  to  put  on  a  red  cap 
of  liberty.  The  invasion  of  the  Tuiieries  marked  the  final 
In-each  between  the  King  and  the  people.  Louis  xvi.  longed 
more  ardently  than  ever  for  the  arrival  of  the  allied  mon- 
archs ;  and  the  Jacobin  leaders,  who  perceived  the  impossi- 
bility that  France  should  be  successful  in  war  with  an  unwill- 
ing king  at  her  head,  began  to  plot  for  his  overthrow.  His  last 
chance  was  lost,  when  he  rejected  the  proffered  assistance  of 
Lafayette,  who  returned  from  his  army  without  leave  and 
offered  to  bring  the  National  Guard  of  Paris  to  his  help. 

The  news  of  the  invasion  of  the  Tuiieries  by  the  mob  on 
the  20th  June  further  decided  the  allied  monarchs  to  take 
Francis  II.  immediate  action.  Francis  11.,  who  was  crowned 
Emperor.         Emperor  at  Frankfort   on  14th  July   1792,  was 

14th  July    1702.  .  ,  ,      .  ,  1  ,  r^, 

eager  to  come  to  his  aunt  s  help.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  allies  was  now  reversed.  Instead  of  Austria 
in  the  person  of  the  experienced  Emperor  Leopold  guiding 
Prussia,  it  was  now  Frederick  William  11.  of  Prussia  who 
directed  the  policy  of  the  young  Emperor  Francis.  It  was 
arranged    that    the    Prussians    should    invade    Champagne, 


Capture  of  t J ic  Tuileries  1 13 

supported  by  a  corps  oi  h.Vi%\x\zx\^  and  emigres  on  their  left,  and 
joined  midway  by  a  corps  of  Austrians  from  their  right,  while 
an  Austrian  army  under  Duke  Albert  of  Saxe-Teschen  was 
to  march  from  the  Netherlands  and  invest  Lille.  The  central 
Prussian  army  was  placed  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  who,  before  he  started  on  his  march,  issued  a  most 
violent  proclamation,  drafted  by  an  emigre,  M.  de  Limon, 
threatening  to  hold  Paris  liable  for  the  safety  of  the  King,  and 
vowing  vengeance  on  the  French  people  as  rebels. 

Brunswick's  proclamation  was  the  very  thing  to  complete 
the  exasperation  of  the  French  people.  National  patriotism 
rose  to  its  height ;  the  country  had  been  declared  in  danger, 
and  thousands  of  volunteers  were  arming  and  preparing  to  go 
to  the  front ;  the  threats  of  the  Prussians  only  increased  the 
national  spirit  of  resistance;  and  the  universal  insurrection 
feeling  was  one  of  defiance.  But  there  was  ob-  of  loth  Aug. 
viously  no  chance  of  success  while  the  executive  ^^'^^' 
remained  in  its  present  hands.  The  King's  power  of  interfer- 
ing with  the  preparations  for  resistance  had  to  be  stopped. 
This  was  clearly  understood  by  the  democratic  leaders,  who, 
ever  since  20th  June  1792,  had  been  organising  an  armed  rising. 
They  waited  till  some  volunteers  from  Marseilles  entered  the 
capital,  singing  the  song  that  bears  their  name,  and  then 
they  struck.  The  royal  plans  for  the  defence  of  the  Tuileries 
were  thwarted ;  a  number  of  the  most  energetic  democrats 
ousted  the  Council-General  of  the  Commune  of  Paris,  and 
formed  an  Insurrectionary  Commune ;  and  the  men  of  the 
poorer  districts  of  Paris,  the  Faubourgs  Saint-Antoine  and 
Saint-Marceau,  headed  by  the  Marseillais,  advanced  to  attack 
the  royal  palace.  Before  the  assault  commenced,  Louis  xvi., 
accompanied  by  his  family  and  his  ministers,  took  refuge  in 
the  hall  of  the  Legislative  Assembly.  The  attack  was  gallantly 
resisted  by  the  Swiss  Guards,  who  garrisoned  the  suspension  of 
palace,  but  the  people  were  eventually  successful  Louis  xvi. 
and  the  Tuileries  was  taken.  The  Legislative '°^''^"^-'^^'- 
Assembly  at  once  declared  the  King  suspended  from  his  office, 

PKklfJlJ  vu.  H 


114  European  His  lory,  1790-1792 

and  ordered  him  to  be  confined  with  his  family  in  the  Temple. 
It  then  elected  a  new  ministry,  consisting  of  three  of  the 
former  (iirondin  ministers,  Roland,  Claviere,  and  Servan  for 
the  Interior,  Finance,  and  War,  and  three  new  men,  Danton, 
Monge,  and  Lebrun  for  Justice,  the  Marine,  and  Foreign 
Affairs.  This  ministry,  with  the  help  of  an  extraordinary  Com- 
mission of  Twenty-one,  elected  by  the  Legislative,  and  of  the 
Commune  of  Paris,  displayed  the  greatest  energy.  By  means 
of  domiciliary  visits,  those  suspected  of  opposition  to  the  insur- 
rection of  loth  August  were  seized  and  imprisoned;  a  camp 
was  formed  for  the  defence  of  Paris  ;  men  were  everywhere 
raised  and  equipped  and  sent  to  the  front ;  and  commissioners 
were  sent  throughout  France,  and  especially  to  the  armies,  to 
tell  the  tale  of  the  insurrection  and  to  secure  the  adhesion 
of  the  people.  Danton  was  the  heart  and  soul  of  the  defence 
movement  and  of  the  ministry,  and  inspired  confidence  and 
patriotism  into  those  who  hesitated;  the  Commission  of  Twenty- 
one,  whose  mouthpiece  was  the  great  orator  Vergniaud,  aided 
him  to  the  best  of  their  power ;  the  Legislative  directed  the 
convocation  of  the  primary  assemblies,  without  distinction  of 
active  and  passive  citizens,  for  the  election  of  a  National 
Convention ;  and  the  Commune  of  Paris  took  measures  to 
prevent  any  attempt  at  a  counter-revolution. 

But  no  amount  of  energy  and  patriotism  could  in  a  moment 
make  trained  armies  and  enable  France  to  repulse  the  most 
famous  troops  in  Europe.     Fortunately  for   France,  in   this 

Desertion  of  crisis,  her  untrained  soldiers  behaved  admirably. 

Lafayette.  Lafayette,  on  the  news  of  the  insurrection  of  loth 
August,  arrested  the  commissioners  sent  to  him  by  the  Legisla- 
tive Assembly,  and  endeavoured  to  induce  his  army  to  march 
to  the  aid  of  the  King.  But  his  men  refused ;  the  former 
commander  of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris  deserted,  and 
Dumouriez  took  command  of  his  army.  Lille  made  a  gallant 
resistance  to  the  Austrians,  who  had  formed  the  siege,  but 
the  Prussians  met  with  no  such  obstinate  opposition.  Longwy 
surrendered  to  them  on   27th  August,  and  Verdun  on  2nd 


The  Battle  of  Valmy  1 1 5 

September,  and  they  continued  their  march  directly  on  Paris. 
Dumouriez  fell  back  with  his  main  army  to  defend  the  uplands, 
— they  can  hardly  be  called  the  mountains, — of  the  Argonne. 
He  summoned  to  him  the  corps d'arm'ee  on  the  Belgian  frontier 
under  Arther  Dillon,  and  a  detachment  from  the  Army  of  the 
Rhine  under  Kellermann,  while  he  was  also  reinforced  by 
some  thousands  of  undisciplined,  and  therefore  useless,  volun- 
teers, and  by  a  fine  division  of  old  soldiers  collected  from 
the  garrisons  in  the  interior.  In  Paris  the  news  of  the  Prus- 
sian advance  caused  a  panic ;  it  seemed  impossible  that 
Dumouriez'  hastily  concentrated  army  could  oppose  an  effec- 
tive resistance  ;  and  even  Danton  and  Vergniaud  could  hardly 
keep  up  the  enthusiasm  they  had  at  first  aroused.  At  this 
juncture  the  Parisian  volunteers  were  half  afraid  to  go  to  the 
front  for  fear  that  the  numerous  prisoners,  arrested  during  the 
domiciliary  visits,  would  break  out  and  revenge  ^^e  Massacres 
themselves  on  the  families  of  the  volunteers.  This  of  September 
feeling  induced  the  horrible  series  of  murders,  '''^^' 

known  as  the  Massacres  of  September,  in  the  prisons.  The 
massacres  began  fortuitously,  and  there  were  not  more  than 
200  murderers  at  work  ;  but  the  crowd,  including  national 
guards,  stood  by  and  saw  them  committed  without  raising  a 
hand  to  help  the  victims.  All  Paris  is  responsible  for  the 
murders ;  they  could  have  been  easily  stopped ;  but  no  one 
wanted  to  check  them  :  the  feeling  which  allowed  them  was 
the  popular  feeling  ;  neither  Danton,  nor  Roland,  nor  the 
Commune  of  Paris,  nor  the  Legislative  Assembly  cared  to 
interfere ;  the  massacres  were  the  answer  to  the  Prussian 
advance  and  the  capture  of  Longvvy,  as  the  insurrection  of 
loth  August  was  the  reply  to  Brunswick's  manifesto. 

On  20th  September  1792  the  main  Prussian  army,  which  had 
reached  the  Argonne,  attacked  the  position  occu-  ga^tj^  ^j- 
pied  by  Kellermann  at  Valmy,  and  was  repulsed.  Vaimy. 
The  victory  was  not  a  great  one  ;  the  battle  was  ^"^^  Sept.  1792. 
not  very  hotly  contested  ;    the    losses   on   both    sides  were 
insignificant ;  but  its  results  both  military  and  political  were 


1 1 6  Etiropean  History,  1 790- 1 792 

immense.  The  King  of  Prussia,  who  complained  that  the  Aus- 
trians  had  not  fulfilled  their  engagements,  and  that  the  whole 
burden  was  thrown  on  him,  was  easily  persuaded  by  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick  to  order  a  retreat.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick  was  in- 
duced to  give  that  advice  from  military  considerations,  in  that 
his  army  was  wasted  by  disease  and  harassed  by  the  inclement 
weather,  and  from  policy,  because,  like  many  Prussian  officers, 
he  considered  it  unnatural  for  Prussians  and  Austrians  to  fight 
side  by  side.  The  retiring  army  was  not  hotly  pressed;  Dumou- 
riez  still  hoped  to  induce  Prussia  to  quit  the  coahtion  against 
France,  and  pursued  with  more  courtesy  than  vigour  until  the 
army  of  Brunswick  was  beyond  the  limits  of  French  territory. 
On  the  day  of  the  battle,  or  as  it  is  with  more  correctness 
Meeting  of     termed  the  cannonade,  of  Valmy,    the    National 

the  conven-    (^Qj^ygj-^tJon  met  in  Paris  and  assumed  the  direc- 
tion. .      11,,  J-    ■ 
20th  Sep.  1792.  tion  of  affairs.     It  contamed  all  the  most  distm- 

guished  men  who  had  sat  in  the  two  former  assemblies  on 
the  Left,  or  democratic  side,  and  its  first  act  was  to  declare 
France  a  Republic.  After  this  had  been  unanimously  carried, 
dissensions  at  once  arose,  and  a  fundamental  difference  between 
two  groups  of  deputies  appeared,  which  threatened  to  end  in 
Parties  in  ^'^^  proscription  of  the  one  or  the  other.  On  the 
the  Conven-  one  sidc  wcre  the  distinguished  orators  of  the 
^'°"'  Gironde,  who  have  given  their  name  to  the  whole 

party,  reinforced  by  the  presence  of  several  old  members  of 
the  Constituent  Assembly  and  of  a  few  young  and  inexperi- 
enced men.  This  group  was  roughly  divided  into  Buzotins 
and  Brissotins,  or  followers  of  Buzot,  a  leading  ex-Constituant, 
and  of  Brissot,  the  author  of  the  war  ;  but  some  of  the  greatest 
of  them,  like  Vergniaud,  refused  to  ally  themselves  with  either 
leader.  The  chief  meeting-place  of  the  Buzotins,  who  in- 
cluded most  of  the  younger  men,  was  Madame  Roland's  salon. 
On  the  other  side,  taking  their  name  from  the  high  benches  on 
which  they  sat,  were  the  deputies  of  the  Mountain,  including 
almost  the  whole  of  the  representatives  of  Paris,  and  all  the 
energetic  republicans,  who  had  brought  about  the  insurrection 


Conquest  of  Savoy  and  Nice  117 

of  loth  August.  This  group  comprised  Robespierre,  Danton 
and  Marat,  CoUot-d'Herbois  and  Billaud-Varenne,  all  deputies 
for  Paris,  and  none  of  whom,  except  Robespierre,  had  ever 
sat  in  either  of  the  former  assemblies,  with  some  leaders  of 
the  extreme  party  in  the  Legislative,  Merlin  of  Thionville, 
Chabot  and  Basire.  It  was  not  long  before  open  quarrels 
arose  between  the  two  groups.  The  Girondins  accused  the 
leaders  of  the  Mountain  of  having  in  the  Insurrectionary  Com- 
mune fomented  the  massacres  of  September  in  the  prisons, 
and  abused  them  as  sanguinary  and  ambitious  anarchists. 
This  accusation  was  formally  indeed  brought  against  Robes- 
pierre by  Louvet,  a  Rolandist  Girondin,  in  an  elaborate  attack 
delivered  on  29th  October ;  while  at  the  same  time  the 
Mountain  accused  the  Girondins  of  being  federalists  and 
desiring  to  destroy  the  essential  unity  of  the  Republic,  an 
accusation  which  was  used  with  deadly  effect  at  a  later  date. 
Both  groups,— they  cannot  be  called  parties,  for  they  had  no 
party  ties  and  recognised  no  party  obligations, — appealed  to 
the  great  majority  of  the  Convention,  the  deputies  of  the 
Centre,  who  sat  in  the  Plain  or  Marsh.  The  representative 
of  this  vast  majority  was  Barfere,  an  ex-Constituant,  who 
trimmed  judiciously  between  the  two  opposing  groups. 

The  Convention,  which  had  been  elected  in  days  of  deepest 
dejection,  if  not  despair,  when  the  Prussians  was  moving  on 
Paris  and  the  Austrians  were  besieging  Lille,  was  soon  raised 
by  a  succession  of  conquests  to  a  state  of  patriotic   ^^^  ^^^^  ^^ 
exaltation,  bordering  on  delirium.     In  the  month     Savoy  and 
of    September,   just   after  the  battle   of  Valmy,        ^"^^' 
General  Montesquiou  occupied  Savoy,  and  General  Anselme 
the  county  and  city  of  Nice,  territories  belonging  to  the  King 
of  Sardinia,  without  striking  a  blow.     This  was  followed  by  a 
more  important  series  of  successes.     Though  not  as  a  body 
engaged  in  war  with  France,  many  princes  of  the  Empire  had 
sent  contingents  to  the  aid  of  the  Prussians  and  Austrians. 
In  reply,  still  without  declaring  war  on  the  Empire,  the  French 
attacked    the   Rhenish    princes.      On    1st   October    General 


1 1 8  European  History,  1 790- 1 792 

Custine,  commanding  a  corps  of  the  Army  of  the  Rhine,  took 
Spires,  on  October  4  Worms,  and  on  October  21  Mayence, 
one  of  the  bulwarks  of  the  Empire  and  the  capital  of  the 
Capture  of  Elector- Archbishop.  From  Mayence  Custine 
SsToctober  dctachcd  divisions  in  other  directions,  and  held  the 
1792.  wealthy  city  of  Frankfort-on-the-Main  to  ransom. 

Not  less  startlingly  rapid  were  the  conquests  of  Dumouriez 
on  the  north-east  frontier.  After  the  retreat  of  the  Prussians 
Battle  of  ^^  turned  north  against  the  Austrians  ;  he  raised 
jemmappes.  the  sicgc  of  Lille,  which  had  been  heroically  de- 
6th  Nov.  1792.   f^j^^jgj^  ^^^  Qj^  (3^1^  November  he  defeated  the 

Austrians  in  a  pitched  battle  at  Jemmappes,  near  Mons. 
This  victory  laid  Belgium  open  to  him.  He  occupied  the 
whole  country,  entered  Brussels  as  a  conqueror,  and  estab- 
lished his  headquarters  at  Liege.  The  conquest  of  Belgium 
intoxicated  the  Convention ;  they  believed  their  armies  to  be 
invincible ;  they  regarded  themselves  as  having  a  mission  to 
carry  the  doctrines  of  the  French  Revolution  as  embodied  in 
the  Rights  of  Man  and  the  Sovereignty  of  the  People  into  all 
countries;  they  declared  themselves  on  19th  November  ready 
to  wage  war  for  all  peoples  upon  all  kings ;  and  in  disregard 
of  all  international  obligations,  they  declared  the  Scheldt, 
which  by  treaty  had  been  closed  to  commerce  for  years,  a  free 
,  river,  because  it  had  its  source  in  a  free  country. 

The  intoxication  which  followed  this  series  of  unparalleled 
successes  blinded  the  Convention  to  the  need  of  improving 
and  disciplining  their  troops.  The  French  republicans  did 
not  comprehend  that  the  chief  cause  of  the  facile  conquests 
of  their  armies  was  that  they  met  with  the  sympathy  of  the 
conquered.  Belgium,  the  Rhine  provinces.  Savoy,  and  Nice 
were  all  filled  with  revolutionary  enthusiasm,  and  welcomed 
the  French  as  liberators;  they  requested  to  be  united  to 
France,  when  primary  assemblies  were  summoned  by  the 
French  commissioners,  and  on  9th  November  Savoy  and  Nice, 
and  on  T3th  December  the  Austrian  Netherlands  or  Belgium, 
were  declared  a  part  of  France.     In  spite  of  these  military 


Execution  of  Louis  XVI  119 

successes,  the  republican  army  could  not  be  organised  in  a 
day;  the  seeds  of  anarchy  sown  by  the  Constituent  had  gone 
too  deep  to  enable  discipline  to  be  restored  except  by  sharp 
measures ;  the  administration  of  the  army,  that  is,  the  com- 
missariat, the  war  office,  etc.,  was  in  a  state  of  chaos;  the 
soldiers,  both  officers  and  men,  of  all  the  armies,  kept  their 
eyes  too  closely  fixed  on  the  course  of  politics  at  Paris  to  do 
their  duty  efficiently  at  the  front. 

The  burning  question  which  divided  the  Convention  at  the 
end  of  1792  was  the  treatment  to  be  meted  out  to  Louis  xvi. 
Robespierre  urged  that,  as  a  political  measure,  he  should  be 
put  to  death  ;  but  the  Girondins,  filled  with  an  idea  of  imitat- 
ing the  English  republicans  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
decided  on  a  royal  trial.  When  the  trial,  which  was  but  a 
defence  of  Louis  xvi.  by  his  counsel,  was  over,  the  Girondins, 
in  their  desire  to  avoid  responsibility,  or  perhaps  from  a 
genuine  belief  that  it  might  save  the  King's  life,  proposed 
that  the  sentence  on  him  should  be  submitted  to  the  primary 
assemblies  of  the  people.  The  deputies  of  the  Mountain 
feared  no  responsibility,  and  taunted  the  Girondins 

.  ,     ,     .  .     ,  ,.  Execution  of 

With  bemg  concealed  royalists.     The  motion  for  Louis  xvi. 
an  appeal  to  the  people  was  rejected ;  the  King  *"*  J^"-  '793- 
was  sentenced  to  death  by  a  small  majority;    and  on  21st 
January  1793  Louis  xvi.  was  guillotined  at  Paris. 

The  result  of  the  execution  of  Louis  xvi,  was  to  give  a 
pretext  to  the  countries  of  Europe  which  had  not  yet  declared 
war  against  the  French   Repul)lic  to  do  so.     Charles  iv.  of 
Spain,  in  the  hope  of  saving  the  chief  of  the  Bourbon  family, 
maintained   his    minister   at    Paris    until    the    last    possible 
moment,  and  it  was  with  reluctance  that  he  placed  his  army  in 
the  field  on  the  news  of  the  King's  execution.    The  vvar  with 
French  Republic  accepted  the  challenge,  and  early  Spain,  hoI- 
in  March  declared  war  against  Spain.     The  war  jand,'  anT " 
with  Holland  stood  on  a  different  basis.   Dumouriez,  the  Empire, 
after  his  conquest  of  Pielgium,  looked  on  Holland  as  an  easy 
and  particularly  wealthy  prey.    He  believed  that  by  confjuering 


120  Enropean  History,  1790- 1792 

Holland,  France  would  have  in  her  hands  a  means  of  forcing 
England  to  keep  the  peace.  His  views  were  supported  by 
Danton,  who  was  sent  on  mission  to  Dumouriez'  headquar- 
ters. The  contrary  was  the  result.  Pitt  sincerely  wished  for 
peace,  and  was  essentially  a  peace  minister,  but  he  had  no 
idea  of  allowing  the  faithful  ally  of  England,  Holland,  to  be 
overrun  and  held  to  ransom  by  the  French.  The  opening  of 
the  Scheldt  had  crowned  the  long  series  of  French  breaches 
of  international  law,  and  Pitt  resented  the  assumption  of  the 
Convention  that  the  law  of  nature,  as  interpreted  by  them- 
selves, was  to  take  the  place  of  the  law  of  nations.  Pitt's  hand 
was  also  forced  in  two  directions  ;  the  philippics  of  Burke  had 
roused  the  fears  of  English  property-holders  against  the  spread 
of  French  principles ;  and  George  in.  was  as  anxious  as  any 
Continental  monarch  to  preserve  the  dignity  of  kings.  Pitt 
and  his  foreign  minister,  Grenville,  gradually  became  convinced 
that  the  French  meant  to  fight  England,  and  that  war  was  in- 
evitable, and  Chauvelin,  the  French  ambassador,  was  ordered 
to  leave  London.  The  French  leaders  were  under  a  miscon- 
ception with  regard  to  the  spread  of  their  ideas  in  England ; 
they  knew  that  a  large  body  of  educated  men  sympathised 
with  them,  and  expected  a  national  democratic  rising  which 
should  overthrow  not  only  Pitt,  but  the  English  monarchy. 
They  did  not  understand  that  an  English  parliamentary 
[opposition,  in  spite  of  its  words,  is  as  staunchly  loyal  as 
the  ministry,  and  that  it  would  never  foment  or  encourage 
insurrection.  Under  these  circumstances  and  deluded  by  these 
misconceptions  France  declared  war  against  England  and 
Holland  on  ist  February  1793.  Many  smaller  nations  entered 
on  the  fray.  Sweden  under  the  prudent  government  of  the 
Regent  Duke  of  Sudermania,  Denmark  under  Christian  vii. 
and  Bernstorff,  and  Switzerland  declared  their  neutrality.  But 
Portugal,  where  the  heir-apparent,  afterwards  King  John  vi., 
had  become  regent  for  his  mother,  Maria  Francisca,  who 
was  insane;  Tuscany,  whose  Grand  Duke,  Ferdinand,  was  a 
brother  of  the  Emperor ;  Naples,  or  rather  the  Two  Sicilies, 


Conquest  of  Poland  1 2 1 

whose  king  was  a  Bourbon,  and  whose  queen  was  a  sister  of 
Marie  Antoinette,  all  declared  war  on  the  French  Republic. 
Catherine  of  Russia  wore  mourning  for  Louis  xvi.  and 
inveighed  on  the  wickedness  of  the  French  republicans,  and 
proceeded  to  take  advantage  of  the  occupation  of  the  rest  of 
Europe  in  the  affairs  of  France  to  prosecute  her  schemes  on 
Poland.  Last  of  all,  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  which  had 
decreed  the  armament  of  the  contingents  of  the  circles,  on  23d 
November  1792,  after  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Mayence, 
solemnly,  and  with  all  the  circumlocution  inseparable  from 
the  movement  of  the  unwieldy  machine,  declared  war  against 
France  on  2 2d  March  1793. 

While  regenerated  France  was  at  bay  with  nearly  the  whole 
of  Europe,  regenerated  Poland  was  being  conquered  by  a 
single  power.  While  Europe  pretended  to  fight  Catherine 
France  on  behalf  of  the  principle  of  monarchy,  invades 
Catherine  invaded  Poland,  because  by  the  Con- 
stitution of  3d  ]\Liy  1 791  it  had  strengthened  its  monarchy. 
France  was  attacked  because  it  was  asserted  to  be  in  a  state 
of  anarchy,  Poland  because  it  had  by  wise  reforms  tried  to  put 
an  end  to  an  historic  system  of  constitutional  anarchy.  As 
soon  as  Catherine  had  made  peace  with  the  Turks  at  Jassy, 
and  Austria  and  Prussia  were  engaged  in  war  with  France,  she 
intervened  to  overthrow  the  new  Polish  Constitution.  It  was 
not  difficult  to  find  Polish  nobles  who  resented  the  abrogation 
of  the  old  system,  and,  under  Catherine's  encouragement, 
Branicki,  Felix  Potocki,  and  some  others  formed  the  Con- 
federation of  Targovitsa,  and  protested  against  the  abolition 
of  the  liberum  veto  and  the  reforms  of  3d  May  1791.  They 
then  asked  Catherine  to  send  a  Russian  army  to  their  assist- 
ance. She  willingly  complied,  and  on  18th  May  1792  pub- 
lished a  manifesto,  stating  that  she  was  the  guarantor  of  the 
ancient  Polish  Constitution,  and  stigmatising  the  reformers 
of  1 791  as  Jacobins.  Suvdrov  at  once  entered  Poland  at 
the  head  of  80,000  Russians  and  20,000  Cossacks,  and  by 
force  of  numbers  defeated   the    Polish  army  under   Joseph 


122  European  History,  1790- 1792 

Pdniatowski   at    Zielence    on    i8th    June    1792,    and    under 
Kosciuszko  at  Dubicnka  on  17th  July.     These  defeats  caused 
the  reformers  of  1791,  including  Kollontai  and  Kosciuszko,  to 
go  into  exile ;  their  place  at  the  Diet  was  taken  by  the  leaders 
of  the  Confederation  of  Targovitsa,  and  the  Constitution  of  3d 
May  1 791  was  abrogated.    The  conquest  of  the  Polish  patriots 
by   Russia   greatly   excited   the   King    of   Prussia    and   the 
Emperor,  and  was  one  of  the  causes  which  induced  Frederick 
William  to  order  Brunswick  to  retreat  after  his  trifling  check 
at  Valmy.     The  Polish  patriots  appealed  to  Prussia  for  help 
under  the  terms  of  the  alliance  of  1790,  but  the  King  only 
answered  that  he  had  not  recognised  the  Constitution  of  3d 
May  1791,  and  that  the  Polish  leaders  were  Jacobins  and 
imitators  and  allies  of  the  French  revolutionary  leaders.     A 
Prussian  army,  therefore,  entered  Poland  to  co-operate  with 
Second  par-   the  Russians  and  to  share  the  spoil.     A  treaty  of 
titionof         partition  was  signed  by  Catherine  and  Frederick 
24th*Scpt.       William  on  4th  January  1793,  by  which  Russia 
1793-  was  to  annex  eastern  Poland,  including  the  whole 

of  Minsk,  Podolia,  Volhynia,  and  Little  Russia,  and  Prussia 
was  to  have  Posen,  Gnezen,  Kalisch,  and  the  cities  of  Dantzic 
and  Thorn.  Austria  was  too  hotly  engaged  in  the  war  with 
France  to  be  able  to  claim  a  share,  but  the  conduct  of  Prussia 
at  this  time  in  excluding  her  from  the  partition  of  Poland  was 
never  forgotten  nor  forgiven,  and  increased  the  hereditary  feel- 
ing of  distrust  between  the  two  powers.  TheEmperor  Francis 
regarded  himself  as  duped,  and  Prussia  by  acting  alone  broke 
the  solemn  engagements  entered  into  with  Leopold,  and 
commenced  the  policy  which  was  to  end  in  the  conclusion  of 
the  Treaty  of  Basle  with  the  French  Republic.  Though  the 
second  partition  of  Poland  was  agreed  upon  in  1792,  it  was 
not  consummated  until  the  following  year.  A  Diet  was  called 
at  Grodno,  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  the  Russian  soldiers, 
Stanislas  Poniatowski  and  the  Diet  consented  in  silence,  on 
24th  September  1793,  to  the  arrangements  made  between 
Russia  and  Prussia.     On   i6th  October  Catherine  signed  a 


Contrast  betiveen  France  and  Poland  123 

treaty,  guaranteeing  the  liberty  of  Poland,  that  is,  the  abuses 
of  the  old  Constitution,  which  were  certain  to  give  Russia  the 
opportunity  of  finishing  the  work  of  blotting  out  the  Poles  as 
an  independent  nationality  from  the  map  of  Europe. 

The  close  of  the  year  1792  thus  witnessed  at  the  same  time 
the  overthrow  of  Poland  and  France  in  arms  against  foreign 
aggression.  Each  country  was  to  make  a  violent  effort  for 
independence.  The  French  were  to  be  successful,  because 
under  the  influence  of  personal  and  political  freedom  every 
Frenchman  felt  it  his  duty  to  resist  foreign  interference; 
Poland  was  to  fail,  because  it  was  not  the  Polish  people, 
but  only  the  enlightened  Polish  nobles  and  bourgeois,  who 
appreciated  the  situation.- 


CHAPTER    IV 


1793-1795 

France  at  War  with  Europe — Altered  Character  of  the  War — The  RevoUt- 
tionary  Propaganda — First  Campaign  of  1793— Battle  of  Neerwinden — 
Desertion  of  Dumouriez — Creation  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety — 
Insurrection  in  La  Vendue — Creation  of  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal 
— Struggle  between  the  Girondins  and  the  Mountain — Overthrow  of  the 
Girondins — Second  Campaign  of  1793 — Loss  of  Valenciennes  and  May- 
ence — Civil  War  in  France — Royalist  and  Federalist  Risings — Loss  of 
Toulon — Constitution  of  1793 — The  work  of  the  first  Committee  of  Public 
Safety — The  Great  Committee  of  Public  Safety — Growth  of  its  Power — 
Position  of  Robespierre — The  Reign  of  Terror — The  Committee  of 
General  Security,  the  Deputies  on  Mission,  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal, 
the  Laws  of  the  Suspects  and  the  Maximum — Results  of  the  Terror — 
Battles  of  Hondschoten,  Wattignies,  and  the  Geisberg — Relief  of  Mau- 
beuge — Recovery  of  Lyons  and  Toulon — Fall  of  the  Hebertists  and  the 
Dantonists — Campaign  of  1794 — Battles  of  Fleurus,  Kaiserslautern,  and 
ist  June  1794 — Fall  of  Robespierre — Rule  of  the  Thermidorians  :  First 
Phase  :  the  Survivors  of  the  Mountain — Conquest  of  Holland— The 
Batavian  I-lepublic — Successes  on  the  Rhine,  in  Savoy,  Italy,  and  Spain 
— Insurrection  in  Poland — The  Campaign  of  Kosciuszko — Third  and 
Final  Partition  of  Poland — Contrast  between  the  Polish  and  French 
Revolutions — Its  Causes — Change  in  the  Attitude  of  the  Continental 
Powers  to  the  French  Republic — Rule  of  the  Thermidorians  :  Second 
Phase  :  the  Survivors  of  the  Girondins  and  Deputies  of  the  Centre — 
Insurrections  of  12th  Germinal  and  ist  Prairial  in  Paris — The  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Year  in.  (1795) — The  Treaties  of  Basle — France  again  enters 
the  Comity  of  Nations. 

The  first  months  of  1793  found  France  at  war  with  Europe. 
Though    such    minor    states    as    Denmark    and 

France  at  ^ 

War  with       Sweden  and  Venice  declared  their  neutrahty,  they 
Europe.  manifested  no  desire  to  assist  the  French  RepubUc, 

and  their  neutraUty  was  but  of  shght  service.     It  was  other- 

124 


The  Rcvohitionary  Propaganda  125 

wise  with  the  neutrality  of  Switzerland.  The  Swiss  cantons 
had  nearly  been  drawn  into  the  general  war  by  the  support 
given  to  the  revolutionary  party  in  the  Republic  of  Geneva  by 
the  French  ministry,  which  included  among  its  members 
Claviere,  a  Genevese  exile.  The  canton  of  Berne  went  so 
far  as  to  occupy  the  city  of  Geneva,  and  it  was  only  by  the 
exercise  of  much  diplomatic  skill  that  open  war  was  avoided. 
The  neutrality  of  Switzerland  made  the  land  blockade  of 
the  French  Republic  of  no  avail.  Through  secret  agents  in 
Switzerland,  arms,  provisions,  and  necessaries  were  obtained 
from  Southern  Germany,  and  diplomatic  relations  were  main 
tained  with  the  democrats  residing  in  the  states  of  the  belli- 
gerent powers.  The  declaration  of  war  by  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire  completed  the  armed  opposition  of  the  greater 
countries  of  Europe  against  France.  Of  these  countries 
Russia  alone  sent  no  army  or  fleet  against  the  Republic,  and 
Catherine  satisfied  herself  with  stating  that  she  was  engaged 
in  conquering  Jacobins  in  Poland. 

The  character  of  the  war  in  1793  differed  from  that  waged  , 
in  1792.  In  1792  France  was  invaded  on  behalf  of  Louis  xvi., 
and  the  fighting  was  carried  on  according  to  the  principles 
which  had  existed  in  the  eighteenth  century.  But  in  1793  the 
powers  were  at  war  with  France  for  a  different  and  more  far- 
reaching  reason.  The  revolutionary  propaganda,  that  is,  the 
idea  consecrated  in  the  decree  of  the  Convention  on  the  19th 
of  November  1792,  that  France  was  to  spread  among  all 
countries  the  new  doctrines  of  liberty,  equality,  ^^g^^^  ^^^^_ 
and  fraternity,  vitally  affected  every  government  acterofthe 
in  Europe.  England  in  particular,  which  had  '^^'■• 
studiously  kept  aloof  while  the  Revolution  was  pursuing  its 
course  at  home,  only  felt  obliged  to  interfere  when  the  new 
rulers  of  France  announced  their  intention  of  disregarding  all 
principles  of  international  law,  and  of  converting  other  nations 
to  their  doctrines.  It  was  this  common  opposition  to  the 
revolutionary  propaganda  which  united  the  powers  of  Europe 
against  France  in  1793.     England  made  herself  the  paymaster 


126  European  History,  1793-1795 

of  the  coalition.  She  lavished  money  freely,  not  only  in  sub- 
sidies to  Prussia  and  Austria,  but  to  less  important  countries, 
such  as  Spain  and  Sardinia.  With  this  community  of  aim 
necessarily  came  a  community  of  action.  The  war  against 
France  became  a  matter  of  principle  and  not  of  intrigue. 
This  new  attitude  was  marked  by  changes  of  ministry  both  in 
Prussia  and  in  Austria.  The  failure  of  the  invasion  of  1792 
disgusted  Frederick  William  11.  with  his  advisers.  The  Duke 
of  Brunswick  fell  into  open  disgrace,  and  Schulemburg,  the 
foreign  minister,  made  way  for  Haugwitz.  At  Vienna,  Count 
Philip  Cobenzl,  the  Vice-Chancellor  of  State,  who  had  man- 
aged foreign  affairs  owing  to  the  old  age  of  Kaunitz,  was 
dismissed,  and  his  place  was  taken  by  Thugut,  a  man  of  low 
origin,  whose  sole  political  object  was  the  humiliation  of 
France,  and  his  guiding  principle  a  horror  of  French  prin- 
ciples. Even  in  the  secondary  states  similar  ministerial 
changes  took  place,  of  which  the  most  remarkable  was  the 
dismissal  of  Aranda  in  Spain,  who  was  succeeded  in  power 
by  Godoy,  the  Queen's  lover. 

The  first  result  of  the  formation  of  the  coalition  was  a  deter- 
mined attack  upon  Dumouriez'  position  in  Belgium.  That 
First  Cam-  general  had  hitherto  not  despaired  of  detaching 
paignofi793.  Prussia  from  Austria,  but  the  execution  of  Louis 
XVI.  destroyed  his  last  hope.  Both  Prussia  and  England  de- 
clined to  listen  to  his  lavish  promises;  his  army  had  wasted  away 
while  in  winter  quarters ;  the  first  volunteers  returned  to  their 
homes  in  thousands  when  France  was  freed  from  the  invaders  ; 
the  troops  he  retained  were  deprived  of  all  necessaries  by  the 
disorganisation  of  the  French  War  Office  ;  and  the  people  of 
Belgium,  finding  that  their  country  was  annexed  to  the  French 
Republic,  in  spite  of  their  patriotic  desire  for  independence, 
showed  their  hostility  in  every  way,  and  harassed  instead 
of  aiding  the  French  troops.  Under  these  circumstances, 
Dumouriez'  invasion  of  Holland  failed,  as  it  was  certain  to 
fail.  His  right  wing,  which  was  besieging  Maestricht  under 
the   command    of   General   Miranda,   was   defeated   by   the 


Desertion  of  Dumouricz  127 

Austrians  under  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  Coburg,  and 
he  had  to  withdraw  his  advanced  divisions,  for  fear  of  being 
cut  off  from  France.     He  was  rapidly  pursued.     An  English 
army,  under  the  Duke  of  York,  joined  the  Austrians,  under 
the  Prince  of  Coburg,  and  Dumouriez  was  utterly  defeated  by 
the  allies  at  Neerwinden  on  the  21st  March  1793.  Battle  of 
The  defeat  became  a  rout,  and  the  French  were  jis^March"' 
driven  from  Belgium  as  speedily  as  they  had  con- 1793. 
quered  it.    Dumouriez  then  made  a  fruitless  effort  to  lead  his 
army  against  the  Convention.     He  arrested  four  deputies  and 
the  Minister  for  War  who  had  been  sent  to  suspend  him  from 
his  command,  but,  finding  that  his  army  would  not  follow  him, 
he  deserted  to  the  Austrians  on  the  5th  April. 

The  effect  of  Dumouriez'  reverses,  and,  finally,  of  his  deser- 
tion, on  the  temper  of  the  Convention  was  most  striking.  The 
enthusiasts  who  believed  in  the  inauguration  of  a  Effect  on  the 
new  era,  who  boasted  that  free  Frenchmen,  even  convention, 
without  arms  and  discipline,  would  be  able  to  defeat  all 
foreign  armies,  and  who  considered  that  the  career  of  the 
Republic  was  certain  to  be  one  of  victory,  were  rudely 
awakened.  The  need  of  the  creation  of  a  strong  government 
was  forced  upon  the  attention  of  the  Convention.  Danton, 
recurring  to  the  views  of  Mirabeau,  proposed  that  a  new 
ministry  should  be  chosen  from  among  the  members  of  the 
Legislature.  But  the  republicans  had  the  same  horror  of 
the  power  of  the  executive  as  the  constitutionalists,  and 
Danton's  motion  was  rejected.  Nevertheless,  it  was  quite 
impossible  that  an  unwieldy  assembly  and  a  discredited 
ministry  could  defend  France  with  any  degree  of  success. 
As  early  as  January  1793,  a  Committee  of  General  Defence 
had  been  elected  by  the  i^rincipal  committees  of  the  Conven- 
tion ;  this  was  replaced,  on  the  news  of  the  defeat  at  Neer- 
winden, by  a  Committee  of  General  Defence  of  twenty-five 
members  chosen  directly  by  the  Convention;  this  was  still 
too  unwieldy,  and  on  the  news  of  the  desertion  of  Dumouriez, 
the   first   Committee   of    Public    Safely   of    nine    members, 


128  European  History,  1/93-1795 

exercising  supreme  executive  authority,  was  appointed.     But 
the  question  was,  how  was  the  Committee  to  be 

The  Commit-  ^  ^  •,  •  u- 

tee  of  Public  enabled  to  rule.  Its  first  duty  was  to  raise  soldiers 
Safety.  ^^  xi\(^Q.i  the  cncmics  upon   every  frontier.     For 

this  purpose  eighty-two  deputies  of  the  Convention  were  sent 
through  France,  two  and  two,  to  raise  by  volunteering  where 
possible,  but  by  conscription  if  other  measures  failed,  300,000 
men.  This  call  for  recruits  caused  disturbances  in  many  parts 
of  France ;  in  La  Vendee  it  started  civil  war.  It  was  to  protest 
against  the  conscription,  and  not  to  defend  the  Church  or  the 
Insurrection  "obility,  that  the  people  of  La  Vendee  rose  in  in- 
in  La  Vendee.  surrectioH.  But  the  leadership  of  the  movement, 
^^^3'  which  had  at  first  been  taken  by  gamekeepers  and 

postillions,  was  speedily  assumed  by  members  of  the  ancient 
French  clergy  and  nobility.  Cohesion  was  thus  given  to  the 
insurgents,  and  a  large  and  important  district  in  the  west  of 
France  maintained  for  a  time  a  successful  opposition  to  the 
decrees  of  the  Convention.  But  the  reverses  and  desertion 
of  Dumouriez  not  only  caused,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  Revolution,  the  creation  of  a  real  executive,  it  caused 
also  the  forging  of  the  weapons  by  which  that  executive  was  in 
the  future  to  establish  the  Reign  of  Terror.  On  9th  March 
the  Revolutionary  Tribunal  of  Paris  was  established.  Its 
special  object  was  the  summary  punishment  of  all  enemies  of 
the  Revolution.  On  the  4th  of  April  the  Convention  decreed 
that  a  maximum  price  of  food  should  be  fixed.  Extended 
powers  were  granted  to  deputies  sent  on  mission  to  the 
armies  or  to  the  departments  ;  and  an  army,  consisting  of  the 
very  poor,  or  sans  culottes,  was  proposed. 

While  these  measures,  which  did  not  take  full  effect  for 
some  months,  were  being  debated,  the  Convention  was  torn 
by  the  opposition  between  the  Girondins  and  the  deputies  of 
the  Mountain.  The  details  of  the  struggle  are  not  important. 
The  arguments  used  by  the  Girondins  were  that  their  enemies 
were  responsible  for  the  massacres  of  September  in  the 
prisons,  that  they  were  under  the  influence  of  the  Commune 


Overthroiv  of  the  Girondins  1 29 

of  Paris,  and  that  they  encouraged  anarchy.  The  Mountain, 
on  their  side,  alleged  that  the  Girondins  were  concealed 
royalists,  because  they  had  voted  against  the  execution  of 
Louis  XVI.,  that  they  were  federalists,  who  desired  to  destroy 
the  unity  of  the  Republic,  and  that  they  preferred  a  weak  to 
a  strong  government.  The  struggle  was  mainly  carried  on 
in  the  tribune  of  the  Convention ;  Robespierre  attacked 
Brissot,  Vergniaud,  and  Guadet,  and  these  orators  replied  by 
attacking  Robespierre  and  Danton.  The  latter  for  a  time 
endeavoured  to  avoid  breaking  Avith  the  Girondins,  but  he 
was  so  violently  impeached  for  his  conduct  while  on  mission  in 
Belgium,  and  accused  of  being  an  accomplice  of  Dumouriez, 
that  in  self-defence  he  was  forced  to  take  up  the  gauntlet. 
He  had  been  elected  to  the  first  Committee  of  Public  Safety, 
and  though  his  constitutional  indolence  prevented  him 
from  becoming  its  most  important  member,  he  shared  with 
Cambon,  the  financier,  the  chief  responsibility  of  the  new 
method  of  government.  Meanwhile,  worse  news  kept  coming 
from  every  frontier.  It  was  felt  to  be  both  injudicious  and 
unpatriotic  for  the  Convention  to  be  occupied  in  personal 
squabbles  when  the  fate  of  France  was  in  the  balance.  The 
Commune  of  Paris  decided  to  intervene.  The  deputies  who 
sat  in  the  Plain,  or  Centre  of  the  Convention,  were  more 
influenced  by  the  eloquence  of  the  Girondins  than  by  the 
energy  of  the  Mountain,  and  it  was  with  regret  that  they  felt 
obliged  to  yield  to  the  Commune  of  Paris.  On  the  31st  May 
1793,  regular  troops  and  national  guards,  under 
the  direction  of  Hanriot,  the  commander  of  the  the  Girondins. 
National  Guard  of  Paris,  surrounded  the  Tuileries,  ^'^  J""^  1793- 
to  which  the  Convention  had  removed  on  the  loth  May,  and 
the  Commune  demanded  that  the  leading  Girondins  should 
be  expelled  from  the  Convention,  and  sent  for  trial  before 
the  Revolutionary  Tribunal.  The  coup  diktat  was  completed 
on  the  2d  June,  when  these  demands  were  complied  with, 
and  from  that  date  the  Girondins  as  a  political  party  in  the 
Convention  ceased  to  exist. 

PERIOD  VII.  I 


130  European  History,  lygy  179^ 

The  desertion  of  Dumouriez  left  the  way  clear  for  the 
Second  Cam-  Austriaiis  and  English  to  invade  France.  They 
paignofi793.  advanced  slowly  and  did  not  attempt,  like  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick  in  the  previous  year,  to  mask  the  frontier 
fortresses  and  move  straight  upon  Paris.  On  24th  May  the 
French  camp  at  Famars  was  stormed;  on  12th  July  Conde, 
on  28th  July  Valenciennes,  were  taken  after  making  an 
obstinate  resistance,  and  the  allies  were  thus  firmly  established 
in  France.  Then,  fortunately  for  the  Convention,  the  allied 
commanders-in-chief  quarrelled.  The  Duke  of  York,  acting 
under  the  orders  of  the  English  ministry,  besieged  Dunkirk, 
which  port  he  desired  to  hold  for  the  disembarkation  of 
supplies.  The  Prince  of  Coburg,  with  the  Austrians,  refused 
to  assist  in  the  siege  of  Dunkirk,  and  invested  Le  Quesnoy. 
Further  south  the  Prussians  captured  Mayence  on  the  2  2d  of 
July,  and  a  mixed  army  of  Austrians  and  troops  of  the  Empire 
under  Wiirmser  forced  their  way  into  Alsace.  At  both  ends 
of  the  Pyrenees  Spanish  armies  invaded  the  French  Republic. 
In  the  eastern  Pyrenees  nearly  the  whole  of  Roussillon  was 
conquered,  and  in  the  western  Pyrenees  the  passage  of  the 
Bidassoa  was  forced.  These  repeated  reverses  in  so  many 
quarters  did  not  destroy  the  courage  of  the  Convention  or  of 
the  French  people,  but  they  proved  that  hastily  raised  un- 
disciplined masses  can  never  be  a  match  for  trained  soldiers. 
The  successes  of  Dumouriez  and  Custine  had  been  as  much 
the  result  of  accident  and  of  the  hearty  reception  given  to 
them  by  the  natives  of  the  districts  they  invaded  as  of  talent 
and  bravery,  but  the  first  defeats  showed  how  thoroughly  the 
policy  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  had  sapped  the  discipline 
of  the  French  army. 

To  add  to  the  dangers  which  threatened  France  during  the 
Civil  war  in    summor  of  1793,  civil  war  in  many  quarters  re- 
France,         doubled  the  perils  caused  by  the  foreign  invasion. 
The  war  in  La  Vendee  increased  in  magnitude  almost  daily, 
and  the  soldiers  of  the  Republic  were  frequently  defeated  by 
the  hardy  peasants  who  fought  in  guerilla  fashion  among  their 


Civil  War  in  France  131 

woods  and  marshes.  Throughout  Brittany  and  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Auvergne  similar  movements  took  place,  generally 
guided  by  priests  and  country  gentlemen ;  but  except  in  La 
Vende'e  there  was  no  serious  royalist  manifestation.  But 
the  expulsion  of  the  Girondins  from  the  Convention  had  given 
rise  to  another  movement  of  even  greater  importance.  The 
insurrections  in  La  Vendee  and  similar  risings  in  country  or 
mountain  districts  were  the  work  of  ignorant  peasants  ;  the 
movement  in  favour  of  the  Girondins  was  headed  by  wealthy 
and  intelligent  cities.  The  news  of  the  coup  d'etat  of  the  2d 
of  June  was  received  with  consternation  in  most  of  the  chief 
cities  of  France.  Girondin  journals  had  long  preached  the 
wickedness  of  the  Commune  of  Paris,  and  that  the  leaders  of 
the  Mountain  were  either  anarchists  or  ambitious  men  aiming 
at  power.  These  words  now  had  their  effect.  Several  of  the 
deputies  proscribed  on  the  2d  of  June  escaped  into  the  pro- 
vinces, and  a  group  of  them,  collected  at  Caen  in  Normandy, 
endeavoured  to  organise  an  army  against  the  Convention. 
Other  cities  followed  the  example.  Marseilles  arrested  the 
representatives  on  mission  ;  Bordeaux  refused  to  receive  the 
deputies  sent  to  it ;  Lyons  started  a  counter-revolution  and 
executed  Chalier,  the  leader  of  the  local  democratic  party  ;  and 
several  cities  agreed  to  send  detachments  of  local  troops  to 
form  a  central  army  against  the  Convention  at  Bourges.  For 
a  few  days  matters  looked  most  threatening  for  the  victorious 
members  of  the  Mountain,  but  they  were  well  served  by  the 
deputies  on  mission.  The  Norman  army  was  easily  defeated 
at  Pacy  on  the  13th  of  July  ;  Bordeaux  and  Marseilles  quickly 
submitted,  and  Lyons  was  invested.  But  the  success  of  the 
Mountain  was  due  to  something  more  than  the  vigour  of  its 
representatives  in  the  provinces.  The  general  sentiment  in 
France  was  that  the  conduct  of  the  Girondins  in  causing  civil 
war  showed  the  very  excess  of  want  of  patriotism  ;  even  if  the 
Commune  of  Paris  had  done  wrong  in  interfering  with  the 
Convention,  the  Girondins  had  behaved  worse  in  attempting  to 
rouse  the  provinces,  and  owing  to  this  sentiment  many  depart- 


132  European  History,  1793-1/95 

ments  and  many  cities  speedily  repented  of  the  encouragement 
they  had  given  to  the  Girondin  designs,  and  withdrew  their  sup- 
port to  the  proposed  concentration  of  local  troops  at  Bourges. 
The  deputies  of  the  Mountain  met  the  unparalleled  dangers 
The  constitu-  of  foreign  and  civil  war  with  undaunted  courage. 
tionofi793.  Their  first  measure  was  to  draw  up  with  extreme 
rapidity  a  republican  constitution,  which  is  known  as  the 
Constitution  of  1793.  As  it  never  came  into  effect,  the  details 
of  this  proposed  system  of  government  need  not  be  described. 
But  the  fact  that  it  was  drawn  up,  promulgated,  and  sent  before 
the  primary  assemblies  of  the  people,  deprived  the  Girondin 
insurgents  of  one  of  their  chief  weapons.  They  had  asserted 
that  the  Mountain  admired  anarchy  and  wished  to  retain 
power  for  the  Convention  and  themselves.  To  these  allega- 
tions the  issue  of  the  Constitution  of  1793  was  an  adequate 
reply.  But  it  was  quite  impossible,  according  to  the  leaders 
of  the  Mountain,  for  the  Convention  to  let  go  of  the  reins  of 
power.  A  general  election  at  such  a  time  would  but  increase 
the  difficulty  of  the  situation.  So,  while  declaring  the  existence 
of  the  new  Constitution,  it  deferred  putting  it  into  effect,  and 
strengthened  the  authority  of  its  new  executive,  the  Committee 
The  work  of  of  Public  Safety.  The  advantages  to  be  derived 
the  first  Com-  ^^^.^  ^q  concentration  of  authority  in  a  few  hands 

mittee  of  .  ,  _,  . 

Public  Safety,  became  quite  clear  to  the  Convention  after  the 
expulsion  of  the  Girondins.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  the 
distinguished  orators  who  directed  Girondin  opinion,  from 
their  constant  apprehension  of  the  dangers  of  a  strong  executive 
to  individual  liberty,  would  ever  have  perceived  them.  The 
existence  of  the  Committee  made  it  possible  for  representatives 
on  mission  and  other  agents  of  government  to  have  a  central 
authority  on  which  to  rely.  It  was  the  Committee  which 
directed  the  short  campaign  in  Normandy  which  overthrew 
the  most  promising  movement  of  the  escaped  Girondin 
deputies  ;  it  was  the  prudence  of  a  member  of  the  Committee, 
Robert  Lindet,  which  pacified  Normandy,  after  the  victory 
had  been  won,  by  ruthlessly  tracking  down  the  ringleaders 


The  Committee  of  Public  Safety  133 

and  generously  sparing  those  who  had  been  led  away ;  it  was 
the  Committee  which  first  attempted  to  re-establish  discipline 
in  the  armies  and  to  supply  them  with  provisions  and  munitions 
of  war;  and  it  was  on  the  motion  of  the  most  important 
member  of  the  first  Committee,  Danton,  that  the  fatal  decree 
of  the  19th  of  November,  which  consecrated  the  revolutionary 
propaganda,  and  gave  good  reason  for  the  continued  opposi- 
tion of  foreign  powers,  was  repealed.  This  good  work  in  all 
directions  showed  the  members  of  the  Convention  that  they 
were  acting  in  the  right  direction. 

On  loth  July  1793  the  first  Committee  w\as  dissolved  on 
the  motion  of  Camille  Desmoulins,  but  a  new  Committee  with 
similar  powers  was  at  once  elected.  This  Committee,  which 
may  be  called  the  Great  Committee  of  Public  ^j^^  ^^.^^^ 
Safety,  remained  in  power  for  more  than  a  year.  Committee  of 
Danton  was  not  a  member  of  it,  partly  because  he  "  ''^  ^  ^*y- 
believed  he  could  do  better  work  outside,  partly  because  of 
his  dislike  of  continued  labour;  Cambon  also  was  not  re-elected, 
preferring  to  confine  himself  to  the  charge  of  the  finances  of 
the  Republic  as  the  principal  member  of  the  Financial  Com- 
mittee. The  nine  members  originally  elected  in  July  were 
Barere,  who  acted  as  reporter  throughout  its  tenure  of  office, 
and  was  therefore  in  some  respects  the  most  important  of  them 
all ;  Jean  Bon  Saint- Andre,  who  took  charge  of  naval  matters  ; 
Prieur  of  the  Marne  and  Robert  Lindet,  whose  main  duties 
were  to  provide  for  the  feeding  of  the  armies  ;  Herault  de 
Sechelles,  the  chief  author  of  the  Constitution  of  1793,  who 
busied  himself  with  foreign  affairs;  Couthon,  Saint-Just, 
Gasparin,  and  Thuriot.  Robespierre  entered  the  Committee 
in  the  place  of  Gasparin  on  the  27th  of  July  ;  Carnot  and 
Prieur  of  the  Cote-d'Or  were  added  on  the  14th  of  August  to 
superintend  the  military  operations  on  the  frontiers ;  Billaud- 
Varenne  and  Collot-d'Herbois  were  added  on  September  the 
6th  to  establish  the  Reign  of  Terror ;  and  on  the  20th  of 
September  Thuriot  retired.  The  steps  in  the  growth  of  the 
supremacy   of  this   second  Committee  of  Public  Safety  are 


134  Enropean  History,  1793-1795 

significant.     On  the  ist  of  August  1793  Barere  read  his  first 
report   to   the   Convention.      In    it    he   proposed   the   most 
energetic,  not  to  say  sanguinary,  measures.     The  war  was  to 
be  carried  on  with  the  utmost  energy  ;  La  Vendee  was  to  be 
destroyed ;  and  Marie  Antoinette  was  to  be  sent  for  trial  before 
the  Revolutionary  Tribunal.     On  the  same  day  Danton  pro- 
posed that  the  Committee  should  be  formally  recognised  as  a 
provisional  government,    and   that   the  ministers   should   be 
directed  to  act  as  its  subordinates.     This  motion  was  not 
"I  carried,  but  the  entire  control  over  the  resources  of  France, 
and  the  lives  of  Frenchmen,  which  Danton  contemplated,  was 
secured  without  the  passing  of  a  formal  decree.     The  Con- 
vention seems  to  have  been  very  glad  to  rid  itself  of  the  work 
of  government.     It  accepted  without  a  murmur  every  measure 
proposed  by  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety ;  it  re-elected 
the  members  month  after  month  ;  it  threw  all  responsibility 
upon  them  and  registered  all  the  decrees  they  proposed.     As 
has  been  said,  it  definitely  gave  them  the  charge  of  the  military 
\operations  by  the  election  of  Carnot  and  Prieur  of  the  Cote- 
d'Or,  and  it  established  the  unity  of  their  internal  administra- 
;ion  by  the  election  of  Billaud-Varenne  and  Collot-d'Herbois. 
The   rule   of  the  second  or   Great  Committee  of  Public 
/  The  Position  Safety  is  generally  known  as  the  Reign  of  Terror. 
/  of  Robes-       The  Committee  itself  divided  the  chief  functions 
I  P"^"^"  of  government  among  its  members.     The  special 

functions  of  all,  except  those  of  Robespierre,  Couthon,  and 
Saint-Just,  have  been  already  noticed.  Robespierre  was  the 
only  one  amongst  them  who  had  any  reputation  outside,  or 
indeed  within,  the  walls  of  the  Convention.  His  conduct  dur- 
ing the  session  of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  his  clear-sighted 
opposition  to  the  war  with  Austria,  his  sagacious  views  on 
the  subject  of  the  treatment  of  the  King,  his  war  against  the 
Girondin  federalists,  his  oratorical  talent,  and  above  all  his 
reputation  for  being  absolutely  incorruptible  and  sincerely 
patriotic,  made  him  the  man  of  mark  among  the  Committee. 
He  was  well  aware  of  the  importance  of  his  position.     His 


Position  of  Robespierre  135 

colleagues  on  the  Committee  used  him  as  their  figure-head  to 
represent  them  on  great  occasions,  and  he  made  it  his  busi- 
ness to  lay  down  the  general  principles  which  underlay  the 
system  of  revolutionary  government — that  is,  of  the  Reign  of 
Terror.  But  though  to  the  Convention  and  to  France  at 
large  Robespierre  was  the  most  conspicuous  member  of  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety,  he  really  exercised  but  very 
slight  influence  on  the  actual  work  of  government.  He  had 
no  department  of  the  State  given  into  his  charge ;  he  had  not 
the  necessary  fluency  or  facility  to  take  Barere's  place  as 
ordinary  reporter ;  he  was  not  on  terms  of  friendship  with  the 
majority  of  his  fellow-workers ;  he  was  made  use  of,  but  was 
neither  trusted  nor  liked  by  the  real  governors  of  France. 
It  was  to  their  benefit  that  the  system  of  the  solidarity  of  the 
Committee  was  established,  which  gave  to  all  their  measures 
the  sanction  of  Robespierre's  great  reputation  for  incorrupti- 
bility and  patriotism.  The  majority  of  the  Committee  had  no 
positive  views  on  government;  they  tried  to  do  the  work 
which  lay  to  their  hands  in  the  best  way  they  could  ;  Robes- 
pierre alone  hoped  to  evolve  out  of  the  Reign  of  Terror  a 
new  system  of  republican  government.  His  only  real  friends 
in  the  Committee  were  the  two  men  least  suited  to  give  him 
effectual  help,  for  Couthon  was  a  cripple,  and  unable  to  attend 
with  the  necessary  assiduity,  and  Saint-Just  was  but  five-and- 
twenty,  the  youngest  of  the  Committee,  and  was  generally 
absent  from  Paris  on  special  missions. 

The   system   by  which   the   Great   Committee   of  Public 
Safety  regulated  the  Reign  of  Terror  was  based  The  Reign  of 
upon   two   important  institutions.      The  first   of     Terror, 
these  was  the  Committee  of  General  Security  which  sat  at 
Paris,  and  was  elected  from  the  members  of  the  Convention, 
and  which  exercised  general  police  control  over  all  France. 
On  great   occasions    its    members    sat    with   the  committee 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  as  a  Committee  of  of  General 
Government,  but  its  special  functions  were  to  deal    '^'^""'y- 
with  men,  while  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  dealt  with 


136  European  History,  1793-^795 

measures.  Danton,  who  was  the  principal  creator  of  the 
supremacy  of  the  Great  Committee  of  Pubhc  Safety— though 
he  himself  refused  to  join  it— saw  the  importance  of  subordi- 
nating in  fact,  if  not  in  name,  the  Committee  of  General 
Security  to  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety.  On  nth  Sep- 
tember 1793  a  Committee  of  General  Security  had  been 
elected,  containing  certain  deputies  of  independent  character, 
and  Danton,  fearing  a  rivalry  would  arise  between  the  two 
Committees,  at  once  obtained  its  dissolution,  and  secured,  on 
September  the  14th,  the  election  of  a  Committee  of  General 
Security  which  would  act  in  harmony  with  the  great  Com- 
mittee. The  members  elected  at  this  time  were  with  but  few 
exceptions  re-elected  every  month. 

The  second  instrument  by  which  the  Great  Committee  ruled 
Deputies  on  Were  the  deputies  on  mission.  The  practice  of 
Mission,  sending  deputies  on  special  missions  originated  in 
August  1792.  It  had  grown  in  importance,  and  the  deputies 
proved  their  value  in  their  vigorous  suppression  of  the  Girondin 
movement  in  the  provinces  in  the  summer  of  1793.  The 
power  of  deputies  on  mission  was  more  than  once  specifically 
declared  to  be  unlimited.  On  grounds  of  public  safety  they 
were  not  only  permitted,  but  were  ordered,  to  alter  the  com- 
position of  local  authorities,  whether  municipal  or  depart- 
mental. They  had  full  powers  to  arrest  and  to  make  requisi- 
tions. They  were  consistently  supported  by  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety  sitting  at  Paris,  and  the  greatest  latitude  was 
given  to  them  in  administering  the  local  government.  As  long 
as  they  preserved  the  peace  and  sent  up  plenty  of  supplies 
of  money,  and,  when  demanded,  of  recruits  to  Paris,  their 
methods  of  government  were  not  minutely  inquired  into. 
Besides  the  deputies  on  mission  employed  in  the  internal 
administration,  another  important  body  of  similar  representa- 
tives were  kept  at  the  headquarters  of  the  different  armies. 
These  deputies  hkewise  had  unlimited  authority.  They 
could  arrest  even  generals-in-chief  at  their  absolute  will ;  they 
could  degrade  officers  of  any  rank  ;  they  could  interfere  with 


TJie  Reign  of  Terror  137 

military  operations  ;  and  could  overrule  the  orders  of  a  general 
in  the  field.  The  Committee  of  General  Security  and  the 
deputies  on  mission  ruled  by  means  of  inspiring  terror.  This 
terror  was  based  on  the  existence  of  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal 
in  Paris,  and  of  its  imitations  termed  revolutionary  or  military 
commissions  in  the  provinces,  and  the  armies. 

The  Revolutionary  Tribunal  took  cognisance  of  all  political 
offences,  and  its  sentence  was  almost  invariably  death.  Nearly 
every  Frenchman  or  Frenchwoman  could  be  brought  within  the 
net  of  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal  by  the  Law  of  the  Suspects. 
By  this  law,  which  was  most  carefully  drafted  by  Law  of  the 
INIerlin  of  Douai,  any  one  who  for  any  reason  could  Suspects, 
be  suspected  of  disliking  the  new  state  of  affairs  could  be 
arrested.  All  relatives  of  emigres  or  of  noblemen  came  into 
this  category  as  well  as  all  former  functionaries  and  officials  of 
whatever  sort.  But  since  the  Law  of  the  Suspects  was  not 
sufficiently  wide  to  impress  the  ordinary  bourgeois,  more  espe- 
cially the  petty  bourgeois,  with  terror,  a  new  weapon  was 
forged  in  the  Law  of  the  Maximum.  This  law  was  Law  of  the 
put  into  operation  in  September  1793.  The  laws  Maximum, 
of  political  economy  could  not  be  seriously  affected  by  such  a 
measure  as  the  Law  of  the  Maximum,  which  fixed  maximum 
prices  at  which  all  articles  of  prime  necessity  were  to  be  sold. 
Such  a  law  was  certain  to  be  evaded  ;  but  its  existence,  and 
the  fact  that  evasions  of  the  Law  of  the  Maximum  brought 
the  offender  under  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal,  was  enough 
to  establish  the  Reign  of  Terror  over  the  petty  bourgeois. 
There  were  other  means  for  extending  the  system  which 
need  not  here  be  particularised,  such  as  the  necessity  of 
every  person  carrying  a  card  with  him  giving  a  full  history 
of  his  conduct  during  the  Revolution,  the  encouragement  of 
denunciations  by  the  bestowal  of  rewards,  and  similar  precau- 
tions. The  Revolutionary  Tribunal  was  provided  with  victims 
under  these  measures  by  the  Committee  of  General  Security, 
and  by  tiie  numerous  little  Revolutionary  Committees  sitting 
in  every  section  of  Paris,  and  in  every  city,  district,  and  village 


138  European  History,  1 793-1 795 

throughout  France.  The  Revolutionary  Committees  consisted 
of  tried  Jacobins,  and  were  in  the  provinces  appointed  by  the 
deputies  on  mission.  They  were  frequently  purified  by  the 
expulsion  of  any  member  who  gave  evidence  of  moderate 
oi)inions.  The  Revolutionary  Committees  filled  the  prisons — 
it  was  the  business  of  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal  to  empty 
them.  This  it  did  with  much  expedition.  The  death  sen- 
tences of  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal  of  Paris,  which  only 
averaged  three  a  week  from  April  to  September  1793,  aver- 
aged thirty-two  a  week  from  September  1793  to  June  1794, 
and  196  a  week  in  June  and  July  1794.  This  increase  was 
very  gradual ;  it  became  an  established  system  to  send  batches 
of  victims  to  the  guillotine  every  day ;  and  the  numbers  in 
these  batches  increased  steadily.  The  Committee  of  Public 
Safety,  through  its  agent,  the  Committee  of  General  Security, 
did  not  much  care  who  were  executed  as  long  as  a  consider- 
able number  went  to  the  scaffold  every  day.  Exceptions  to 
this  rule  are,  however,  to  be  noted  in  the  executions  of  Marie 
Antoinette  on  i6th  October  1793,  of  twenty-one  Girondins 
on  31st  October,  of  certain  generals,  such  as  Custine, 
Houchard,  and  Biron,  and  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and 
Bailly,  which  intimidated  courtiers,  deputies,  generals,  and 
exrConstituants. 

This  system  of  terror  was  not  suddenly  evolved — it  was  the 
result  of  gradual  growth.  The  two  men  mainly  responsible 
for  systematising  it  and  carrying  it  into  effect  were  Billaud- 
Varenne  and  CoUot-d'Herbois,  who  were  specially  added  to 
the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  to  superintend  the  internal 
administration  of  France.  On  loth  October  1793,  on  the 
motion  of  Saint-Just,  the  Constitution  of  1793  was  declared 
suspended,  and  revolutionary  government,  that  is,  the  Reign 
of  Terror,  was  ordered  to  continue  until  a  general  peace.  On 
loth  December  Billaud-Varenne  read  a  report  which  defined 
the  system,  of  which  the  most  important  clause  was  the  sub- 
stitution of  national  agents  nominated  by  the  government, 
— that  is,  by  the  deputies  on  mission, — to  take  the  place  of  the 


Capture  of  Toulon  1 39 

elected  procnreurs-syndics  of  the  districts.  The  Reign  of 
Terror  in  the  provinces  varied  greatly.  Some  proconsuls, 
such  as  Carrier  at  Nantes  and  Le  Bon  at  Arras,  carried  out 
their  government  in  the  most  bloodthirsty  fashion,  but  the 
'Noyades,'  or  drowning  of  prisoners  wholesale  at  Nantes,  must 
not  be  regarded  as  typical  of  the  terror  in  the  provinces. 
Many  proconsuls,  such  as  Andre  Dumont,  contented  them- 
selves with  threats,  and  while  filling  their  prisons  with  suspects 
declined  to  empty  them  by  means  of  the  guillotine.  Other 
proconsuls,  such  as  Bernard  of  Saintes,  preferred  to  send  an 
occasional  batch  of  prisoners  to  Paris  to  having  a  revolutionary 
tribunal  of  their  own  ;  but  in  every  case  except  those  of  Carrier 
and  Javogues,  which  were  too  atrocious  to  be  passed  over,  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  gave  its  agents  in  the  provinces 
a  free  hand  to  rule  as  they  would  so  long  as  they  maintained 
internal  tranquillity  and  passive  obedience  to  the  decrees  of 
the  revolutionary  government. 

While  the  government  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safely 
was  being  organised  at  Paris  and  in  the  provinces,  Results  of 
disasters  succeeded  each  other  with  rapidity  both  the  Terror, 
on  the  frontiers  and  in  the  interior  of  France.  The  Prussians, 
after  the  capture  of  Mayence,  only  advanced  a  short  distance 
into  France ;  but  the  Austrians  made  steady  progress  in  the 
north-east  in  conjunction  with  the  English,  and,  under Wiirmser, 
penetrated  Alsace  and  stormed  the  lines  of  Wisscmbourg.  The 
Comte  d'Artois  avowed  his  intention  to  place  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  insurgents  in  La  Vendee,  at  Lyons,  and  in  the  mountains 
of  Auvergne.  The  English  also  promised  to  send  armed  assist- 
ance in  every  direction.  But  the  younger  brother  of  Louis  xvi. 
thought  it  enough  to  make  promises — he  did  absolutely  nothing 
to  fulfil  them.  The  English  on  their  part  confined  themselves 
to  one  important  operation.  They  had  on  the  outbreak  of  war 
despatched  a  fleet  to  the  Mediterranean  under  the  command 
of  Lord  Hood,  and  on  the  4th  of  August  1793  the  insur- 
gents at  Toulon,  in  the  course  of  their  opposition  to  the  Con- 
vention, surrendered  their  city  to  the  allied  English  and  Spanish 


140  European  History,  1793- 1795 

fleets.  In  Lyons  the  same  progress  of  opposition  was  to  be 
observed.  The  original  insurgents  had  professed  federalist 
opinions,  but  when  the  Convention  sent  an  army  against  them 
open  royalists  took  the  place  of  the  federalists.  The  vigorous 
action  of  the  new  government  soon  freed  the  French  Republic 
from  its  foreign  and  internal  foes.  Carnot,  on  taking  charge 
of  military  measures,  saw  that  the  only  means  of  defeating  the 
invaders  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  numbers  of  his  soldiers 
and  to  act  in  masses.  Acting  on  this  policy  General  Houchard 
Battles  of  raiscd  the  siege  of  Dunkirk  and  defeated  the  Eng- 
Hondschoten  jj^^^  ^^^^  Hanovcrians  in  the  battle  of  Hondschoten 

and  Wat- 

tignies.  1793.  (Sth  September).  In  spite  of  his  victory  Houchard 
was  disgraced  for  not  following  it  up  with  vigour.  Jourdan,  his 
successor,  carrying  out  the  same  policy,  concentrated  his  army 
against  the  Austrians,  raised  the  siege  of  Maubeuge,  and  de- 
feated the  Austrians  at  Wattignies  (i6th  October).  These 
victories  did  not  drive  the  Anglo-Austrian  army  out  of  France, 
but  they  stopped  the  progress  of  the  allies  and  caused  them  to 
stand  upon  the  defensive.  Farther  south  the  same  vigour  was 
displayed.  Saint-Just  restored  discipline  in  the  armies  of  the 
Rhine  and  the  Moselle.  Hoche,  at  the  head  of  the  latter,  won 
the  victory  of  the  Geisberg  (25th  September)  over  the  Austrians 
and  Prussians,  while  Pichegru,  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the 
Rhine,  relieved  Landau  and  drove  Wiirmser  across  the  Rhine. 
Almost  at  the  same  time  a  powerful  army,  of  which  the  best 
regiments  were  the  former  garrison  of  Valenciennes,  captured 
Lyons  on  the  9th  of  October,  and  on  the  i8th  of  December 
Toulon  was  retaken  by  an  army  under  the  command  of 
General  Dugommier.  It  was  at  the  siege  of  Toulon  that 
Napoleon  Bonaparte  first  made  himself  conspicuous  and  won 
the  rank  of  general  of  brigade.  The  republican  armies  were 
equally  successful  against  the  Spaniards.  The  Army  of  the 
Eastern  Pyrenees,  under  D'Aoust,  recovered  Roussillon,  while 
that  of  the  Western  Pyrenees,  under  Miiller,  drove  the  Spaniards 
across  the  Bidassoa.  In  La  Vendee  equal  success  was  achieved. 
The  former  garrison  of  Mayence,  which  was  composed  of 


opposition  to  the  Committee  141 

excellent  soldiers  who  had  gained  experience  and  discipline  from 
their  long  resistance  to  the  Prussians,  destroyed  the  Vendcan 
armies,  and  the  insurrection  of  the  province  was  severely 
punished  by  Carrier  at  Nantes  and  by  the  infernal  columns 
which,  under  General  Turreau,  were  directed  to  devastate  the 
country.  These  repeated  successes  in  every  quarter  reconciled 
the  French  people  to  the  hideous  regime  of  the  Reign  of 
Terror.  Its  despotism  was  excused  because  of  its  success, 
and  its  absolute  authority  reluctantly  submitted  to  as  a  neces- 
sary evil. 

At  Paris  the  supremacy  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety 
and  the  Reign  of  Terror  met  with  opposition  in   Fan  of  the 
two   distinct   quarters.      On   the    one   hand   the   ^^^bertists 

r-  r     Ti      ■  1  •    ,  -  ^"'^  Danton- 

Lommune  of  Pans,  which  was  pnncipally  in-  ists. 
fluenced  by  the  Procureur-Syndic,  Chaumette,  and  his  sub- 
stitute, Hebert,  soon  began  to  resent  the  loss  of  its  former 
authority.  The  Commune  had  actually  carried  out  the 
coiip  d'etat  which  overthrew  the  Girondins,  and  had  expected 
to  reap  the  chief  advantage  for  itself.  In  order  to  form  a 
party  it  demanded  that  the  revolutionary  government  should 
cease  and  that  the  Constitution  of  1793  should  be  put  into 
force.  But  this  cry  did  not  raise  a  sufficiently  powerful 
support.  The  leaders  of  the  Commune,  therefore,  allied  them- 
selves with  the  most  extreme  democratic  party,  which  met 
generally  at  the  Cordeliers  Club.  This  extreme  party  professed 
absolutely  atheistic  principles.  It  proclaimed  the  Worship  of 
Reason  ;  it  celebrated  that  worship  with  orgies  in  the  cathedral 
of  Notre  Dame;  it  induced  Gobel,  Bishop  of  Paris,  to  resign 
his  see;  it  carried  its  opposition  to  Christianity  to  an 
extreme;  and  started  a  system  of  persecution  against  the 
Christian  religion.  In  home  politics  it  did  not  defend  the 
socialistic  notions  which  had  found  some  currency  in  Paris 
but  it  nevertheless  declared  itself  the  party  of  the  sans  culottes, 
and  denounced  all  rich  men  and  bourgeois  as  selfish  e"-otists 
and  enemies  of  the  people.  In  foreign  policy  it  adopted  the 
doctrines  of  the  revolutionary  propaganda  and  declared  it  the 


142  European  History,  1 793-1 795 

destiny  of  France  to  destroy  ail  tyrants.  Tlie  Committee  of 
Public  Safety,  as  soon  as  its  power  was  firmly  organised, 
resolved  to  overthrow  this  party  of  opposition  by  striking  at 
its  leaders.  Robespierre  attacked  them  in  the  Jacobin  Club, 
and  caused  them  to  be  excluded  as  atheists  and  enemies  of 
all  government ;  Danton  denounced  the  Worship  of  Reason  as 
a  disgraceful  masquerade  ;  Camille  Desmoulins  exhausted  his 
\esources  of  eloquence  and  sarcasm  to  hold  them  and  their 
doctrines  up  to  reprobation  in  the  Vieux  Cordelier.  As  soon 
as  the  extreme  party,  which  is  commonly  called  the  Hebertist 
party,  after  its  most  conspicuous  leader  Hebert,  the  editor 
of  the  Pere  Ducliesne,  was  thoroughly  discredited,  the  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety  struck.  On  24th  Ventose  (14th  March 
1794)  Hebert  and  his  principal  supporters  were  arrested  on 
the  report  of  Saint-Just.  They  were  at  once  sent  for  trial 
before'the  Revolutionary  Tribunal,  and  on  4th  Germinal  (24th 
March)  they  were  guillotined. 

The  Hebertists  fell  because  they  opposed  the  despotism  of 
the  new  government.  The  Dantonists,  who  followed  them  to 
the  guillotine,  fell  because  they  believed  the  Reign  of  Terror  to 
be  carried  too  far.  Danton  had  done  more  than  any  man  to 
bring  about  the  supremacy  of  the  Great  Committee  of  Public 
Safety.  Convinced  as  he  was  that  only  a  strong  executive 
could  possibly  disentangle  France  from  the  dangers  which 
l^eset  her  on  every  side,  he  had  consistently  advocated  the 
creation  of  a  strong  government.  Though  not  himself  a 
member  of  the  Great  Committee,  he  had  believed  it  to  be  his 
duty  to  support  its  power  on  every  possible  occasion.  He 
had  not  only  been  the  chief  author  of  its  supremacy,  but  the 
principal  creator  of  the  system  by  which  it  ruled.  But  he 
began  to  believe,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1794,  that  the 
Reign  of  Terror  was  being  too  stringently  exercised.  He  was 
quite  in  accord  with  Billaud-Varenne  and  CoUot-d'Herbois  in 
considering  it  necessary  to  frighten  the  people  of  France  into 
acquiescence  with  the  new  order  of  things,  but  he  did  not 
consider  that  it  was  necessary  to  shed  so  much   blood  to 


Execution  of  Da )i ton  143 

accomplish  the  work  of  fright.  His  friend  Camille  DesmouHns 
had  in  the  Vieux  Cordelier  not  only  exposed  the  Hebertists, 
but  had  hinted  at  the  need  for  mercy  and  the  advantages  of 
appointing  a  Committee  of  Mercy.  The  Great  Committee  of 
Public  Safety  was  not  only  determined  to  maintain  its 
autocratic  power,  but  to  defend  its  system  of  government. 
Danton's  influence  in  the  Convention  was  still  sufficiently  great 
to  give  the  members  of  the  Committee  a  cause  for  uneasiness. 
It  therefore  resolved,  in  order  to  stop  all  murmuring  against 
the  Reign  of  Terror,  and  to  establish  a  reign  of  terror  over  the 
Convention  itself,  to  make  an  example  of  the  most  vigorous 
patriot  in  France.  On  loth  Germinal  (30th  March  1794) 
Danton,  Camille  Desmoulins,  and  their  chief  adherents  were 
arrested,  and  on  i6th  Germinal  (5th  April  1794)  the  Dantonists 
followed  the  Hebertists  to  the  guillotine.  These  two  blows 
ensured  the  supremacy  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  and 
the  continuance  of  the  Reign  of  Terror. 

The  Great  Committee  of  Public  Safety  knew  that  its  tenure 
of  power  rested  on  its  successful  conduct  of  the  foreign  war. 
Throughout  the  interior  tranquillity  prevailed  campaign 
except  in  La  Vendee,  where  the  sanguinary  of"  1794- 
measures  adopted  perpetuated  a  guerilla  warfare.  The 
French  troops  were,  in  1794,  in  a  very  different  condition 
from  that  in  which  they  had  been  left  at  the  commencement 
of  1793.  The  measures  of  terror  which  pacified  France  had 
been  in  the  army  the  cause  of  the  restoration  of  discipline. 
Constant  fighting  had  converted  the  men  into  efficient  soldiers. 
Excellent  officers  had  come  to  the  front  during  the  campaign, 
and,  owing  to  the  rapidity  of  promotion,  most  of  the  generals 
were  young  and  energetic  men.  All  that  was  best  in  France 
had  gone  to  the  front.  There,  and  there  alone,  men  who 
might  have  fallen  under  the  terrible  Law  of  the  Suspects  at 
home,  were  not  only  safe  themselves,  but  by  their  presence  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Republic  protected  their  relatives.  All  the 
resources  of  France  were  laid  at  the  disposal  of  her  armies. 
The  country  became  one  vast  arsenal.     'I'he  soldiers  were 


144  European  History,  1793-1795 

well  fed,  clothed,  and  armed,  and  the  ablest  administrators 
were  employed  in  rendering  them  efficient.  The  result  of 
this  concentration  of  France  upon  the  foreign  war  was  success 
in  every  quarter.  In  the  spring  of  1 794  the  various  armies  took 
I  the  offensive,  the  Army  of  the  North,  under  Pichegru,  marched 
by  the  northern  line  into  Belgium,  while  a  new  army,  after- 
wards called  the  Army  of  the  Sambre-and-Meuse,  which  was 
formed  out  of  the  Army  of  the  Ardennes,  and  a  wing  of  the 
Army  of  the  Moselle  penetrated  Belgium  from  the  south. 
Before  these  two  armies  the  English  and  Austrians  fell  back. 
They  were  rapidly  pursued,  and  on  the  26th  of  June  1794 
Jourdan  won  the  battle  of  Fleurus.  This  victory, 
Fieurus.  like  the  victory  of  Jemmappes  the  year  before,  laid 
June  26, 1794.  ]3g]gjm^  open  to  the  French  armies.  Brussels  was 
reoccupied  ;  the  English  and  Dutch  retired  into  Holland  ;  the 
Austrians  fell  back  behind  the  Meuse.  Meanwhile,  the  Army 
of  the  Moselle,  under  Rene  Moreaux,  stormed  the  Prussian 
position  at  Kaiserslautern,  and  with  the  Army  of  the  Rhine 
drove  the  Austrians  across  that  river.  The  Army  of  Italy, 
which  had  taken  Toulon,  also  took  the  offensive,  and  de- 
feated the  Piedmontese  at  Saorgio.  Dugommier,  with  the 
Army  of  the  Eastern  Pyrenees,  turned  the  tables  on  the 
Spaniards,  and  crossing  the  mountains  penetrated  into  Cata- 
lonia, while  the  Army  of  the  Western  Pyrenees  invaded  Spain 
in  that  quarter,  and  threatened  San  Sebastian. 

The  only  checks  which  the  Great  Committee  received 
were  at  sea.  Whether  it  was  because  it  is  more  difficult  to  im- 
provise a  navy  than  an  army,  or  because  sufficient  attention 
was  not  paid  to  the  republican  navy,  it  is  impossible  to  decide, 
but  it  is  quite  certain  that  the  sailors  of  the  Republic  did  not 
rival  the  soldiers  in  success,  though  they  did  in  valour.  One 
reason  for  this  was  that  all  the  best  sailors  preferred  the 
lucrative  work  of  preying  upon  the  commerce  of  the  world  in 
frigates  and  privateers  to  serving  in  the  regular  fleets,  where 
no  prizes  were  to  be  made.  The  two  principal  French  fleets 
were  those  stationed  at  Toulon  and  at  Brest.     An  ineffectual 


Battle  of  the  isl  of  June  \yg4r  145 

effort  had  been  made  by  Sir  Sidney  Smith  to  burn  the  Toulon 
fleet  \Yhen  the  Enghsh  and  Spaniards  evacuated  that  port. 
Nevertheless,  a  new  fleet  was  soon  prepared,  but  its  action 
against  the  English  and  the  Spaniards  who  blockaded  the 
coast  were  ineff"ectual.  The  English  on  leaving  Toulon  had 
proceeded  to  Corsica.  That  island  had  been  raised  against 
the  Convention  by  the  native  patriot,  Paoli,  who  invited  the 
English  to  come  and  take  possession  in  the  name  of 
George  in.  In  Corsica,  owing  to  the  weakness  of  the  French 
Mediterranean  fleet,  the  English  remained  unmolested  for 
nearly  a  year.  The  Brest  fleet,  however,  came  to  blows  with 
the  English  Channel  fleet,  under  the  command  of  Battle  of  the 
Lord  Howe.  The  United  States  of  America  had  '^^  °f  June, 
agreed  to  pay  part  of  the  debt  which  they  owed  France  for 
money  lent  during  the  War  of  American  Independence  in 
grain,  and  a  convoy  was  sent  to  protect  the  grain-ships.  Lord 
Howe  was  directed  to  cut  off  this  convoy,  and  the  French  fleet 
left  Brest  to  ensure  its  safe  arrival.  From  one  point  of  view, 
the  action  of  the  French  fleet  was  crowned  with  success,  for 
the  convoy  arrived  safely,  but  the  fleet  itself  was  utterly  de- 
feated by  Lord  Howe  on  the  ist  of  June  1794.  Since  the 
object  had  been  attained,  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety 
claimed  credit  for  the  action  in  which  the  fleet  had  been 
engaged,  and  the  reports  which  Barere  read  daily  from  the 
tribune  of  the  Convention  were  invariably  of  battles  won  and 
of  feats  of  valour. 

The  brilliant  successes  which  followed  the  establishment  of 
the  power  of  the  Great  Committee  of  Public  Safety  justified 
its  despotism  in  the  eyes  of  France,  but  as  soon  as  FaUofRobes- 
those  successes  had  freed  France  from  the   in- 5,'"'"'^'?'^'^ 

Thcrmidor 

vaders,  it  was  generally  felt  that  the  weight  of  the  (27th  juiy) 
Reign  of  Terror  was  intolerable,  and  that  it  had  *794- 
become  unnecessary.     It  was  at  this  period  of  most  brilliant 
military  triumphs  that  the  Terror  grew  to  its  greatest  heigiit  in 
Paris.     On  226.  Prairial  (loth  of  June  1794)  a  law  was  i)asscd 
to  accelerate  the   procedure  of  the  Revolutionary  'I'ribuual, 

I'LRIOLi  Vll.  k 


146  European  History,  1793- 1795 

and  the  number  of  deaths  upon  the  guillotine  increased  to  an 
average  of  196  a  week.  Robespierre,  who,  as  has  been  said, 
was  more  of  a  statesman  than  his  colleagues  upon  the  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety,  who  were  simply  administrators, 
understood  the  tenor  of  feeling  in  France,  He  believed 
that  the  time  was  coming  when  the  Reign  of  Terror  should 
cease,  and  a  new  Reign  of  Virtue,  carrying  into  effect  the 
maxims  of  Rousseau,  could  be  established.  The  working 
members  of  the  Committee  allowed  Robespierre  to  theorise  to 
his  heart's  content ;  as  long  as  he  did  not  interfere  with  them, 
he  might  advocate  what  principles  he  pleased.  The  first 
evidence  of  Robespierre's  new  tendency  appeared  in  his 
establishment  of  the  Worship  of  the  Supreme  Being.  He  was 
a  profoundly  religious  and  virtuous  man,  and  the  chief  cause 
of  his  hatred  of  Hebert  and  Danton  was  his  belief  that  they 
were  immoral  atheists.  On  i8th  Floreal  (7  th  May  1794) 
Robespierre  made  his  most  famous  speech  in  the  Convention, 
by  which  he  induced  the  Convention  to  officially  acknowledge 
the  existence  of  a  Supreme  Being  and  the  immortality  of  the 
soul.  The  speech  was  followed  on  20th  Prairial  by  a  great 
festival  in  honour  of  the  Supreme  Bemg,  at  which  Robespierre 
presided.  This  was  the  day  when  his  power  seemed  greatest, 
but  many  of  his  colleagues  laughed  at  his  assumption  of  virtue 
and  at  his  posing  as  a  high  priest.  He  perceived  clearly  that 
he  could  not  establish  his  chimerical  Reign  of  Virtue  without 
destroying  the  scoffers  who  refused  to  believe  in  him  and  his 
doctrines.  He  absented  himself  for  six  weeks  from  the  meet- 
ings of  the  Committee,  and  prepared  a  speech  by  which  he 
hoped  to  induce  the  Convention  to  proscribe  his  opponents. 

On  8th  Thermidor  (26th  July  1794)  he  read  this  speech  to 
the  Convention,  and  attacked  covertly,  and  without  mentioning 
many  names,  not  only  certain  of  his  colleagues  in  the  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety,  but  also  the  majority  of  the  Committee 
of  General  Security  and  of  the  Financial  Committee.  These 
men,  who  had  been  governing  France  while  Robespierre  was 
theorising,  would  not  tamely  submit  to  be  ejected  from  power 


Fall  of  Robespierre  147 

and  guillotined.    On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  Robespierre 

read  his  speech  to  the  Jacobin  Club,  which  was  the  head- 
quarters of  the  puritans  who  believed  in  the  possibility  of  a 
Reign  of  Virtue.  But  on  9th  Thermidor  the  accused  depu- 
ties determined  to  act.  It  was  not  only  the  working  members 
of  the  Committees,  but  also  the  friends  of  Danton,  the  inde- 
pendent deputies  of  the  Mountain,  and  the  members  of  the 
Centre,  who  felt  threatened,  and  their  attitude  was  speedily 
declared.  Saint-Just  began  to  read  a  report  accusing  Billaud- 
Varenne  and  CoUot-d'Herbois  by  name,  but  he  was  inter- 
rupted, and  Robespierre  himself,  with  Couthon,  Saint-Just, 
and  two  other  deputies  were,  after  a  stormy  scene,  ordered 
under  arrest.  But  the  puritan  party  were  not  only  strong  in 
the  Jacobin  Club;  they  dominated  the  Commune  of  Paris  ever 
since  the  overthrow  of  the  Hcbertists.  Hanriot,  the  com- 
mandant of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  rescued  Robespierre 
and  the  other  imprisoned  deputies,  and  took  them  to  the 
H6tel-de-Ville,  where  a  scheme  of  government  was  discussed. 
The  Convention  did  not  wait  to  be  attacked.  It  declared 
Robespierre  and  all  his  adherents  to  be  outlaws,  and  Barras, 
Freron,  and  Leonard  Bourdon  collected  columns  of  regular 
troops  and  national  guards  to  attack  the  H6tel-de-Ville.  The 
Convention  was  completely  successful.  The  people  of  Paris, 
like  the  people  of  all  France,  persisted  in  considering  Robes- 
pierre as  the  author  of  the  Reign  of  Terror,  while  not  only 
his  enemies  but  his  colleagues  threw  upon  him  the  responsi- 
bility for  all  the  atrocities  included  under  the  name  of  the 
Terror.  Though  personally  he  had  very  little  influence  in  the 
Committee,  he  was  represented  and  regarded  as  its  master. 
Consequently  no  hand  was  raised  to  protect  Robespierre  and 
the  puritans;  the  H6tel-de-Ville  was  easily  occupied  by 
liarras ;  Robespierre  was  wounded  in  the  mouth  by  a 
gendarme,  and  on  loth  Thermidor  (28th  July)  he  was  guillo- 
tined, and  was  accompanied  or  followed  to  the  scaffold  by  the 
small  group  of  colleagues  who  had  been  impeached  with  him, 
and  by  the  majority  of  the  Commune  of  Paris. 


148  European  History,  1793-1795 

The  death  of  Robespierre  did  not  lead  to .  a  change  of 
The  Rule  of  government,  but  it  led  to  an  alteration  in  the 
the  Thermi-   g^gj-^j-j^    j^y   ^hich   the    government   was  admini- 

donans.  -'  ^  ^ 

First  Phase,  stcred.  The  deputies  who  had  been  most  instru- 
mental in  the  revolution  of  Thermidor  belonged  to  the  Moun- 
tain, and  expected  to  retain  power  in  their  hands ;  but  they 
saw  the  necessity  of  preventing  such  a  permanence  of  power 
as  had  existed  during  the  previous  year.  It  was,  therefore, 
resolved  that  the  Committees  of  Government — that  is,  the 
Committees  of  Public  Safety  and  of  General  Security — should 
be  renewed  by  a  quarter  every  month,  and  that  the  retiring 
members  should  not  be  eligible  for  re-election  until  a  month 
had  passed.  The  survivors  of  the  Great  Committee  still 
believed  in  the  system  of  government  by  terror,  but  their 
new  colleagues  understood  that  now  that  France  was  vic- 
torious the  country  would  no  longer  submit  to  such  rigorous 
measures  of  repression.  The  victory  of  Fleurus  had  done 
away  with  the  necessity  of  continually  employing  the  guillo- 
tine. The  system  of  terror  was  therefore  tacitly  abandoned ; 
the  supremacy  of  the  Committees  continued ;  the  Law  of  the 
Suspects  was  unrepealed ;  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal  con- 
tinued to  exist ;  representatives  were  still  sent  on  mission  with 
unlimited  powers ;  but  the  succession  of  executions  ceased, 
and  the  method  of  government,  though  arbitrary,  was  no  longer 
sanguinary.  The  men  who  ruled  France  from  Thermidor 
(July)  1794  to  Ventose  (March)  1795  were  all  deputies  of  the 
Mountain,  men  of  the  type  of  Carnot  and  Robert  Lindet, 
the  most  sagacious  of  the  members  of  the  Great  Committee 
of  Public  Safety.  The  most  conspicuous  of  the  new  men  of 
this  period  were  Merlin  of  Douai  and  Treilhard,  who  took 
charge  of  the  foreign  policy.  These  statesmen,  while  Carnot 
superintended  the  carrying  on  of  the  war  with  his  accustomed 
vigour  and  success,  finally  broke  with  the  propagandist  doc- 
trines which  had  made  the  war  of  unparalleled  magnitude 
and  bitterness,  and  Merlin  of  Douai,  on  14th  Frimaire  (4th 
December)  1794  read  a  report  in  the  name  of  the  Committee 


Conquest  of  Holland  149 

of  Public  Safety,  declaring  that  the  Republic  did  not  wish  to 
be  at  war  with  Europe  for  ever,  and  laying  down  the  bases 
on  which  treaties  of  peace  honourable  to  France  could  be 
made.  While  the  Thermidorians  were  administering  the 
government  strongly  and  honourably,  they  were  beset  with 
cries  of  vengeance  against  the  Terrorists  of  the  previous  year. 
They  felt  it  necessary  to  yield  to  the  general  outcry,  and  on  21st 
Brumaire,  Year  in.  (nth  November  1794),  Carrier,  the  most 
ferocious  of  the  proconsuls  of  the  Terror,  was  sent  before  the 
Revolutionary  Tribunal.  He  was  tried  and  eventually  executed 
for  his  crimes.  The  agitation  was  stronger  against  the  organ- 
isers of  the  Terror,  Billaud-Varenne,  and  Collot-d'Herbois, 
with  whom  were  associated  in  the  popular  hatred  Barere,  the 
reporter,  and  Vadier,  who  had  been  the  most  conspicuous 
member  of  the  Committee  of  General  Security.  Both  the 
doctrines  and  the  men  of  the  Terror  had  still  plenty  of  sup- 
porters in  Paris,  who  now  dominated  the  Jacobin  Club,  which 
was  therefore  closed  by  the  Thermidorians  in  December 
1794.  Almost  at  the  same  date  the  Law  of  the  Maximum  was 
repealed.  In  the  same  month  the  survivors  of  the  seventy- 
three  deputies  who  had  protested  against  the  proscription  of 
the  Girondins,  and  consequently  been  imprisoned,  were  re- 
called to  their  seats  in  the  Convention. 

Meanwhile  the  series  of  victories  which  had  commenced 
during  the  rule  of  the  Great  Committee  of  Public 

or  ■  1         T-.-    1  1         1         1       /-     >         Conquest  of 

Safety  contmued.     Pichegru  at  the  head  of  the  Holland. 
Army  of  the  North  pursued  the  English  and  their  ^794-5- 
Dutch  and  Hanoverian  allies.    On  the  9th  of  October  he  took 
Nimeguen,  and  forcing  his  way  across  the  frozen  rivers  drove 
the  English  through  Holland.     He  occupied  Amsterdam,  and 
then  with  his  hussars  took  the  Dutch  (Icct,  which  was  unable 
to  leave  its  moorings  in  the  Texel  owing  to  the  ice.     By  the 
end  of  January  1795  the  whole  of  Holland  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  French.     The  Stadtholder,  the  Prince  The  Batavian. 
of  Orange,  fled  to  England,  and  the  English  troops     Republic, 
were  soon  after  withdrawn.     The  conquest  of  Holland  was 


150  European  History,  1793- 179  5 

of  the  greatest  service  to  the  Thermidorians,  for  it  enabled 
them,  by  drawing  upon  the  wealth  of  that  country,  to  relieve 
the  financial  distress  of  the  French  Republic.  With  regard 
to  Belgium  there  was  no  difficulty  in  coming  to  a  decision  as 
to  its  future,  for  the  Decree  of  Reunion  passed  in  the  days  of 
Dumouriez'  success  remained  unrepealed,  and  the  Austrian 
Netherlands  were  therefore  organised  as  part  of  the  French 
Republic.  It  was  otherwise  with  regard  to  Holland.  The 
Thermidorians  did  not  desire  to  further  aggravate  the  fears 
of  Europe  by  annexing  that  country,  but  at  the  same  time 
they  were  quite  resolved  that  it  should  not  again  fall  under 
the  power  of  the  English.  Reubell  and  Sieyes,  two  ex- 
Constituants  who  had  remained  in  obscurity  during  the 
Reign  of  Terror,  were  despatched  to  Holland  to  see  what 
could  be  done.  They  found  many  Dutch  admirers  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  speedily  conciliated 
the  burghers  of  the  Dutch  cities,  who  had  always  resented 
the  power  of  the  Stadtholder.  With  the  help  of  these  parties 
and  of  the  Dutch  patriots  who  had  been  exiled  in  1787,  and 
who  now  returned  from  France  full  of  enthusiasm  for  demo- 
cracy, they  organised  a  Batavian  Republic  on  the  model  of 
the  French  Republic,  and  in  March  1795  a  Treaty  of  Peace 
and  Alliance  was  signed  between  the  French  and  Batavian 
Successes  RepubHcs.  In  other  quarters  the  French  Re- 
in other  public  was  likewise  triumphant.  Maestricht  was 
quarters.  taken  by  Kleber  on  the  4th  of  November  1794. 
Jourdan  with  the  Army  of  the  Sambre-and-Meuse,  defeated  the 
Austrian s  under  Clerfayt  at  Aldenhoven  on  the  2d  of  October, 
and  marching  south  occupied  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Bonn,  Cologne, 
and  Coblentz.  Meanwhile  the  Army  of  the  Moselle,  under 
Rene  Moreaux,  finally  drove  the  Prussians  out  of  France  and 
occupied  the  Palatinate  and  the  whole  of  the  Electorate  of 
Treves.  On  the  southern  frontier  there  were  similar  suc- 
cesses. The  Army  of  the  Eastern  Pyrenees,  which  had 
invaded  Catalonia,  stormed  the  Spanish  camp  at  Figueras 
on  the  20th  of  November  1794,  and  took  Rosas  on  the  3rd 


The  Polish.  Tnsiirrectioii  151 

of  February  1795.  In  the  first  of  these  actions  the  French 
General  Dugommier  was  killed  in  action.  Moncey,  with  the 
Army  of  the  Western  Pyrenees,  took  Bilbao,  Vittoria,  and 
San  Sebastian.  The  Army  of  Italy  won  the  victory  of 
Loano  on  the  24th  of  November,  which  opened  communi- 
cation with  Genoa.  The  Army  of  the  Alps  finally  reached 
the  summits  of  Mont  Cenis  and  the  Little  St.  Bernard,  and 
drove  the  Piedmontese  before  it. 

While  the  French  nation  had  thus  after  much  suffering  and 
long  submission  to  the  Reign  of  Terror  secured  poUnd. 
its  independence  and  made  itself  feared  by  ^794-5 
Europe,  a  Polish  insurrection  had  taken  place  which  was  not 
crowned  with  the  same  success.  The  second  partition  of 
Poland,  which  was  consummated  in  1793,  has  been  described. 
But  the  Polish  nation  was  not  inclined  to  acknowledge  its 
extinction  without  another  blow.  Many  Polish  exiles  came  to 
France,  and  the  leader  of  the  Polish  patriots,  Kosciuszko, 
received  a  flattering  reception,  though  no  promise  of  active 
help.  On  the  23d  of  March  1794  Kosciuszko  entered  Cracow 
and  raised  the  standard  of  national  independence.  This  news 
caused  a  general  r'sing  in  Prussian  Poland,  where  the  new 
administrators  of  Prussia  had  behaved  with  extreme  cruelty. 
Stanislas  Poniatowski,  King  of  Poland,  acting  under  the 
influence  of  the  Russian  general  commanding  at  Warsaw, 
Igelstroni,  disavowed  Kosciuszko  and  declared  him  a  rebel. 
But  the  Polish  people  welcomed  Kosciuszko  as  a  liberator. 
He  defeated  the  Russians  at  Raclawice  on  the  4th  of  April 
1794,  and  after  a  further  victory  occupied  Warsaw  on  the  19th. 
Both  Russians  and  Prussians  prepared  to  defend  the  provinces 
they  had  annexed  in  1793,  and  laid  siege  to  Warsaw  in  July 
1794.  By  the  beginning  of  September  all  Prussian  Poland 
was  in  a  flame  of  insurrection ;  Frederick  William  11.,  who  was 
conducting  the  siege  in  person,  rapidly  retreated  and  summoned 
to  his  assistance  a  large  proportion  of  the  troops  hitherto 
employed  against  France.  But  though  the  Prussians  had 
temporarily  retired,   Catherine  of  Russia  determined,  at  all 


152  Enropemi  History,  1793- 1795 

hazards,  to  conquer  the  Poles.  She  gathered  a  great  army  from 
all  parts  of  her  empire,  and  placed  it  under  the  command  of 
the  most  famous  of  the  Russian  generals,  Suvdrov.  Caught 
between  the  army  of  Suvdrov  and  the  army  of  Fersen,  who 
had  succeeded  Igelstrom  in  command  of  the  Russians  already 
in  Poland,  the  Polish  patriots  were  utterly  defeated  at 
Maciejowice  on  the  12th  of  October  1794,  when  Kosciuszko 
was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  On  the  4th  of  November, 
Praga,  the  suburb  of  Warsaw  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Vistula, 
was  stormed  by  Suvdrov,  and  on  the  9th  of  November  the 
capital  surrendered.  Catherine  determined  to  complete  the 
work  of  the  destruction  of  Poland.  Stanislas  Poniatowski  was 
removed  from  Poland  on  the  7th  of  January  1795,  and  on 
the  25th  of  November  1795  ^^^  abdicated  the  throne. 

The  division  of  the  spoils  caused  much  trouble  to   the 
allies.      The  Austrians,  who  had  been  left  in  the  lurch  at 
the  second  partition,  claimed  a  share,  and,  like  the  Prussians, 
weakened  their  armies  on  the  frontier  of  France  in  order  to  de- 
Extinction    ^^"^  their  claims  on  Poland.   By  the  final  partition, 
of  Poland,     which  was  arranged  between  the  powers  in  1795, 
1795-  Prussia  received   Warsaw    and    the  surrounding 

palatinates  ;  Austria  received  Cracow  and  the  rest  of  Galicia, 
and  the  Russians  were  content  with  rectifying  their  frontier 
from  Grodno  to  Minsk.  It  is  interesting  to  contrast  the 
simultaneous  failure  of  the  Poles  and  success  of  the  French. 
The  cause  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  great  bulk  of  the  Polish 
people  were  serfs,  to  whom  it  mattered  little  what  master  they 
served,  whereas  the  French  people  had  long  thrown  off  the 
bonds  of  personal  serfdom,  and  had  just  succeeded  in  getting 
rid  of  the  last  shackles  of  the  privileged  classes.  The  Polish 
Constitution  of  1791  was  the  work  of  a  few  enlightened  noble- 
men and  priests,  and  was  gladly  accepted  by  the  educated 
bourgeois  of  the  cities,  but  the  peasants  were  in  too  degraded 
a  condition  to  understand  what  personal  liberty  meant.  In 
France  every  peasant,  every  farmer  had  profited  by  the 
Revolution,  and  was  wedded  to  its  cause  not  only  for  political 


TJie  CJianged  Attitude  of  the  Powers  of  Europe    153 

reasons,  but  because  of  the  purchases  of  ecclesiastical  property 
which  he  had  made.  The  national  feeling  in  France  em- 
braced the  whole  people,  and  made  France  successful  against 
her  foreign  foes ;  the  national  feeling  in  Poland  only  existed 
among  a  minority  of  the  population,  and  the  result  was  that 
Kosciuszko  was  unable  to  attain  the  triumph  which  he  so 
well  merited. 

The  successes  of  the  French  Republic  and  the  failure  of 
the  Polish  national  movement  affected  the  attitude  Change  in  the 
of  the  coalition  both  towards  France  and  towards  !.""-"^s  °[ 

Continental 

its  own  members.  The  Prussians,  ever  since  the  Powers, 
defeat  of  Brunswick  in  1792,  had  openly  expressed  their  belief 
that  the  Austrians  were  betraying  them  and  using  them  as 
catspaws.  Frederick  William  11.  for  a  long  time  battled  against 
these  views,  which  were  held  by  the  chief  Prussian  statesmen, 
such  as  Haugwitz  and  Alvensleben,  by  the  most  respected 
Prussian  generals  such  as  Kalkrcuth  and  Mollendorf,  and  by 
his  own  personal  clique  of  favourites,  headed  by  Lucchesini. 
In  the  year  1793  '^^  had  confined  his  operations  against  France 
to  the  siege  of  Mayence,  while  his  best  troops  were  directed 
on  Poland,  and  in  1794  he  had  still  further  reduced  the 
number  of  his  soldiers  upon  the  Rhine.  England,  which  had 
paid  large  subsidies  to  the  Prussian  government,  resented  this 
conduct,  and  declared  its  intention  of  withdrawing  all  subsidies 
unless  Prussia  would  do  as  she  was  directed.  Frederick 
William  11.  declared  that  he  would  not  receive  the  English 
subsidies  on  these  terms ;  but  the  truth  was,  that  his  attention 
was  far  more  occupied  by  the  gains  he  hoped  to  get  in  Poland 
than  with  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against  France.  Austria, 
also,  where  Thugut  had  in  1794  become  the  nominal  as  well 
as  the  real  director  of  tht;  foreign  policy  of  the  Emperor 
Francis,  was  getting  tired  of  the  war  witli  1'" ranee.  Prussia's 
conduct  in  making  the  second  partition  of  Poland  in  1793, 
and  leaving  the  Emperor  out,  had  sown  the  seeds  of  discontent. 
Thugut  Avas  determined  that  the  same  thing  should  not  occur 
again,  and,  therefore,  when  the  Polish  insurrection  broke  out 


154  European  History,  1 793-1 795 

in  1794,  Austria  also  denuded  her  armies  upon  the  French 
frontier.  Tliis  attitude  of  Prussia  and  yVustria  does  not  entirely 
account  for  the  victories  of  the  French  republican  armies,  but 
it  explains  to  some  extent  the  ease  with  which  those  victories 
were  obtained.  Spain  also  was  weary  of  the  war.  Godoy 
felt  that  his  tenure  of  office  was  imperilled  by  the  existence  of 
two  French  armies  in  Spain  which  might  easily  march  upon 
Madrid,  and  the  Queen,  and  therefore  the  King,  was  entirely 
under  the  influence  of  Godoy.  Many  of  the  princes  of  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire  likewise  wished  to  see  the  war  at  an  end, 
for  it  was  their  states  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  which 
were  occupied  by  the  French  armies  ;  it  was  their  states  upon 
the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine  which  would  be  invaded  by  the 
passage  of  that  river,  whereas  the  home  dominions  of  Austria 
and  Prussia  were  far  to  the  east,  and  not  likely  to  be  reached  by 
,  ftn  invading  army.  England  was  the  only  power  which  seriously 
desired  to  prosecute  the  war,  for  in  England  a  national  feel- 
ing of  repulsion  against  the  French  had  arisen.  The  English 
government,  however,  was  unable  to  strike  any  effective  blow ; 
Hoche  defeated  a  body  of  emigres  landed  from  English  ships 
at  Quiberon  Bay  in  July  1794;  the  continental  powers  who 
received  subsidies  were  not  very  earnest  in  doing  the  work 
for  which  they  were  paid ;  the  French  occupation  of  Holland 
had  deprived  England  of  the  only  base  from  which  an  army 
could  act  in  Europe ;  and  the  English  government  had  there- 
fore to  be  contented  with  blockading  the  French  ports  and 
occupying  the  French  West  Indian  Colonies. 

The  recall  of  those  sympathisers  with  the  Girondin  party, 
The  Rule  of  who  had  bccn  imprisoned,  in  December  1794  was 
dorilns.""'"  followed  in  March  1795  by  the  recall  to  their 
Second  Phase,  scats  in  the  Convention  of  the  outlawed  Girondin 
leaders,  of  whom  the  most  conspicuous  were  Lanjuinais  and 
Louvet.  The  return  of  these  victims  increased  the  clamour 
against  the  surviving  Terrorist  leaders  and  proconsuls  who  had 
ruled  France  in  1793-94  at  Paris,  or  on  mission  in  the  provinces. 
Hot  debates  took  place  on  the  necessity  of  punishing  what 


Insurrection  of  \st  Prnirial  155 

was  now  termed  '  Robespierre's  tail.'  In  Paris  a  powerful 
section  of  the  populace — namely,  the  young  bourgeois,  who 
were  commonly  called  the  Jeunesse  Doree,  or  after  their  leader 
Freron  the  Jeunesse  Freronienne — never  ceased  to  demand 
the  punishment  of  the  Terrorists.  Popular  sympathy  Avas 
generally  with  the  Jeunesse  Doree;  conspicuous  Jacobins  of 
the  Terror  were  beaten  in  the  streets  ;  the  heart  of  Marat  was 
taken  from  the  Pantheon  and  thrown  down  a  sewer ;  and  the 
busts  of  Marat,  who  was  regarded  as  the  apostle  of  Terrorism, 
were  everywhere  broken.  The  former  rulers  of  Paris,  the  old 
members  of  the  Jacobin  Club  and  the  Revolutionary  Com- 
mittees, were  not  inclined  to  submit  to  popular  vengeance 
without  striking  a  blow.  On  12th  Germinal,  Year  insurrection 
HI.  (ist  April  1795)  they  raised  an  insurrection  ^^^^^J '^^''' 
in  the  turbulent  Faubourg  Saint-Antoine,  and  the  ist  April  1795. 
insurgents  broke  into  the  Convention  shouting  '  Bread  and 
the  Constitution  of  1793.'  The  only  result  of  this  riot  was  that 
Billaud-Varenne,  ColIot-d'Herbois,  Bart^re,  and  Vadier  were 
ordered  to  be  deported  to  French  Guiana  without  trial.  The 
persecution  of  the  Terrorists  continued.  A  commission  was 
appointed  to  inquire  into  the  acts  of  the  former  proconsuls  ; 
power  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  returned  Girondins  and 
tlie  members  of  the  Plain  or  Centre.  Certain  of  the  remaining 
deputies  of  the  Mountain,  supported  by  the  Jacobins  of  Paris, 
then  resolved  on  a  second  insurrection.  On  ist  Prairial, 
Year  iii.  (20th   May  170O  the  Convention  was  , 

\  ^       I  ■'•J'  _  Insurrection 

again  invaded  by  a  Saint-Antoine  mob,  headed  of  ist  Prairiai. 
by  women  who  had  gained  the  unenviable  name  ^oth  May  1795. 
of  the  '  Furies  of  the  Guillotine.'  A  deputy  named  Fcraud  was 
taken  for  Freron  and  murdered  on  the  spot,  and  throughout 
the  day  the  hall  of  the  Convention  was  occupied  by  a  howling 
mob,  which  vainly  endeavoured  to  compel  the  President, 
Boissy-d'Anglas,  to  pass  the  decrees  they  desired.  Meanwhile 
the  Committees  of  Government  prepared  to  act  with  vigour. 
With  the  help  of  some  regular  troops  quartered  in  Paris,  of 
the  national  guards  of  the  bourgeois  sections,   and   of  the 


156  European  History,  1 793-1 795 

Jcuncsse  Doree,  they  expelled  the  mob,  and  on  the  following 
days  a  force  composed  of  these  elements  under  the  command 
of  General  Menou,  an  ex-Constituant,  disarmed  the  revolu- 
tionary sections.  The  victory  of  the  Committees  was  the 
victory  of  the  enemies  of  the  Reign  of  Terror.  Some  of  the 
former  Terrorist  deputies  were  condemned  to  death  and  com- 
mitted suicide,  others  were  impeached  and  placed  under  arrest, 
and  the  Mountain  as  a  party  ceased  to  exist.  The  expulsion 
of  the  deputies  of  the  Mountain  caused  the  Committees  of 
Government  to  be  filled  by  the  members  of  the  Centre,  the 
men  who  during  the  Reign  of  Terror  had  been  peacefully 
occupied  in  the  legislative  and  educational  reforms,  which 
were  the  most  lasting  works  of  the  Convention.  Of  these 
new  members  the  most  typical  is  Cambaceres,  the  great  jurist 
and  principal  law  reformer  of  the  period,  on  whose  labours 
Napoleon  compiled  the  Code  Civil.  While  the  Committees 
were  engaged  in  the  work  of  government,  a  commission  of 
eleven  deputies  was  appointed  to  draw  up  a  new  Constitution 
which  should  avoid  the  errors  of  its  predecessors.  The  chief 
authors  of  this  Constitution,  which  is  known  as  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Year  iii.,  were  Boissy-d'Anglas  and  Daunou. 

The  direction  of  foreign  policy  was  still  mainly  conducted 
Treaties  of  by  Merlin  of  Douai,  who  was  now  aided  in  this 
Basle.  1795.  department  by  Cambaceres,  Sieyes,  and  Reubell. 
Their  great  work — indeed  the  great  work  of  the  Thermidorians 
— was  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaties  of  Basle.  The  causes  of 
these  treaties  have  been  shown  in  the  examination  just  made 
of  the  changed  attitude  of  the  powers  of  Europe  towards  the 
French  Republic.  The  agent  of  the  French  Republic  in 
Switzerland,  Barthelemy,  was  the  diplomatist  who  negotiated 
the  series  of  treaties.  Switzerland  had  throughout  the  Reign 
of  Terror  been  the  centre  of  diplomatic  action,  for  in  Switzer- 
land alone  France  could  meet  the  representatives  of  foreign 
powers.  The  first  and  the  most  important  of  the  Treaties 
of  Basle  was  that  between  France  and  Prussia,  which  was 
signed  upon  the  5th  of  April  1795.     By  it  not  only  was  peace 


The  Treaties  of  Basic  157 

concluded  between  the  contracting  powers,  but  a  line  of  demar-  \ 
cation  was  agreed  to  be  drawn  by  which  Prussia  might  secure 
safety  from  French  invasion  for  the  states  of  Northern  Ger-  I 
many.  One  point  only  was  left  in  abeyance  by  Barthelemy 
and  Hardenberg,  the  negotiators  of  this  treaty.  The  French  . 
Government  insisted  that  France,  in  reward  for  her  exer- 
tions, and  in  compensation  for  the  long  war,  should  receive  / 
her  natural  limits  of  the  Rhine.  Prussia's  territory  upon  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rhine  was  very  small  in  amount,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  amount  of  compensation  she  should  receive 
for  ceding  it  to  France  should  be  left  unsettled  for  the  pre- 
sent. Frederick  William  11.,  who  posed  as  a  guardian  of  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  refused  openly  to  assent  to  the  doctrine 
that  France  should  reach  the  Rhine  and  thus  consecrate  the 
infringement  of  the  limits  of  the  Empire.  He  had  no 
desire  to  appear  ready  to  consent  to  any  such  arrangement, 
for  he  felt  that  such  a  policy  would  leave  to  Austria  the  posi- 
tion of  protector  of  the  Empire.  The  Treaty  of  Basle  with 
Prussia  was  succeeded  at  the  same  place  by  a  treaty  with 
Spain  on  the  2 2d  of  July,  and  finally  by  a  treaty  with  the 
most  energetic  of  the  petty  princes  of  the  Empire,  the  Land- 
grave of  Hesse-Cassel,  on  the  29th  of  August.  Peace  had 
already  on  February  9th  been  made  with  Tuscany,  which  had 
most  unwillingly  declared  war  on  France  under  pressure  from 
England.  Of  these  treaties,  the  most  important  was  that  with 
Spain,  which  was  excessively  popular  at  Madrid,  and  won  for 
Godoy  the  high-sounding  title  of  '  Prince  of  the  Peace.'  Thus, 
after  three  years  of  war,  France  re-entered  the  comity  of 
nations  and  broke  up  the  coalition  formed  against  her  inde-  / 
pendence.  ' 


CHAPTER   V 


1795-1797 

Results  of  the  Treaties  of  Basle  on  the  Foreign  Policy  of  France— Constitu- 
tion of  the  Year  in— The  Directory— The  Legislature:  Councils  of 
Ancients  and  of  Five  Hundred— Local  Administration  of  France— The 
Insurrection  of  Venddmiaire— The  Rising  of  13th  Vcndemiaire  in  Paris— 
The  First  French  Directors,  Councils,  and  Ministers— Dissolution  of  the 
Convention— England  and  the  Emigres — Treason  of  Pichegru— Exchange 
of  Madame  Royale— Desire  for  Peace  in  France — France  and  Prussia- 
Suggestion  of  Secularisations  in  Germany — France  and  the  Smaller 
States  of  Europe— Attitude  of  Russia— Campaign  of  1795  in  Germany — 
Bonaparte's  Campaigns  of  1796  in  Italy— Battle  of  Montenotte— Armi- 
stice of  Cherasco— Battle  of  Lodi— Armistice  of  Foligno— Conquest  of 
Upper  Italy — Battles  of  Castiglione,  Areola,  and  Rivoli— Peace  of 
Tolentino  with  the  Pope — Campaign  of  1796  in  Germany — Battle  of 
Altenkirchen — Retreat  of  Moreau— Effects  of  the  Campaign  in  Germany 

Treaty  between  Prussia  and  France — Internal  Policy  of  the  Directory — 

Pacification  of  La  Vendde — The  State  of  France — The  Directory,  Coun- 
cils, and  Ministers  in  1796 — Creation  of  the  Ministry  of  Police — Alliance 
between  France  and  Spain— Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso — Battle  of  Cape 
Saint-Vincent — The  Batavian  Republic — Negotiations  between  England 
and  the  Directory — Death  of  the  Empress  Catherine  of  Russia — Bona- 
paite's  Campaign  of  1797  in  the  Tyrol— The  Campaign  of  1797  in  Ger- 
many—Preliminaries of  Leoben  between  France  and  Austria. 

The  conclusion  of  the  Treaties  of  Basle  in  the  spring  and 
Result  of  the  summcr  of  1795  brought  France  once  more 
Treaties  of  into  a  rccognised  position  among  the  nations 
Basle.  ^£  Europe.     The  idea  of  a  revolutionary  propa- 

ganda had  been  entirely  abandoned  by  the  leading  Thermi- 
dorians,  who  looked  upon  it  as  the  first  duty  of  the  French 
Government  to  secure  peace  for  France.  All  the  great  states- 
men of  the  revolutionary  period,  from  Mirabeau  to  Danton 


The  Co}istitution  of  the  Ycay  III  1 59 

and  Robespierre,  had  protested  against  the  absurd  notion  that 
it  \vas  the  mission  of  France  to  secure  the  pre-eminence  of 
democratic  ideas  throughout  the  whole  of  Europe.  Events 
had  shown  that  it  was  a  task  of  quite  sufficient  difficulty  to 
secure  the  prevalence  of  such  ideas  in  France.  The  aban- 
donment of  the  revolutionary  propaganda  broke  up  the  league 
of  old  Europe  against  new  France.  When  the  Prussian  state, 
and  still  more  the  ancient  monarchy  of  Spain,  had  consented 
to  make  peace  with  France,  the  rest  of  the  powers  of  the 
Continent  felt  that  they  could  no  longer  affect  to  treat  the 
French  republicans  as  beyond  the  pale  of  humanity,  or  the 
French  Republic  as  having  destroyed  the  title  of  France  to 
be  reckoned  as  a  nation. 

The  Thermidorians,  not  satisfied  with  their  diplomatic  suc- 
cess, constructed  a  new  government  for  France,  constitution  oi 
The  authors  of  the  policy,  which  resulted  in  the  the  Year  in. 
Treaties  of  Basle,  were  also  the  sponsors  of  the  '  Constitution 
of  the  Year  iii.'  The  task  of  drawing  up  the  bases  of  a  new 
Constitution  was  referred  upon  14th  Germinal,  Year  iii.  (30 
April  1795)  to  a  committee  of  seven  deputies,  but  the  details 
were  worked  out  by  a  subsequent  commission  of  eleven.  Among 
the  seven  the  most  important  were  Sieyes,  Cambaceres,  and 
Merlin  of  Douai,  who  were  also  at  this  period  the  three  prin- 
cipal members  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety.  Just  as  in 
making  the  Treaties  of  Basle,  they  and  their  colleagues  had  re- 
curred to  the  fundamental  ideas  and  policy  of  the  old  French 
Monarchy,  so  in  the  new  Constitution  they  exhibited  the  influ- 
ence of  bygone  ideas.  The  experience  of  the  Constituent  and 
Legislative  Assemblies,  and  of  the  Convention  until  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  had  shown  the  utter 
inadequacy  of  intrusting  supreme  executive  and  administrative 
authority  to  an  unwieldy  deliberative  assembly.  The  power  of 
the  monarchy  in  all  modern  states  has  rested  upon  the  con- 
viction of  the  importance  of  consolidating,  as  far  as  possible, 
the  executive  authority ;  the  founders  of  the  United  States 
of  America  understood  this  truth,  and  invested  their  President 


i6o  European  History,  1 795-1 797 

with  power  resembling  that  exercised  by  kings  ;  and  the  Con- 
vention, when  it  yielded  to  the  voice  of  Danton,  and  conferred 
supreme  authority  upon  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  had 
reaped  the  advantage  in  its  victories  upon  all  the  frontiers. 
Even  the  most  obtuse  of  the  deputies  who  sat  in  the  Con- 
vention had  learnt  this  lesson.  And  the  founders  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  Year  in.  had  no  difficulty  in  carrying  the 
most  important  point  in  their  programme.  This  was  the 
entire  separation  of  the  executive  and  legislative  powers. 
The  Constitution  of  1791,  in  its  jealousy  of  the  monarchy, 
had  practically  deprived  the  king  and  his  ministers  of  all  real 
authority,  while  leaving  him  the  entire  responsibility.  The 
Constitution  of  1793  had  placed  all  executive  authority  in 
the  hands  of  the  Legislature.  The  Constitution  of  the  Year 
III.  endeavoured  to  separate  the  executive  and  legislative 
authorities. 

Under  the  new  arrangement  the  executive  was  placed  in 
the  hands  of  five  Directors.     One  was  to  retire 

The  Directory.  ,..,,.  ,        .  ,  . 

every  year  and  was  not  eligible  for  re-election  ;  his 
successor  was  to  be  chosen  by  the  Legislature.  In  order 
to  secure  an  entire  separation  between  the  members  of  the 
Directory  and  of  the  Legislature,  no  member  of  the  latter 
could  be  elected  a  Director  until  twelve  months  had  elapsed 
after  the  resignation  of  his  seat.  The  Directors  were  to 
appoint  the  Ministers,  who  were  to  have  no  connection  what- 
ever with  the  Legislature,  and  who  were  to  act  as  the  agents  of 
the  Directors.  The  individual  Directors  were  to  exercise  no 
authority  in  their  own  names.  They  were  to  live  under  the 
same  roof  in  the  Palace  of  the  Luxembourg  at  Paris.  They 
were  to  meet  daily,  and  the  will  of  the  majority  was  to  be 
taken  as  the  will  of  the  whole.  They  were  to  elect  a  President 
every  month,  who  was  to  act  as  their  mouthpiece  at  the  recep- 
tion of  foreign  ambassadors  and  on  all  occasions  of  ceremony. 
The  control  of  the  internal  administration,  the  management 
/of  the  armies  and  fleets,  and  all  questions  of  foreign  policy 
were  entirely  left  to  the  Directors.     But  treaties,  declarations 


TJie  Constitution  of  tJic  Year  \\\  i6i 

of  war  and  similar  acts  had  to  be  ratified  by  the  Legislature. 
The  Directors  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  work  of 
legislation,  and  their  assent  was  not  needed  to  new  laws. 
With  regard  to  the  revenue,  the  administration  of  the 
finances  and  of  the  treasury  rested  with  the  Directors,  but 
they  could  not  impose  fresh  taxes  without  the  assent  of  the 
Legislature. 

The  Legislature,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  Year  in.  con- 
sisted of  two  chambers — the  Council  of  Ancients  and  the 
Council  of  Five  Hundred.  It  is  a  curious  com-  The  Legisia- 
mentary  upon  the  debates  which  took  place  in  ^"'■«- 
the  Constituent  Assembly  in  August  1789,  when  the  establish- 
ment of  two  chambers  was  rejected  with  scorn  as  being  an 
obvious  imitation  of  the  English  Parliament,  that  in  1795  this 
very  principle  was  almost  unanimously  adopted.  The  ex- 
perience of  the  three  great  revolutionary  assem]:)lies  had  con- 
vinced Sieyes  and  his  colleagues  of  the  inexpediency  of  leaving 
important  measures  to  be  decided  in  a  single  chamber.  The 
delay  necessitated  by  a  law  being  obliged  to  pass  before  two 
distinct  deliberative  bodies  now  appeared  most  advantageous, 
when  compared  with  the  headlong  precipitation  which  had 
marked  all  the  earlier  stages  of  the  Revolution.  The  Council 
of  Ancients  was  to  consist  of  men  forty-five  years  old  and 
upwards,  and,  therefore,  presumably  not  liable  to  be  carried 
away  by  sudden  bursts  of  enthusiasm.  For  the  Council  of 
Five  Hundred  there  was  no  limitation  of  age,  and  elderly  men 
were  not  precluded  from  being  returned  to  it.  The  Council 
of  Five  Hundred  consisted,  as  its  name  implies,  of  five  hundred 
deputies ;  the  Council  of  Ancients  of  two  hundred  and  fifty. 
Dictated  by  experience,  also,  were  the  measures  taken  for  the 
election  of  deputies.  In  order  to  avoid  the  inconvenience 
which  had  resulted  from  the  election  of  an  entirely  new  body 
of  representatives  at  one  and  the  same  moment,  as  had 
happened  in  1791,  it  was  resolved  that  one-third  of  the  two 
Councils  should  retire  yearly.  Deputies  were  to  be  chosen 
by  an  elaborate  system  of  primary  and  secondary  assemblies 

PERIOD  VII.  L 


1 62  European  History,  t 795- 1797 

held  in  each  department  of  France,  and  a  property  quahfica- 

tion  was  demanded  both  for  the  electors  and  the  deputies. 

With  these  safeguards  Sieyes  and  his  colleagues  believed  they 

had  secured  a  practical  means  of  obviating  all  the  errors  of 

the  past.     The  Council  of  Five  Hundred  had  allotted  to  it  as 

its  special  function  the  initiation  of  all  fresh  taxation  and  the 

revision  of  all  money  bills.     The  Council  of  Ancients  was 

the   court  of  appeal  in  diplomatic   questions,  such    as   the 

declaration   of  war.      In  actual   legislation   the   consent   of 

the  majority  of  both  chambers  was  needed  for  a  new  law. 

For  their  most  important  function — the  yearly  election  of  a 

new  Director — the  two  chambers  were  to  form  one  united 

assembly. 

By  this  Constitution,  the  conspicuous  drawbacks  of  the  two 

,  .  J    .  .    former  Constitutions,  namely,  the  enforced  weak- 
Local  Admini-  .    '  ^ ' 

stration  of  ncss  of  the  cxecutivc  and  the  undefined  powers 
France.  ^^  ^^^  Legislature  were  avoided.     But  the  local 

administration  established  by  the  Constitution  of  1791  had 
proved  so  excellent  that  it  was  only  slightly  modified  and  not 
radically  altered.  The  great  achievement  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly — the  abolition  of  old  provincial  jealousies  by  the 
division  of  France  into  departments — was  maintained.  The 
wise  step  which  had  been  taken  by  the  Great  Committee 
of  Public  Safety  in  abolishing  the  directories  of  the  depart- 
ments and  of  the  districts  was  sanctioned,  and  the  council- 
generals  were  left  to  act  alone.  The  main  distinction  between 
the  administrative  systems  of  1791  and  1795  was  that  the 
elected  p7-ocurcurs  -  syndics  and  prociireurs  - ghiermix  -  syndics, 
established  by  the  former,  were  replaced  by  officials  nominated 
by  the  supreme  executive  at  Paris.  These  officials  went  under 
the  name  of  agents  during  the  Directory,  but  possessed  the 
same  authority  and  carried  out  the  same  functions  as  the 
souS'prcfets  and  prefets  afterwards  appointed  by  Napoleon. 
The  courts  of  justice,  whether  local,  appellant,  or  supreme, 
established  by  the  Constitution  of  1791,  were  left  untouched 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  Year  iii. 


Position  of  tJie  Convention  163 

In  spite  of  the  glories  of  the  conquest  of  Holland,  the 
passage  of  the  Rhine,  the  victory  of  Quiberon,  ^^^  insurrec- 
and  the  invasion  of  Spain, — in  spite  of  the  even  tionofVende- 
greater  credit  justly  earned  by  the  Treaties  of  "^'^'''^• 
Basle, — in  spite  of  the  new  Constitution,  which,  if  faulty  in 
places,  was  superior  to  those  which  had  preceded  it — the 
Thermidorians  were  intensely  unpopular  in  France.  The  re- 
collection of  the  Reign  of  Terror  weighed  upon  the  imagina- 
tions of  the  people  even  after  the  death  of  Robespierre,  the 
deportation  of  Billaud-Varenne,  and  the  closing  of  the  Jacobin 
Club.  The  Convention  was  still  in  the  minds  of  men  shrouded 
by  the  remembrance  of  the  innocent  blood  that  had  been  shed. 
The  inauguration  of  the  new  constitutional  system  was  looked 
upon  as  an  opportunity  for  driving  the  members  of  the  Con- 
vention from  power,  and  threats  of  vengeance  were  every- 
where heard  against  them.  Intriguers,  some  of  them  possibly 
royalists,  who  desired  the  return  of  the  Bourbons,  but  most  of 
them  bourgeois  or  aristocrats  who  had  personal  reasons  for  de- 
siring revenge,  hoped  to  take  advantage  of  this  general  feeling 
to  overthrow  the  Republic.  But  the  mass  of  Frenchmen  were 
sincerely  republican,  and  were  clear-sighted  enough  to  perceive 
that  the  return  of  the  Bourbons  would  be  followed  by  the  loss 
of  the  material  advantages  that  had  been  gained  by  the  sale 
of  the  lands  of  the  Church  and  the  nobility.  The  members 
of  the  Convention  understood  the  intentions  of  the  in- 
triguers, and  understood  also  that  the  French  people  sincerely 
loved  the  Republic.  They  proceeded  to  frustrate  the  designs 
of  their  enemies  by  decreeing  that  two-thirds  of  the  new 
Legislature  must  be  elected  from  among  the  deputies  of  the 
Convention.  The  intriguers  in  Paris,  thus  foiled  in  their 
expectations  of  a  certain  majority  in  the  new  Legislature,  tried 
to  rouse  the  people  of  Paris  into  active  insurrection.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  not  only  in  Paris,  but  throughout  France, 
the  action  of  the  Convention  in  ordering  the  election  of  so 
large  a  proportion  of  the  old  deputies  was  profoundly  un- 
pojuilar,  but  it  was  one  thing  to  dislike  a  measure  and  another 


164  European  History,  1/95-1797 

thing  to  involve  France  in  a  fresh  revolution.  In  the  pro- 
vincial towns  there  was  universal  grumbling  but  no  active 
opposition.  In  Paris,  however,  where  the  intriguers  abounded, 
it  was  hoped  that  lYve.  Jeunesse  dork,  who  had  played  so  great 
a  part  in  the  previous  winter,  assisted  by  the  bourgeois  Sec- 
tions, would  be  able  by  making  an  imposing  display  of  force 
to  compel  the  Convention  to  revoke  the  obnoxious  decree. 

This  project  of  the  agitators  in  Paris  was  soon  known  in 
Fighting  in  the  Convention,  and  had  the  result  of  causing  the 
Pans,  13th Ven-  (^iyjjjgfj  forccs  of  the  Thcrmidorians  to  close  up 

demiaire  (5th 

October  1795).  their  ranks.  The  three  chief  groups  in  this  party 
were  the  returned  Girondins,  the  leaders  of  the  Plain,  and  the 
former  adherents  of  the  Terror.  The  leaders  of  all  these 
groups  united  in  the  presence  of  a  common  danger,  for  they 
felt  that  the  dissolution  of  the  Convention  without  some  such 
measure  of  security  as  the  re-election  of  the  two-thirds  to  the 
forthcoming  Legislature  would  lead  to  their  own  proscription. 
They  therefore  appointed  Barras,  who  had  commanded  in 
the  attack  upon  the  Hotel-de-Ville  upon  the  9th  Thermidor 
of  the  previous  year,  and  overthrown  the  supporters  of  Robes- 
pierre assembled  there,  to  watch  over  their  safety.  Barras 
summoned  to  his  assistance  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  who  was 
then  in  Paris  engaged  in  protesting  against  his  recall  from  the 
Army  of  Italy.  The  antecedents  of  this  young  general,  his 
well-known  Jacobin  principles  and  his  former  friendship  for 
Augustin  Robespierre,  had  led  to  his  recall  and  to  his  being 
placed  upon  the  unemployed  list.  Barras  had  under  his 
command  the  garrison  of  regular  troops  quartered  in  Paris 
and  the  armed  guards  of  the  Convention.  The  Royalist 
agitators  counted  on  the  jeunesse  doree  and  the  bourgeois 
Sections.  Bonaparte  perceived  that  in  numbers  each  party 
was  evenly  matched,  and  he  at  once  sent  for  the  artillery 
C[uartered  at  Meudon.  The  Convention  declared  itself  en 
J>^rfnanetice,  the  troops  were  stationed  round  the  Tuileries, 
Bonaparte's  guns  were  mounted  in  the  gardens  and  the  Place 
du  Carrousel.     The  attack  on  the  Convention  was  made  on 


The  first  Directors  165 

the  13th  Vendemiaire  (5th  October)  in  a  very  slovenly 
manner.  No  effort  had  been  made  to  concentrate  the  force 
of  the  assailants  at  a  given  moment,  and  as  the  first  column 
marched  carelessly  down  without  recognised  leaders,  it  was 
fired  upon  and  almost  entirely  cut  to  pieces  by  Bonaparte's 
artillery.  Nevertheless  column  after  column  of  devoted 
national  guards  approached  the  Tuileries  with  the  utmost 
gallantry  to  meet  the  same  fate.  The  insurrection  of  13th 
Vendemiaire  cannot  be  compared  with  the  other  famous 
insurrections  of  the  14th  July  1789  and  loth  August  1792, 
for  not  one  of  the  defenders  of  the  Convention  was  wounded. 
It  was  a  butchery,  not  a  battle. 

The  Convention^  conscious  of  its  unpopularity,  and  not  de- 
siring to  increase  it,  made  but  slight  efforts  to  discover  and 
punish  the  leaders  of  the  insurrection  of  13th  Vendemiaire. 
Only  a  few  military  executions,  after  trial  by  court-martial,  of  a 
few  prisoners  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands  were  permitted, 
and  no  vigour  was  shown  in  hunting  down  even  the  most  con- 
spicuous agitators.  It  was  resolved  at  once  to  proceed  to  the 
election  of  the  first  Directors  under  the  new  system,  xhe  First 
Sieyes  refused  to  be  one  of  them.  It  was  Directors, 
generally  agreed,  though  not  formally  declared,  that  the  first 
Directors  should  all  be  deputies  of  the  Convention  who  had 
voted  for  the  death  of  Louis  xvi.,  and  who  might  therefore  be 
presumed  to  be  faithful  to  repubhcan  institutions,  if  not 
from  inclination  at  least  from  fear.  The  five  deputies 
actually  elected  were — Barras,  whose  conduct  on  the  9th 
Thermidor,  and  on  the  13th  Vendemiaire,  had  obtained  for 
him  the  gratitude  of  the  majority  of  the  deputies  ;  Reubell,  an 
ex-Constituant  and  an  Alsatian,  who  was  believed  to  have  a 
special  knowledge  of  foreign  affairs  ;  Revelliere-Lepeaux, 
another  ex-Constituant,  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety,  a  good  lawyer,  and  the  future  inventor  of  a  new  religion  ; 
Carnot,  the  famous  military  member  of  the  Great  Committee 
of  Public  Safety,  who  was  selected  for  his  strategic  ability ;  and 
Lclourncur,  an  ex-officer  of  Engineers,  like  Carnot,  who  was 


> 


1 66  European  History,  1795- 1797 

expected  to  act  as  his  assistant.  To  the  Council  of  Ancients 
and  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  were  elected  among  the 
two-thirds  chosen  from  the  Convention  the  more  conspicuous 
Thermidorians,  including  Sieyes,  Cambaceres,  Tallien,  and 
Trcilhard.  The  six  first  ministers  were  appointed  by  the 
Directors  on  14th  Brumaire  (5th  November).  They  were 
Merlin  of  Douai  and  Charles  Delacroix,  two  ex-deputies  of 
the  Convention  who  had  not  been  elected  to  the  new  Legis- 
lature, appointed  to  the  Ministries  of  Justice  and  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  Aubert-Dubayet,  a  distinguished  general,  to  the 
Ministry  of  War,  and  Faypoult,  Benezech  and  Admiral  Truguet 
to  the  Ministries  of  Finance,  the  Interior,  and  the  Marine. 

The  first  Directors  elected  and  the  new  Legislature  con- 
_..     ,  ,.        stituted,  the  Convention  had  to  decree  its  own 

Dissolution  ' 

ofthe  dissolution.     The  three  years  during  which  it  had 

Convention.  ^^^  ^^.^  pgrhaps  the  most  important  and  most 
critical  in  the  whole  history  of  France.  The  Convention  had 
not  merely  witnessed  the  rise  and-  fall  of  many  cliques  and 
many  parties  ;  it  had  allowed  the  Reign  of  Terror  to  be  estab- 
lished, and  had  punished  its  inventors  with  death  or  deporta- 
tion. It  had  passed  through  nearly  every  variety  of  government, 
and  had  seen  France  in  her  greatest  degradation  and  at  the 
height  of  her  success.  Its  last  act,  passed  on  the  very  day  on 
which  it  dissolved  itself,  4th  Brumaire  (26th  October),  was 
worthy  of  its  best  and  greatest  days,  for  it  was  an  act  declaring 
a  complete  amnesty  for  all  political  offences,  or  supposed 
offences,  since  the  declaration  of  the  Republic. 

The  successful  establishment  of  the  Directory  and  the 
England  and  victory  won  ovcr  the  royalist  agitators  on  13th 
the  Emigres.  Vendemiairc  had  a  profound  effect  upon  the  policy 
of  England.  Hitherto  Pitt  and  Grenville,  inspired  by  their 
agent  in  Switzerland,  WilHam  Wickham,  had  believed  in  the 
vain  promises  of  the  royalist  emigres,  and  had  hoped  by  their 
means  to  restore  the  Bourbon  monarchy  in  France.  The 
headquarters  of  the  royalist  agitators  were,  as  they  had  always 
been,  in  Switzerland.     Neither  the  Comte  de  Provence,  who, 


The  Treason  of  PicJiegru  167 

since  his  nq)hew's  death,  called  himself  Louis  xviii.,  nor  the 
Comte  d'Artois  were  really  deceived  by  the  hopes  held  out 
by  their  royalist  friends.  But  the  English  ministers,  deluded 
by  the  extravagant  promises  of  the  emigres  and  by  the  reports 
of  Wickham,  considered  the  prospects  of  an  overthrow  of  the 
Republic  to  be  excellent.  They  had  shown  their  confidence 
in  the  emigres  by  the  active  assistance  they  had  given  to  the 
expedition  to  Quiberon  Bay,  and  still  more  by  the  large  sums 
of  secret-service  money  which  had  been  expended  in  Switzer- 
land. The  efforts  of  the  royalist  emigres  took  two  directions  ; 
on  the  one  hand,  they  had  fomented  the  feeling  of  discontent 
in  Paris  which  had  culminated  in  the  insurrection  of  13th 
Vendemiaire,  and,  on  the  other,  they  had  attempted  to  affect 
the  loyalty  of  the  generals  of  the  Republic.  The  general  on 
whom  they  counted  most  was  Pichegru,  the  con-  Treason  of 
queror  of  Holland.  This  general,  like  Dumouriez  Pichegru. 
in  1793,  was  more  ambitious  to  attain  wealth  and  power  for 
himself  than  success  for  the  Republic.  During  his  sojourn  in 
Paris  in  the  spring  of  1795  he  ^^^^  formed  a  close  alliance  1 
with  the  royalist  agitators  in  the  capital,  and  on  proceeding  to 
take  up  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Rhine-and-Moselle 
he  entered  into  direct  communications  with  the  Prince  de 
Conde,  the  general  commanding  the  emigre  army  in  Germany. 
Conde  promised  Pichegru  the  government  of  Alsace,  the 
Chateau  of  Chambord,  a  million  livres  in  cash,  an  income  of 
two  hundred  thousand  livres  a  year,  and  the  rank  of  Marshal 
of  France,  if  he  would  undertake  to  restore  the  Bourbons.  Great 
hopes  were  built  upon  these  negotiations,  and  the  Comte  de 
Provence  left  Verona  to  take  part  in  them.  But  the  success 
of  these  intrigues  was  nullified  by  the  victory  of  13th 
Vendemiaire  ;  the  Margrave  of  Baden-Baden  refused  to  allow 
the  Pretender  to  enter  his  territory ;  Wickham  was  unwillingly 
convinced  that  the  purchase  of  the  general  did  not  involve 
the  purchase  of  his  army  ;  and  the  Directory,  as  soon  as  it  had 
firmly  seized  the  reins  of  power,  recalled  Pichegru,  whose 
transactions  with  Conde  had  been  more  than  suspected,  and 


i68  European  Histoiy,  1795-1797 

replaced  him  by  a  thorough  republican,  Moreau.  These 
failures  convinced  Pitt  and  Grenville  that  there  was  no 
advantage  to  be  gained  in  trusting  to  the  promises  of  the 
emigres. 

The  Directory,  on  assuming  power,  resolved  to  continue  the 
policy  of  the  Thermidorians,  and  not  to  recur  to  the  notions 
of  the  revolutionary  propaganda.  It  desired  to  show  Europe 
that  France  was  ready  to  enter  into  the  comity  of  nations,  and 
did  not  presume  for  the  future  to  interfere  with  the  internal 
arrangements  of  other  countries.  It,  therefore,  on  grounds  of 
humanity,  took  up  again  the  negotiations  which  had  been 
commenced  in  July  1793  for  the  release  of  the  children  of 
Louis  XVI.,  and,  using  Spain  as  an  intermediary,  communi- 
cated directly  on  this  subject  with  the  bitterest  enemy  of 
France — Austria.  The  death  of  the  Dauphin,  commonly 
called  Louis  xvii.,  had  left  only  one  of  the  children  of 
Louis  XVI.  and  Marie  Antoinette  in  the  hands  of  the  Republic. 
The  Thermidorians  had,  at  the  instigation  of  one  of  their 
leaders,  Boissy-d'Anglas,  seen  the  expediency  of  proving  to 
Europe  that  the  French  republicans  were  not  barbarians,  by 
offering  to  surrender  the  person  of  Madame  Royale  to  her 
Austrian  relatives.  This  project  was  carried  out  by  the 
Directory.  On  20th  December  1795  Madame  Royale  was 
Exchange  ot  exchanged  in  Switzerland  for  the  four  deputies 
Madame  and  the  Minister  of  War  whom  Dumouriez  had 
Royale.  handed  over  to  the  Austrians,  and  for  another 
deputy,  Drouet,  the  former  postmaster  at  Sainte-Menehould, 
who  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  Austrians  in  1793. 

The  exchange  of  Madame  Royale  was  a  manifest  evidence 
of  the  desire  of  the  Directors  to  conclude  peace.  The 
Prussian  ambassador  at  Paris  reported  to  his  government  on 
28th  December  1795,  'The  general  cry  in  Paris  is,  "Make 
peace  and  you  v/ill  have  money  and  bread." '  ^     Peace,  indeed, 

^  Preussen  und  Fraitkreich  von  1795  <'-'"  1S07  :  Diploinatischc  Cone- 
spondenzen.     Ed.  by  V.  Bailleu,  vol.  i.  p.  41. 


France  and  Prussia  169 

was  the  desire  not  only  of  the  people  of  Paris,  but  of  the 
people  of  all  France,  of  the  majority  in  the  new  desire  for 
Legislature,  and  of  the  Directory.  It  was  hoped  Peace  in 
that  the  Treaties  of  Basle  were  but  the  prelimin-  ^'■^"'=^- 
aries  of  a  general  peace  throughout  Europe.  But  the  two 
remaining  enemies  of  the  French  Republic,  England  and 
Austria,  did  not  see  their  way  to  meeting  the  Directory  half- 
way. Pitt  and  Grenville  argued  that  a  peace  made  with  the 
Directory  would  be  only  of  the  nature  of  a  truce.  They  were 
ready  enough  to  make  peace,  but  considered  it  inadvisable  to 
negotiate  with  a  government  which  seemed  to  them  in  its 
essence  unstable.  Owing  either  to  the  intrigues  of  the  emigres, 
or  to  their  own  knowledge  of  politics,  they  grasped  the  fact  that 
the  new  government  of  France  was  constructed  on  a  faulty 
basis,  and  that  a  peace  concluded  with  it  would  not  be  lasting. 
The  attitude  of  Austria  was  somewhat  different.  Thugut,  the 
Austrian  minister,  believed  that  France  was  exhausted,  and 
that  by  a  continuance  of  war  substantial  concessions  could 
be  wrung  from  her.  Reubell,  the  Director  who  took  charge  of 
the  conduct  of  Foreign  Affairs,  expressed  himself  as  follows  to 
the  Prussian  ambassador  at  Paris  :  '  The  war  with  Austria 
troubles  us  less  than  the  war  with  England.  Our  means  for 
su[)porting  the  former  are  ready,  but  not  williout  having  ex- 
hausted all  the  resources  of  the  Republic.  It  will  be  probably 
the  last  effort  of  the  two  belligerent  powers.  .  .  .  Our  plan  of 
campaign  is  almost  settled ;  the  war  will  be  defensive  in 
Germany  and  offensive  in  Italy.  It  is  important  to  us  to 
detach  Austria  from  England  and  Sardinia  from  Austria.'  ^ 
Contrary  to  their  wish,  therefore,  the  Directors  found  them- 
selves obliged  to  continue  the  war  with  England  and  Austria. 
While  continuing  the  war  with  these  two  powers,  the  French 
Directory,  like  the  Thermidorians,  hoped  to  obtain  France  and 
not  only  the  neutrality  of  Prussia  and  Spain,  which  Prussia, 
had  been  secured  by  the  Treaties  of  Basle,  but  their  active 
co-operation.  One  of  its  first  diplomatic  endeavours  was  lo 
^  Baillcu,  op.  til.  vol.  i.  u.  4S. 


I/O  Ejiropcaii  History,  1795-1797 

enter  into  close  relations  with  Prussia.  Some  of  the  ministers 
of  Frederick  William  11.,  notably  Alvensleben,  were  in  favour 
of  an  alliance  with  France ;  but  the  King  himself,  though  he 
had  been  forced  by  the  emptiness  of  his  treasury,  and  his  pro- 
jects on  Poland  to  make  peace  with  the  French  republicans, 
looked  on  the  idea  of  making  an  alliance  with  them  with 
horror.  In  this  attitude  he  was  supported  by  his  two  ablest 
ministers,  Haugwitz  and  Hardenberg.  By  the  terms  of  the 
Treaty  of  Basle  Hardenberg  had  secured  the  preponderance 
of  Prussia  in  northern  Germany.  A  line  of  demarcation  or 
neutrality  was  drawn  across  Germany,  and  the  northern  states, 
which  were  thus  freed  from  the  fear  of  a  French  invasion, 
looked  to  Prussia  as  their  leader  and  saviour.  An  excuse  for 
not  forming  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  France  was 
found  in  the  occupation  by  the  French  troops  of  the  Prussian 
territories  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  Prussia  would  only 
negotiate  on  the  basis  of  the  restoration  of  the  status  quo  ante 
beltum,  and  the  French  Directory,  like  its  predecessors,  the 
Thermidorian  Committee  of  Public  Safety  and  the  Great 
Committee  of  Public  Safety,  insisted  on  the  cession  to  France 
of  all  territory  up  to  the  Rhine.  The  Directors,  had  they 
wished,  could  not  have  opposed  the  universal  feeling  in  France 
in  favour  of  making  the  Rhine  the  frontier,  and  proposed  that 
Prussia  should  take  compensation  for  its  cessions  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rhine,  by  secularising  the  bishoprics  and  abbeys 
of  northern  Germany  and  annexing  their  territories.  This 
proposal,  which  would  bring  in  its  train  the  overthrow  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  could  not  be 
sponsored  by  Prussia.  The  policy  of  Frederick  the  Great 
had  been  to  assume  that  Prussia,  not  Austria,  was  the  true 
defender  of  the  rights  of  the  Empire,  and  his  nephew,  in  spite 
of  Alvensleben's  representations,  feared  to  break  with  the  here- 
ditary policy.  The  arrangement  with  regard  to  the  line  of  de- 
marcation had  placed  Prussia  in  the  position  of  the  guardian 
of  the  Empire ;  the  acceptance  of  the  French  propositions 
would  have  made  her  seem  its  destroyer.    The  attempts  of  the 


France  and  Europe  1 7 1 

Directory,  and  afterwards  of  the  Consulate,  to  secure  an  alliance 
with  Prussia,  were  therefore  foredoomed  to  failure. 

The  victories  of  the  French  Republic  were  received  with 
more   than   toleration   in    the   smaller    states    of  „ 

France  and 

Europe,  which  feared  the  aggressions  of  Austria,  the  Smaller 
Prussia,  and  Russia  far  more  than  any  invasion  ^*^*'^^- 
by  the  French.  Switzerland  had  profited  greatly  by  the  strict 
neutrality  it  had  maintained.  The  wealth  of  France  had 
poured  freely  into  the  cantons  for  the  purchase  of  provisions 
and  other  necessaries ;  the  residence  of  the  diplomatists  of 
Europe  at  Berne,  the  headquarters  of  Wickham,  and  at  Basle, 
the  headquarters  of  the  French  minister  Barthelemy,  had  also 
been  profitable  to  the  country,  while  the  Swiss,  ready  as  ever 
to  accept  money  from  all  sides,  were  enabled  to  make  very 
considerable  gains.  Of  the  Princes  of  Italy,  Ferdinand, 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  and  brother  of  the  Emperor,  had,  to 
the  disgust  of  the  Court  of  Vienna,  made  a  separate  peace 
with  the  French  Republic  in  February  1795;  Ferdinand  of 
Naples  had  followed  his  example,  and  the  King  of  Sardinia 
alone  remained  in  armed  opposition  to  France.  With  Portugal 
the  Directory  and  the  Committee  of' Public  Safety,  refused  to 
treat,  for,  like  the  French  statesmen  throughout  the  eighteenth 
century,  the  Directors  regarded  Portugal  as  merely  a  province  of 
England.  With  the  smaller  northern  powers  the  Directory  estab- 
lished the  most  friendly  relations.  Christian  vii.  of  Denmark 
had  always  maintained  his  neutrality,  and  through  the  French 
minister,  resident  at  his  Court,  many  important  secret  negotia- 
tions had  passed  with  Prussia.  In  Sweden,  Charles,  Duke 
of  Sudermania,  the  guardian  of  the  young  King  Gustavus  iv., 
abandoned  the  policy  of  Gustavus  in.,  and  now  made  a  treaty 
of  friendship  and  a  commercial  treaty  with  the  French 
Republic.  The  only  other  state  to  be  mentioned  is  Turkey. 
The  Turks  looked  upon  the  events  which  were  passing  in  the 
West  of  Europe  with  unconcern  ;  still  they  were  inclined  to  be 
friendly  with  the  French  Republic,  because  it  was  engaged  in 
fighting  with  Austria,  and  thus  distracted  the  attention  of  one 
of  the  hereditary  enemies  of  the  Sublime  Porte. 


172  European  History,  1/95-1797 

Catherine  of  Russia,  now  at  the  close  of  her  long  reign, 
still  regarded  the  French  Revolution  as  affording 
a  happy  opportunity  for  her  to  pursue  her  schemes 
on  Poland  without  active  interference  from  Prussia  or  Austria. 
Her  one  desire  was  that  France  should  continue  the  war,  and 
for  this  reason  she  cordially  received  at  her  court  the  Comte 
d'Artois,  and  encouraged  the  presence  of  French  emigres. 
The  Treaties  of  Basle  had  greatly  offended  her,  for  Prussia  was 
thus  left  free  to  interfere  in  Poland,  but  Catherine  was  too 
wise  to  attempt  to  do  more  than  intrigue  with  the  affairs  of 
Western  Europe.  She  had  no  idea  of  intervening  actively. 
The  campaign  of  1795  on  the  Rhine  frontier  is  chiefly  im- 
Campaign  portant  in  regard  to  the  treason  of  Pichegru.  The 
of  1795-  Elector  of  Bavaria,  who  was  at  the  same  time  the 
Elector  Palatine,  had,  as  has  already  been  said,  been  uni- 
formly friendly  to  the  French.  It  was  by  his  connivance  that 
two  of  the  most  important  fortresses  upon  the  Rhine,  Mann- 
heim and  Diisseldorf,  were  surrendered  to  Pichegru  and 
Jourdan  respectively.  Meanwhile  Marceau  besieged  the 
fortress  of  Ehrenbreitstein,  and  Kleber  the  city  of  Mayence. 
There  can  be  little  doubt,  though  it  is  not  absolutely  proved 
by  documents,  that  it  was  because  of  the  negotiations  he  had 
commenced  with  the  Prince  de  Conde  that  Pichegru  did  not 
advance  into  Germany.  Jourdan,  who  did  advance  with  the 
Army  of  the  Sambre-and-Meuse,  therefore  found  himself 
unprotected  on  his  right,  and  was  forced  to  retire  with  con- 
siderable loss.  Marceau  succeeded  in  taking  Ehrenbreitstein, 
but  the  same  treacherous  inaction  of  Pichegru  allowed  the 
Austrian  General  Clerfayt  to  force  Kleber  to  raise  the  siege 
of  Mayence.  It  was  on  20th  October  1795  that  Jourdan 
recrossed  the  Rhine ;  on  the  29th  Kleber  was  driven  from 
before  Mayence  ;  and  on  the  30th  Pichegru  was  defeated  and 
driven  behind  the  Queich.  The  first  operations  of  the  French 
armies  under  the  Directory  were,  thus,  owing  to  Pichegru's 
treachery,  unsuccessful,  and  on  the  21st  December  an  armistice 
was  made  between  the  French  and  the  Austrians  on  the  Rhine. 


Campaign  of  1796  in  Italy  173 

In  the  north,  owing  to  tlie  Treaties  of  Basle,  there  were  no 
military  operations  of  importance  during  the  autumn  of  1795, 
and  the  French  army  maintained  its  position  on  the  frontier 
of  Holland.  In  the  south  considerable  alterations  were  made. 
The  treaty  of  peace  with  Spain  enabled  the  experienced  and  \var- 
like  soldiers  of  the  two  armies  of  the  Pyrenees  to  be  despatched 
to  reinforce  the  Army  of  Italy,  which  was  also  joined  by  the  bulk 
of  the  troops  of  the  Army  of  the  Alps.  General  Scherer,  who 
commanded  the  Army  of  Italy,  pushed  forward,  and  by  a  victory 
at  Loano  on  the  24th  November  1795,  opened  up  a  direct 
communication  with  Genoa  and  cut  off  the  Sardinians  from 
the  sea.  In  the  four  armies  of  the  Directory  which  had  thus  \ 
taken  the  place  of  the  thirteen  armies  of  the  Republic,  there 
were  under  arms  at  the  close  of  1795  about  300,000  men 
under  experienced  generals,  excluding  what  was  known  as  the 
Army  of  the  Interior,  which  guarded  Paris  and  garrisoned  the 
chief  cities  of  France. 

Reubell,  in  his  conversation  with  the  Prussian  ambassador 
at  Paris,  openly  declared  that  the  chief  military  campaign  in 
effort  of  France  in  1796  was  to  be  made  in  Italy,  itaiy,  1796. 
Hitherto  the  Army  of  Italy  had  been  overshadowed  "^^'^  '^^^^' 
by  the  operations  of  the  armies  engaged  upon  the  Rhine  ; 
but  the  Directory  now  desired  to  attack  Austria  in  a  vital 
place.  Upon  the  Rhine  they  were  in  reality  waging  war  with 
the  Empire  and  not  with  Austria.  Mayence,  for  instance,  was 
the  capital  of  an  Elector,  not  an  Austrian  city,  and  blows 
struck  in  that  quarter  affected  the  Empire  and  the  petty 
princes  of  the  Empire  far  more  than  they  did  Austria,  But  in 
Italy  the  House  of  Austria  owned  an  important  possession  in 
the  Milanese.  Between  the  Milanese  and  the  French  Army  of 
Italy  was  Piedmont,  the  principal  state  of  the  King  of  Sardinia. 
Victor  Amadeus  in.  of  Sardinia  was  the  only  petty  monarch 
in  Europe  who  had  not  attempted  to  make  peace  with  the 
French  Republic.  In  his  resentment  at  the  loss  of  Savoy  and 
Nice  he  had  thrown  himself  into  the  arms  of  Austria,  and  Iiad 
borrowed  an  Austrian  general,  Colli,  to  command  liis   sniall 


1/4  P.uropcnn  History,  1/95-1797 

but  well  equipped  army.  Tliis  was  the  situation  when 
Napoleon  Bonaparte,  who  had  been  nominated  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Army  of  Italy  by  the  Directory,  on  the  proposi- 
tion of  Barras,  to  whom  he  had  rendered  such  signal  service  on 
13th  Vendemiaire,  arrived  to  take  up  his  new  command  on 
the  27th  of  March  1796.  He  understood  the  policy  of  the 
Directory,  and  determined  to  crush  the  King  of  Sardinia  first, 
in  order  to  be  free  to  attack  the  Austrians  in  the  Milanese.  He 
therefore  turned  the  Maritime  Alps  and  separated  the  Austrian 
from  the  Sardinian  army.  The  rapidity  of  his  success  was  such 
as  to  surprise  the  Directors.  After  turning  the  Alps  Bonaparte 
struck  north  and  defeated  the  Sardinians  at  Montenotte, 
Millesimo,and  Dego  on  the  12th,  13th,  and  15th  April,  stormed 
their  camp  at  Ceva  on  i6th  April,  and  finally  defeated  them 
.     .   .      .at  Mondovi  on  2  2d  April.     He  then  threatened 

Armistice  of  ^  .       . 

cherasco.  Turin,  and  the  King  of  Sardinia  signed  an  armistice 
■'^P"' ^^' ^7^^- with  him  at  Cherasco  on  28th  April,  abandoning 
to  the  French  army  his  most  important  frontier  fortresses.  As 
the  first  result  of  these  military  operations  the  King  of  Sardinia 
sued  for  peace,  which  he  was  only  granted  on  recognising  the 
cession  to  France  of  Savoy  and  Nice,  and  as  a  second  result 
General  Bonaparte  was  enabled  to  attack  the  Austrians  in 
Lombardy  without  leaving  a  hostile  power  behind  him. 

The  operations  of  the  second  stage  of  the  famous  campaign 
of  1796  were  as  rapid  and  as  completely  successful.  On  the 
„,    „        .      8th  May  Bonaparte  crossed  the  river  Po  by  skil- 

The  Campaign  -'  .     ^  .  •' 

in  Italy.  fully  mislcaduig  the  Austrians  as  to  his  intentions. 

Second  Stage.   ^^^  ^^  j^^j^  y^^^  j^g  forccd  the  passage  of  the 

Adda  at  Lodi,  where  he  won  one  of  his  most  famous  victories. 
The  Austrian  General  Beaulieu  felt  himself  incapable  of  hold- 
ing the  lines  of  the  other  rivers,  and  fled  into  the  Tyrol. 
Bonaparte  first  occupied  Milan,  and  then  forced  the  Dukes  of 
Parma  and  of  Modena  to  submit  to  his  demands,  and  to  send 
ambassadors  to  treat  for  peace  at  Paris.  To  these  petty 
princelets  Bonaparte  behaved  with  the  utmost  arrogance; 
not  satisfied  with  making   large  requisitions  of  money   and 


Battle  of  CastigUone  175 

provision?!,  he  selected  their  finest  pictures  and  works  of  art,  and 
directed  them  to  be  sent  to  Paris.  Far  more  important,  from 
his  spiritual  position,  though  not  of  greater  military  strength, 
was  the  Pope.  The  French  armies  occupied  the  Legations 
of  Ferrara  and  Bologna,  and  Bonaparte  then  threatened  to 
march  on  Rome.  In  terror  Pope  Pius  vi.  concluded,  on  the 
24th  June  1796,  an  armistice  at  Foligno,  by  which  he  aban- 
doned Ancona,  and  promised  to  send  to  Paris  a  requisition  of 
20,000,000  livres,  with  many  manuscripts  and  works  of  art. 
The  conquest  of  Italy  revealed  to  Europe  the  French  Re- 
public in  a  new  light.  It  showed  the  monarchs,  and  especially 
the  rulers  of  little  states,  that  the  revolutionary  propaganda 
which  they  had  hated  and  dreaded  so  much  had  given  way 
to  an  even  more  dangerous  military  policy,  directed  by  a 
victorious  and  ambitious  general.  I 

But  Austria  was  not  going  to  be  driven  out  of  Italy  by  a 
single  campaign.  The  beaten  army  of  Beaulieu  was  reor- 
ganised  by  General  Melas,  and   reinforced    bv  ^,    ^ 

°  .  .  .  -'     The  Campaign 

30,000  picked  men  from  the  Rhme.  This  army,  in  itaiy. 
amounting  in  all  to  70,000  men,  was  placed  ^^ird  stage, 
under  the  command  of  Marshal  Wiirmser,  who,  at  the  end 
of  July,  debouched  from  the  Tyrol  and  invaded  Italy  by  the 
two  sides  of  Lake  Garda.  Bonaparte,  whose  army  did  not 
exceed  40,000  men,  broke  up  the  siege  of  Mantua  which  he 
had  formed,  and  utterly  defeated  the  Austrians  in  the  great 
battle  of  Castiglione  on  5th  August  1796.  Wiirmser  fell 
back,  but  in  September,  the  following  month,  he  invaded 
Italy  by  the  valley  of  the  Brenta,  and  threw  himself  into 
Mantua.  Bonaparte,  now  considering  himself  for  a  time  freed 
from  the  danger  of  another  Austrian  attack,  made  an  effort  to 
reconstitute  Northern  Italy.  Several  of  the  cities,  notably 
Modcna,  liologna,  and  Ferrara,  had  declared  themselves 
republics,  but  Bonaparte  could  see  no  advantage  in  little 
republics,  and  summoned  a  general  assembly  of  deinities  from 
the  whole  of  Lombardy  to  meet  at  Milan.  This  assembly 
was    disposed   to   form   a   Ivombard    Republic,   but  before  it 


176  Ejtropcan  History ,  1795- 1797 

could  complete  its  deliberations  Bonaparte  had  to  fight 
another  Austrian  army. 

The  Austrians,  disgusted  and  surprised  by  these  successive 
defeats,  prepared  to  make  a  great  effort.  For  the  first  time, 
The  Campaign  *h^  Emperor  appealed  directly  to  the  patriotism 
in  Italy.  of  the  peoplc,  and  more  especially  of  the  nobility, 

age.  ^  ^^^  army  was  equipped,  which,  if  not  so 
numerous,  was  more  enthusiastic  than  the  former  armies,  and 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  General  Alvinzi.  Bona- 
])arte  had  received  few  or  no  reinforcements,  and  felt  himself 
unable  to  face  an  army  of  60,000  men.  He  waited,  there- 
fore, patiently  in  his  headquarters  at  Verona  while  Alvinzi 
advanced  slowly  down  the  Brenta.  Having  learnt  experience 
from  their  former  defeats,  the  Austrians  were  in  no  hurry  to 
come  to  blows,  even  with  the  small  French  army  in  front  of 
them.  Alvinzi  entrenched  himself  in  a  formidable  position 
on  the  heights  of  Caldiero,  and  repulsed  a  French  attack 
upon  the  12th  of  November.  Another  such  check  meant 
the  ruin  of  the  French  army.  Bonaparte  decided  to  turn  the 
position.  Advancing  along  the  causeway  through  the  marshes 
upon  Alvinzi's  left,  he  fought  the  celebrated  battle  of  Areola 
on  the  1 6th  of  November,  and  Alvinzi,  finding  his  position 
untenable,  retreated  into  the  Tyrol. 

Even  yet  the  Austrians  were  not  finally  discouraged. 
Wiirmser  held  out  in  Mantua  ;  the  Pope,  incited  by  the  Court 
^^  ^         .of  Vienna,   did    not   observe   the   Armistice   of 

The  Campaign  ' 

in  Italy.  Foligno,    and   determined   to   raise    the    Italian 

Fifth  Stage,  populacc  against  the  French  ;  and  it  was  resolved 
to  make  a  final  effort.  In  the  depth  of  winter  Alvinzi 
advanced  down  the  eastern  shore  of  Lake  Garda,  but  was 
stopped  and  utterly  defeated  at  Rivoli  on  the  14th  January 
1797.  Provera,  who  had  endeavoured  to  relieve  Wiirmser  by 
the  Brenta,  while  Alvinzi  occupied  the  main  French  army  at 
Rivoli,  was  also  defeated,  and  on  2d  February  1797  Mantua 
surrendered.  These  successive  blows  destroyed  the  military 
power  of  Austria  in  Italy,   and   Bonaparte   began    to   make 


Campaign  of  \ycj6  in  GcDiiany  \yy 

plans  for  invading  Austria  itself,  liut  before  he  started  it 
was  necessary  to  establish  peace  behind  him.  The  treacherous 
behaviour  of  the  Pope  showed  that  His  Holiness  could  not 
be  trusted,  and  it  was  only  under  the  pressure  of  a  French 
advance  upon  Rome  that  Pius  vi.  signed  a  treaty  treaty  of 
of  peace  with  the  French  at  Tolentino  on  19th  Toientino. 
February  1797.  By  this  treaty  Bonaparte's  lines  ^  •^9.1797- 
of  communication  were  secured ;  the  people  of  Lombardy 
were  his  enthusiastic  admirers,  and  everything  promised  a 
speedy  and  successful  advance  ujjon  Vienna. 

As  Reubell  had  stated  to  the  Prussian  ambassador,  the 
chief  effort  of  the  French  armies  was  directed  in  the  year 
1796  against  the  Austrians  in  Italy.  But  the  campaign  in 
operations  in  Germany  were  nevertheless  of  ex-  Germany, 
treme  importance ;  not  on  account  of  what  was  ^^^  " 
achieved,  but  because  of  their  effect  on  the  policy  of  the 
Princes  of  the  Empire.  Carnot,  who  was  left  in  entire  charge 
of  military  affairs  by  the  Directory,  combined  a  skilful  plan  of 
campaign.  He  directed  the  Army  of  the  Rhine-and-Moselle, 
now  under  the  command  of  Moreau,  and  the  Army  of  the 
Sambre-and-Meuse,  still  under  the  command  of  Jourdan,  to 
make  a  simultaneous  advance  into  the  heart  of  Germany, 
and  to  unite  their  forces  upon  the  Danube.  The  generals 
were  sufficiently  able,  and  the  troops  sufficiently  experienced 
in  war,  to  carry  out  this  movement ;  but  at  the  head  of  the 
Austrians,  for  the  first  time  since  the  outbreak  of  the  war, 
there  appeared  a  general  of  real  military  genius.  Tlie  Arch- 
duke Charles,  the  third  son  of  the  Emperor  Leopold,  and  the 
brother  of  the  reigning  Emperor,  Francis  11.,  was  only  a  young 
man,  but  he  proved  himself  to  be  a  profound  strategist.  On 
the  ist  June  1796  he  announced  to  the  French  generals  that 
the  armistice,  which  had  lasted  six  months,  was  at  an  end. 
Jourdan  at  once  advanced  from  Diisseldorf,  and  after  taking 
Frankfort  and  Wiirtzburg  invaded  Franconia.  The  Archduke 
Charles  immediately  opposed  him  with  his  whole  army,  and 
Jourdan    had   to  fall  back   after   a   three  weeks'  campaign. 

PEUIOD  VII.  M 


178  European  History,  1795- 1797 

Moreau  was  not  able  to  cross  the  Rhine  until  24-25  June  1796. 
The  operation  was  one  of  extreme  difficulty,  which  was 
chiefly  overcome  by  the  skill  and  gallantry  of  Desaix.  Moreau 
then  proceeded  to  carry  out  Carnot's  orders  ;  he  advanced 
with  great  rapidity  ;  he  defeated  the  Prince  de  Conde  and  his 
army  of  emigres  at  Ettlingen ;  he  occupied  Stuttgart,  and 
forced  his  way  into  Bavaria,  reaching  the  Danube  in  the 
month  of  August.  To  oppose  him  the  Archduke  Charles 
marched  rapidly  to  the  south,  and  Jourdan  once  more  left 
Diisseldorf  and  invaded  Franconia.  The  Archduke  Charles 
soon  understood  the  intentions  of  Carnot,  and  took  up  a 
central  position  between  the  two  French  armies  at  Ingolstadt. 
He  waited  until  the  French  generals  had  penetrated  far  from 
their  base  of  operations,  and  then,  leaving  but  a  weak  divi- 
sion in  front  of  Moreau,  he  attacked  Jourdan  in  force.  The 
French  Army  of  the  Sambre-and-Meuse  was  overcome  by  the 
weight  of  numbers ;  on  the  3d  of  September  it  was  driven 
from  \Vurtzburg,  and  on  the  20th  of  September  defeated  at 
Altenkirchen,  where  Marceau,  one  of  the  most  renowned  of 
the  young  generals  of  the  republican  period,  was  killed. 
Having  driven  back  Jourdan,  the  Archduke  Charles  turned 
upon  Moreau.  That  general  had  imprudently  continued  to 
advance  into  Bavaria,  and  did  not  perceive  until  late  in  Sep- 
tember the  critical  position  in  which  he  had  been  left  by  the 
retreat  of  Jourdan.  When  he  did  perceive  it,  he  extricated 
himself  by  one  of  the  most  famous  retreats  known  in  military 
history.  For  forty  days  he  fell  back  through  a  hostile  country, 
with  bad  roads,  and  offering  almost  innumerable  difficulties 
from  its  lofty  mountains  and  dense  forests,  and  harassed  by 
the  presence  of  a  victorious  Austrian  army  attempting  to  cut 
off  his  retreat,  and  eventually  he  recrossed  the  Rhine  on  the 
24th  of  October. 

From  a  military  point  of  view,  apart  from  the  intrinsic 
interest  presented  by  the  operations  of  the  armies,  the  chie 
importance  of  the  campaign  of  1796  in  Germany  lay  in  the. 
fact  that  it  occupied  a  considerable  force  of  Austrian  troops. 


Secret  Treaty  between  France  and  Prussia       179 

which  were  thus  prevented  from  being  sent  as  reinforcements  to 
the  Austrian  army  in  Italy.  From  the  diplomatic  Effe^-tsofthe 
point  of  view,  the  campaign  had  results  almost  campaign  in 
rivalling  those  achieved  by  Bonaparte  in  Italy.  The  Germany, 
advance  of  the  French  threw  the  states  of  Southern  Germany 
into  the  hands  of  Prussia.  They  felt  a  natural  sentiment  of 
jealousy  at  perceiving  the  states  of  Northern  Germany  escap- 
ing the  horrors  of  war,  owing  to  the  line  of  demarcation 
established  by  the  Treaty  of  Basle.  Many  of  the  smaller 
states,  and  at  least  one  of  the  larger  states,  Saxony,  implored 
the  intervention  of  Prussia.  Frederick  William  11.,  only  too 
glad  to  pose  as  the  guardian  of  the  Empire,  made  use  of  all 
his  influence  to  induce  the  French  Directory  to  consent  to  the 
further  extension  of  the  line  of  demarcation.  Reubell,  the 
Director  who  took  charge  of  foreign  policy,  was  possessed  by 
the  idea  that  Prussia  and  France  were  natural  allies,  and 
induced  the  Directory  to  meet  the  views  of  Frederick 
William  11. ;  but  in  return  he  demanded  that  Prussia  should 
enter  into  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  the  French 
Republic.  The  King  of  Prussia,  in  his  hatred  of  Jacobin 
l)rinci[)les,  was  inclined  to  reject  this  proposal,  but  his  ministers, 
notably  Haugwitz  and  Alvcnslcben,  persuaded  him  that  it  was 
impossible  to  refuse  entirely.  A  compromise  was  arranged, 
and  on  5th  August  1796  a  secret  supplement  to  the  Treaty  of 
Basle  was  signed  between  France  and  Prussia.  By  this  secret 
convention  Prussia  definitely  promised  to  recognise  the  limits 
of  the  Rhine  for  the  French  Republic,  and  in  return  France 
guaranteed  that  at  a  general  peace  not  only  the  King  of 
Prussia  should  receive  compensation  for  the  territories  he 
surrendered,  by  the  cession  of  some  ecclesiastical  states,  but 
also  that  his  brother-in-law,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  should 
receive  a  sovereignty  in  Germany,  to  make  up  for  the  loss  of 
the  Stadtholderate  in  Holland.  It  proved  impossible  to  ex- 
tend the  line  of  demarcation  to  the  southern  states  of 
Germany  as  long  as  the  Austrian  army  of  the  Archduke 
Charles    remained    there.       And    therefore    the    petty    rulers 


i8o  European  Histotj,  1795-1797 

endeavoured  to  make  peace  with  France  on  their  own  account. 
The  Duke  of  Wiirtemburg  and  the  Margrave  of  Baden  both 
opened  negotiations,  and  since  the  Elector  of  Bavaria  had 
fled  into  Saxony  on  the  advance  of  Moreau,  the  Estates 
of  Bavaria  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  French  general  at 
Pfaftenhofen  on  the  7th  September  1796.  But  the  successes 
of  the  Archduke  Charles  and  the  retreat  of  Moreau  put  an 
end  to  these  peaceful  dispositions.  The  Elector  of  Bavaria 
refused  to  ratify  the  treaty  his  Estates  had  made ;  the  Duke 
of  Wiirtemburg  dismissed  the  minister  who  had  conducted 
his  negotiations  ;  and  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  Prussia,  the 
predominance  of  Austria  continued  in  Southern  Germany. 

The  successes  of  Bonaparte  in  Italy,  and  the  operations 
of  the  French  armies  in  Germany  which,  though  they  had 
Internal  ended  in  retreat,  had  not  been  discreditable  to  the 

otre'cto"/'^'^^  generals  or  soldiers,  reacted  very  favourably  upon 
1796.  the  position  of  the  Directory.     The  French,  as  a 

nation,  have  always  been  dazzled  by  military  glory,  and  since 
the  armies  of  the  Directory  were  victorious,  they  were  inclined 
to  look  upon  the  government  of  the  Directory  as  excellent. 
But  military  successes  did  not  merely  add  to  the  reputation 
of  the  Directors ;  by  means  of  them  their  financial  diffi- 
culties were  relieved.  The  doctrine  that  invading  armies 
should  hve  upon  the  resources  of  the  invaded  countries  was 
a  most  convenient  one.  Not  only  did  the  armies  in  Italy 
and  Germany  maintain  themselves  free  of  cost  to  the  Direc- 
tory, but  the  generals  sent  large  sums  of  money  to  Paris.  It 
was  therefore  unnecessary  to  impose  fresh  taxes  or  issue  more 
paper  money.  But  the  relief  of  iinancial  distress  was  not  the 
only  result  of  the  government  of  the  Directory  in  1796;  it 
restored  internal  peace.  Hoche,  after  his  defeat  of  the 
hnigres  at  Quiberon  Bay  in  1795,  devoted  himself  to  the 
pacification  of  Brittany  and  La  Vendee.  The  chief  credit 
due  to  the  Directors  is  that  they  left  the  young  general  a  free 
hand.  While  putting  down  armed  insurrection,  and  defeating 
the  Vendean  chiefs  whenever  they  appeared,  Hoche  used  the 


The  State  of  France  in  1796 


181 


most  conciliatory  measures  towards  individuals.  His  policy, 
as  he  himself  declared  in  one  of  his  proclamations,  was  to 
make  the  Republic  loved.  While  punishing  brigandage 
severely,  he  conveniently  forgot  all  past  offences  as  long  as 
the  offenders  occupied  themselves  peacefully;  and  on  the 
15th  of  July  1796  the  Directory  was  able  to  announce  to  the 
Legislature  that  the  whole  of  France  was  at  peace.  In  truth, 
all  political  disturbances  were  at  an  end.  The  majority  of 
the  French  people  frankly  accepted  the  Republic,  and  seemed 
to  care  very  little  what  was  the  actual  form  of  the  republican 
government.  But  though  political  disturbances  were  over, 
the  troubled  times  through  which  France  had  passed  had  left 
only  too  much  scope  for  private  animosity.  In  the  south 
armed  bands,  resembling  the  Companies  of  Jehu  of  1795,  pre- 
tended to  be  acting  for  the  defence  of  religion,  when  they 
were  really  moved  by  desire  of  plunder  and  booty.  In  the 
centre  the  pretext  of  religion  was  not  alleged,  but  armed 
bands  of  brigands  collected  in  the  forests  and  the  mountains, 
and,  like  the  banditti  in  Italy,  pillaged  travellers  on  the  high 
roads,  and  held  whole  villages  to  ransom.  These  evils 
steadily  diminished  with  the  consistent  enforcement  of  the 
law,  but  it  was  some  years  before  France  became  absolutely 
safe  for  travellers.  Of  less  importance  were  the  insurrections 
fomented  by  the  extreme  democratic  party.  Democracy  was 
discredited  by  the  recollection  of  the  Reign  of  Terror,  and 
the  plot  of  Babeuf  in  May,  and  an  attack  on  the  camp  at 
Crenelle  in  November  1796,  were  easily  suppressed. 

By  the  terms  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Year  iii.  no  change 
in  the   Directory   or   the   Legislature  was  to   be  pj^st  changes 
made  until  February  1797.     By  this  arrangement 'f^  the  Dircc- 
a  period  of  consistent  government  was  secured.  Legislature! 
The  Directors,  on  the  whole,  acted  harmoniously  1797- 
together.    The  pre-eminence  of  Reubell  and  Carnot  was  gener- 
ally  recognised ;    Barras   occupied  himself  chiefly   with  his 
pleasures;  Revelliere-Lepeaux  was  engaged  in  establishing  his 
new  religion  of  Tlieo-philanthropy,  which  was  warmly  taken 


1 82  European  History,  1 795-1797 

up  in  the  towns,  but  found  no  followers  in  the  villages ;  and 
Letourneur  simply  acted  as  Carnot's  lieutenant.  In  the  Legisla- 
ture the  chief  leaders,  such  as  Sieyes,  Cambace'rbs,  and  Boissy- 
d'Anglas,  showed  occasionally  their  jealousy  of  their  former 
colleagues  in  the  Convention  ;  but,  on  the  whole,  they  did  not 
try  to  interfere  with  their  measures.  The  only  heated  debates 
which  took  place  in  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  were  on  the 
nature  of  the  disturbances  in  the  south  of  France.  These  were 
roundly  asserted  by  the  opposing  parties  to  be  caused  by  in- 
trigues of  priests,  or  by  intrigues  of  Jacobins.  Freron,  who  had 
been  sent  by  the  Directory  to  settle  these  troubles,  was  very 
violently  attacked,  and  with  difficulty  exculpated  himself  from 
the  charge  of  political  partisanship.  But,  on  the  whole,  the 
debates  in  both  branches  of  the  Legislature  were  very  tame. 
Nevertheless  there  appeared,  during  1796,  the  germ  of  what 
in  1797  was  known  as  the  Clichian  party,  so  called  from  its 
meeting  at  the  Club  de  Clichy.  This  party  was  not  openly 
royalist,  but  the  chiefs  of  the  French  emigres,  supported  by  the 
funds  supplied  by  Wickham,  believed  they  could  use  it  to  serve 
their  own  purposes,  as  they  had  made  use  of  the  agitators  in 
Changes  in  the  Paris  Sections  in  1795.  In  the  ministry  no 
the  Ministry,  changes  of  great  importance  were  made  in  1796  ; 
Ramel,  the  former  colleague  of  Cambon  in  the  Financial 
Committee  of  the  Convention,  replaced  Faypoult  as  Minister 
of  the  Finances  ;  and  Petiet,  a  former  commissary-general, 
was  appointed  Minister  of  War  in  succession  to  Aubert- 
Dubayet.  Of  more  importance  was  the  creation  of  a  seventh 
ministry,  of  General  Police,  in  January  1796,  for  it  was  an 
evidence  of  a  new  spirit,  and  the  first  symptom  of  the  elabo- 
rate scheme  for  muzzling  public  opinion,  which  was  developed 
to  its  height  by  Fouche  at  a  later  date.  Merlin  of  Douai  left 
the  Ministry  of  the  Interior  for  three  months  to  organise  the 
new  department,  and  was  succeeded  in  April  1796  byCochon 
de  Lapparent,  a  former  member  of  the  Convention. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Directors  endeavoured  in  vain  to 
form  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  Prussia.     They 


Alliance  between  France  and  Spain  i8 


were  more  successful  with  regard  to  Spain.  The  power  of 
Godoy,  who  for  the  negotiations  at  Basle  had  France  and 
been  created  Prince  of  the  Peace,  rose  to  its  height.  Spain. 
General  Perignon,  who  had  been  sent  as  ambassador  to  Madrid 
by  the  Directory,  skilfully  flattered  the  vanity  of  the  new 
prince,  and,  to  the  astonishment  of  all  Europe,  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance  was  signed  between  the  French  Republic 
and  the  ancient  Bourbon  monarchy  of  Spain  at  San  ^ 

-'  ^  Treaty  of  San 

Ildefonso,  on  the  19th  of  August  1796,  by  which  iidefonso. 
Spain  agreed  to  declare  war  against  England,  and  ^9*^  Aug.  1796. 
the  French  promised  to  assist  in  the  conquest  of  Portugal, 
which  was  to  be  divided  between  the  two  allies.  From  a 
military  point  of  view  the  alliance  with  Spain  did  not  yield 
any  advantage  to  France,  but  from  a  naval  standpoint  it 
proved  of  incalculable  value.  The  English  were  obliged  to 
abandon  Corsica,  their  only  foothold  in  the  Mediterranean, 
and  to  concentrate  their  fleet  at  Gibraltar.  The  Spanish  navy, 
to  which  much  attention  had  been  paid  throughout  the 
eighteenth  century,  had  certainly  improved,  and,  united  with  a 
few  French  men-of-war,  far  outnumbered  the  Englisli  Mediter- 
ranean Fleet.  This  was  the  year  of  the  great  English  naval 
mutiny  at  the  Nore,  and  the  profound  discontent  which  pos- 
sessed the  English  sailors  was  equally  perceptible  at  Gibraltar. 
But  fortunately  the  English  admiral,  Sir  John  Jervis,  was  a 
man  of  singular  ability,  who  understood  the  English  sailor 
perfectly.  He  showed  no  mercy  to  ringleaders,  but  main- 
tained discipline,  and  even  made  it  popular  by  looking  after 
the  men's  food,  and  appealing  to  their  patriotic  feelings.  He 
understood  that,  on  the  eve  of  a  battle,  the  sailors  would  cease 
their  disaffection.  Accordingly  he  kept  at  sea  for  several 
months  after  the  junction  of  the  French  and  Spanish  fleets, 
announcing  his  intention  to  offer  battle  ;  and  when  Battle  of 
discipline  was  restored  he  utterly  defeated  the  St.  Vincent. 
French  and  Spaniards  off  Cape  St.  Vincent,  on  the  14th  of 
February  1797.  By  this  victory,  in  which  Nelson  greatly  dis- 
tinguished himself,  the  Spanish  fleet  was  practically  destroyed 


184  European  History,  1/95-1797 

for  offensive  purposes,  and  tlic  high  hopes  that  the  Director)^ 
had  built  on  the  naval  assistance  of  Spain  were  frustrated. 
England  had  promptly,  as  in  former  days,  come  to  the  help  of 
Portugal,  and  sent  an  army  under  the  Hon.  Sir  Charles 
Stuart  to  defend  the  country,  and  a  general,  the  Prince  of 
Waldeck,  to  reorganise  the  Portuguese  army. 

While  the  Directory  made  an  alliance  with  Spain,  and  hoped 
to  make  one  with  Prussia,  its  sentiments  of  hostility 

The  Direc-  .  ,...,,        ti-J 

tory  and  towards  England  remamed  undmimished.  It  had 
England.  \yQQxi  cxpcctcd  in  France  that  the  conquest  of 
PloUand  and  the  formation  of  the  Batavian  Republic,  in  close 
alliance  with  the  French  Republic,  would  have  struck  a  more 
serious  blow  at  the  prosperity  of  England  than  it  had  really 
done.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  loss  of  Holland  proved  but  a  slight 
commercial  disaster  ;  the  commerce  of  the  North  of  Europe, 
which  passed  through  English  hands,  merely  moved  from 
Amsterdam  to  Hamburg,  and  the  English  merchants  suffered 
little.  From  a  naval  point  of  view,  the  French  possession  of 
Holland  made  it  necessary  for  England  to  set  on  foot  a  power- 
ful fleet  to  watch  the  Dutch  navy  in  the  Texel,  while  she  also 
had  to  maintain  a  fleet  blockading  the  French  port  of  Brest 
in  addition  to  her  Mediterranean  fleet.  The  English  govern- 
ment was  more  profoundly  affected  by  Bonaparte's  victories 
in  Italy  than  by  the  loss  of  Holland.  In  November  1796 
Lord  Malmesbury  was  sent  to  Paris  to  discuss  the  bases  of  a 
peace.  He  began  to  negotiate  for  the  restoration  of  the  status 
quo  ante  bellum,  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  Belgium  to 
the  Emperor.  Such  terms  were  ridiculous ;  the  French 
Diiectors,  even  had  they  wished,  would  not  have  dared  to  with- 
draw from  their  policy  of  making  the  Rhine  the  frontier  of 
France.  The  diplomatic  habitudes  of  Lord  Malmesbury  were 
regarded  by  the  Directors  as  proofs  of  his  double-dealing,  and 
he  was  abruptly  ordered  to  leave  Paris  on  the  20th  December 
1796.  There  was  little  real  expectation  of  peace  on  either 
side.  At  the  very  time  Lord  Malmesbury  was  in  Paris  the 
Directory  was  preparing  a  naval  expedition  in  Brest  harbour. 


Death  of  tlic  Empress  CatJicrinc  185 

It  was  announced  that  the  expedition  was  intended  for  the 
West  Indies,  and  it  was  placed  under  tlie  command  of  Hoche. 
On  the  1 6th  of  December  it  set  sail  for  Bantry  Bay,  for  the 
Directory  had  really  recurred  to  the  old  French  idea  of  attack- 
ing England  through  Ireland.  But  a  terrible  storm  scattered 
the  French  Fleet,  and  only  two  or  three  ships  reached  Bantry 
Bay,  and  they  returned  to  France  without  effecting  a  landing. 

Though  the  history  of  Europe  during  the  year  1796  is 
chiefly  bound  up  in  the  policy  and  military  achieve-  Death  of 
ments  of  France,  the  close  of  the  year  witnessed  of''Ru3''s"a^ 
the  disappearance  of  the  greatest  monarch  of  Nov.  17, 1796. 
Eastern  Europe.  On  the  17th  November  1796,  Catherine  of 
Russia  died.  The  importance  of  her  reign  belongs  to  the 
period  prior  to  the  French  Revolution,  and  her  attitude  towards 
the  series  of  events  grouped  under  that  title,  was  chiefly 
dictated  by  the  course  of  events  in  Poland.  She  was  suc- 
ceeded on  the  throne  of  Russia  by  her  son,  the  Emperor  Paul. 
The  new  monarch  soon  gave  evidence  of  the  aberration  of  intel- 
lect which  led  him  into  the  strange  excesses  that  brought  about 
his  assassination.  His  first  step  in  foreign  politics  was  to  decline 
to  assist  Austria  with  his  armies,  and  he  even  withdrew  a  Russian 
fleet  which  his  mother  had  recently  sent  to  the  assistance  of 
England.  In  conversation  he  expressed  his  detestation  of 
the  French  as  Jacobins,  but  none  the  less  he  opened  nego- 
tiations with  the  Directory  by  means  of  his  ambas.sador  at 
Berlin,  Kolichev,  who  communicated  freely  with  the  French 
ambassador  Caillard. 

In  the  commencement  of  the  year  1797  the  interest  of 
Europe  was  concentrated  upon  Bonaparte  and  his  army. 
Being  master  of  Italy  he  now  determined  to  invade 

L      1  1  •  r     T        T  r  •  Bonaparte's 

the  home  domams  of  the  House  of  Austria.     He    Campaign 
begged  the  Directory  to  act  with  energy  in  Ger-    °^  '797- 
many  in  order  to  prevent  reinforcements  being  sent  against 
him.    The  Emperor  recalled  his  brother,  the  Archduke  Charles, 
from  the  Rhine,  and  placed  in  him  command  of  the  Austrian 
army  in  the  Tyrol.     On  the   i6lh  ot    March    1797    IJonai-rirlc 


1 86  European  History,  179^-1797 

forced  the  passage  of  Tagliamento.  Joiibert,  who  was  acting 
independently  in  the  district  of  Friuli,  made  his  way  by  that 
route  into  the  Tyrol,  and  joined  his/general-in-chief  at  Kla- 
genfurt  on  the  13th  of  March.  With  the  combined  army 
Bonaparte  pursued  the  Austrians.  He  defeated  the  Archduke 
Charles  at  Neumarkt  and  Unzmarkt,  and  on  7th  April  he 
entered  Leoben.  The  Archduke  Charles  felt  it  impossible  to 
oppose  the  French  longer,  and  on  the  17th  of  April  1797  pre- 
liminaries of  peace  were  signed  at  Leoben. 

Simultaneously  with  Bonaparte's  advance  the  Armies  of  the 
„         .        Rhine-and-Moselle   under   Moreau,    and   of    the 

campaign  ' 

of  1797  in  Sambre-and-Meuse  under  Hoche,  were  set  in 
Germany.  j-^-jQ^ion.  The  latter  advanced  from  Diisseldorf, 
defeated  the  Austrians  in  five  engagements,  took  Wetzlar,  and 
was  already  marching  on  Giessen  in  Hanover  when  his  pro- 
gress was  stopped  by  the  news  of  the  signature  of  the  Pre- 
liminaries of  Leoben.  Moreau,  on  his  side,  had  not  been  able 
to  cross  the  Rhine  until  20th  April,  and  had  made  no  further 
offensive  movement,  when  he  was  ordered  to  cease  operations. 
By  the  Preliminaries  of  Leoben  the  war  between  France 
Preliminaries  and  Austria,  which  had  lasted  without  intermission 
of  Leoben.  for  five  ycars,  came  to  a  termination.  By  the  Con- 
pn  17, 1  97-  ygj-j^-JQj^  signed  at  that  place,  Austria  agreed  that  the 
Rhine  should  be  recognised  as  the  frontier  of  France,  which  in- 
volved the  cession  of  Belgium.  In  Italy  the  Emperor  promised 
to  give  up  the  Milanese,  and  to  receive  Venice  in  compensa- 
tion. These  were  the  territorial  bases  agreed  to,  and  General 
Bonaparte  was  intrusted  by  the  Directory  with  the  task  of  con- 
cluding a  definitive  peace  with  Austria.  But  this  Convention 
only  bound  Francis  11.  as  head  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg, 
not  as  Emperor.  It  was  therefore  agreed  that  a  congress 
should  be  held  at  Rastadt,  at  which  terms  of  peace  should  be 
arranged  between  the  French  Republic  and  the  Empire.  The 
Preliminaries  of  Leoben  crowned  Bonaparte's  great  victories, 
and  the  monarchs  of  Europe  quickly  recognised  that  they 
had  no  longer  to  deal  with  the  French  Republic,  but  with 
the  young  Corsican  general. 


CHAPTER    VI 


1797-1799 

Elections  of  1797  in  France — Policy  of  the  Clichians— Struggle  between  the 
Directors  and  the  Clichians — Negotiations  for  Peace  between  England 
and  the  Directory — Changes  in  the  French  Ministry — Revolution  of  i8th 
Fructidor — Bonaparte  in  Italy — Occupation  of  Venice — The  Ligurian  and 
Cisalpine  Republics  formed — Annexation  of  the  Ionian  Islands  by  France 
— Treaty  of  Campo-Formio — Capture  of  Mayence — The  Datavian  Re- 
public— Battle  of  Camperdown — Bonaparte's  Expedition  to  the  East — 
Capture  of  Malta— Conquest  of  Egypt — Batde  of  the  Nile — Internal 
Policy  of  the  Directory  after  i8th  Fructidor— Foreign  Policy — Attitude  of 
England,  Prussia,  Austria,  and  Russia — The  Helvetian  Republic— Italian 
Affairs — The  Roman  and  Parthenopean  Republics  formed — Occupation 
of  Piedmont  and  Tuscany  by  France — The  Law  of  Conscription — Out- 
break of  War  between  Austria  and  France — Murder  of  the  French  Pleni- 
potentiaries at  Rastadt — The  Campaign  of  1799 — In  Italy — Battles  of 
Cassano,  the  Trebbia  and  Novi — Italy  lost  to  France — In  Switzerland — 
Battle  of  Zurich — In  Holland — Battles  of  Bergen — Results  of  the  Campaign 
of  1799 — Policy  and  Character  of  the  Emperor  Paul  of  Russia — Bona- 
parte's Campaign  of  1799  in  Syria — Siege  of  Acre — Battle  of  Mount 
Tabor— Struggle  between  the  Directors  and  the  Legislature  in  France — 
Revolution  of  22d  Prairial — Changes  in  the  Directory  and  Ministry-- 
Bonaparte's  return  to  France— Revolution  of  i8ih  Brumaire — End  of  the 
Government  of  the  Directory  in  France. 

In  the  month  of  May  1797  a  new  Director  and  a  new  third 
of  the  Legislature  were,  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution 
of  the  Year  in.,  elected  in  France.     These  elec-    ^^  ^, 

_  .       _  The  Elec- 

tions  were   entirely    favourable    to    the   Clichian     tionsofiycy 

party.     This  party,  which  had  gradually  grown  up     '"  ^'■^^'^e- 

since  the  dissolution  of  tiie  Convention,  and  took  its  name 

from  the  Club  de  Clichy,  was  led  by  men  of  very  considerable 

ability.     The  sentiment  which  united  them  was  a  loathing  of 


1 88  European  History,  1/97-1799 

the  memory  of  the  Reign  of  Terror  and  a  desire  to  expel  from 
power  those  who  had  taken  part  in  it.  This  sentiment  was 
very  general  in  France,  and  the  new  legislators  returned  to 
the  Council  of  Ancients  and  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred 
were,  with  but  few  exceptions,  men  who  had  not  sat  in  the 
Convention.  Many  of  them  were  former  members  of  the 
Constituent  and  Legislative  Assemblies,  and  had  a  consider- 
able knowledge  of  parliamentary  tactics.  Foremost  among 
this  group  was  Barbe-Marbois,  who  had,  under  the  Bourbon 
monarchy,  been  intendant  of  San  Domingo,  but  the  deputy 
belonging  to  it  who  attracted  most  attention  was  General 
Pichegru.  The  first  success  of  the  Clichian  party  was  won  in  the 
election  of  the  new  Director.  The  retiring  Director  on  whom 
the  lot  had  fallen  was  Letourneur,  and  to  fill  his  place  was 
chosen  Barthelemy,  a  former  marquis,  and  the  diplomatist 
who  had  negotiated  the  Treaties  of  Basle.  This  election  was 
very  significant.  It  seemed  to  presage  a  consistent  peace 
policy.  It  afforded  a  guarantee  that  the  proscription  of  the 
nobles  of  the  a?icien  regime  was  to  be  ended. 

In  foreign  policy  it  was  indeed  the  aim  of  the  Clichians  to 
bring  about  a  universal  peace.  Their  home  policy  was 
Policy  of  the  neither  so  definite  nor  so  logical.  In  their  hatred 
Clichians.  of  the  Terrorists  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
wiser  heads  among  the  Clichians  desired  a  return  to  a 
monarchical  government.  Pichegru  and  the  more  self-seeking 
among  them  thought  that  they  could  obtain  money  and 
power  by  a  new  revolution.  Never  were  the  prospects  of  a 
counter-revolution  more  promising.  The  Clichians,  recog- 
nising the  impossibility  of  restoring  the  Bourbon  Monarchy  in 
its  former  authority,  were  in  favour  of  a  constitutional,  limited 
monarchy  after  the  English  pattern.  But  Louis  xviii.,  and  the 
Comte  d'Artois,  buoyed  up  by  the  hopes  of  the  emigres 
refused  to  make  the  slightest  concession  ;  they  would  not 
acknowledge  the  Constitution  of  1791 ;  they  would  not  even 
promise  to  consent  to  the  slightest  limitation  of  the  old 
monarchical  power.     Under  these  circumstances  the  Clichians 


The  Directors  and  the  Clichians  189 

had  to  look  for  a  king  elsewhere.  A.  few,  among  whom  may 
possibly  be  counted  Pichegru,  were  ready  to  acce])t  Louis  xviii. 
on  his  own  terms.  A  larger  party  were  in  favour  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans,  son  of  Philippe  Egalite,  and  in  the  future  King  of 
the  French  as  Louis  Philippe.  Others  favoured  the  accession 
of  a  Prussian  prince,  and  negotiations  were  opened  at  Berlin 
to  see  whether  Prince  Francis,  the  nephew  of  Frederick 
William  11.,  would  accept  the  throne.  With  such  divisions  of 
opinion,  there  was  no  doubt  that  the  internal  policy  of  the 
Clichians,  even  though  backed  by  large  subsidies  from  England, 
which  passed  to  them  through  Switzerland,  was  certain  to  bring 
about  no  result.  Nor  was  their  peace  policy  more  likely  to 
succeed.  The  wars  of  the  French  Republic  had  organised  a 
body  of  valiant  and  experienced  soldiers  whose  trade  was  war, 
and  to  whom  the  idea  of  peace  was  repugnant.  Both  Bona- 
parte and  Hoche,  the  two  greatest  generals  of  the  Directory, 
naturally  looked  with  suspicion  and  dislike  upon  the  policy  of 
the  Clichians. 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  the  attitude  of  the  Clichians  was 
one  of  open  hostility  to  the  four  original  Directors.    Their  one 
adherent  in  the  Directory,  Barthelemy,  proved  to  be  a  very 
weak  support,  and  his  brother  Directors  soon  saw  struggle 
that    it   was   unnecessary   to   trouble   themselves  between  the 
about  him.     The  four  remaining  original  Directors  and  the 
were  united  in  their  dislike  of  the  new  theories,  and  ciichians. 
also  as  regicides  had  reason  to  fear  their  success.     A  severe 
struggle  was  therefore  imminent  between  the  majority  of  the 
Legislature  and  of  the  Executive.     A  crisis  had  arisen  which 
tested  the  political  theories  which  had  found  their  expression 
in    the    Constitution    of    the    Year    iii.      The    Legislature 
endeavoured  to  encroach  upon  the  authority  of  the  Directory; 
the  Directors  refused  to  yield  one  jot  of  their  power.     The 
first  active  measure  of  hostility  in  the  Councils  was  an  attack 
upon   the   Foreign    Minister,   Charles    Delacroix.      Pitt  had 
decided  to  make  a  second  attemjjt  to  bring  about  peace  be- 
tween England  and  I'Yancc,  tliougli  without  much  cxjjectation 


IQO  Europea?i  History,  1797-1799 

of  its  success,  and  a  conference  was  opened  at  Lille  on  the 
Negotiations  4th  July  1797,  at  which  Lord  Malmesbury  was  pre- 
fer Peace  gent  as  the  English  plenipotentiary.  He  presented, 
England  and  o"  behalf  of  England,  almost  the  same  demands 
the  Directory,  jjs  had  been  rejected  in  the  previous  December, 
and  the  negotiations  were  speedily  broken  off.  Using  this  as 
a  pretext,  the  hostile  majority  in  the  Council  of  Ancients  and 
Council  of  Five  Hundred  accused  the  Directors  of  not 
sincerely  wishing  for  peace,  and  threw  the  chief  blame  for  the 
rupture  of  the  conference  on  their  minister,  Delacroix.  The 
Directory  yielded.  Charles  Delacroix  was  sent  as  ambassador 
to  Holland,  and  was  succeeded  as  Foreign  Minister  by 
Talleyrand.  This  skilful  and  subtle  diplomatist  saw  that  the 
rivalry  between  the  two  powers  in  the  State  must  lead  to  an 
open  rupture.  He  sided  strongly  with  the  Directors ;  he 
communicated  with  Hoche  and  Bonaparte,  and  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  he  was  one  of  the  principal,  if  not  the  prin- 
cipal, author  of  the  coup-d'etat  or  revolution  which  followed. 
The  dismissal  of  Delacroix  was  perhaps  the  most  important  epi- 
sode ;  but  the  other  ministers  were  likewise  violently  attacked 
by  the  Councils,  and  in  addition  to  the  Foreign  Office  every 
department  of  State,  except  the  ministries  of  Finance  and 
Justice,  changed  hands  in  July  1797.  Francois  de  Neufchateau 
became  Minister  of  the  Interior,  General  Scherer  Minister  for 
War,  Pleville  de  Peley  Minister  of  the  Marine,  and  Lenoir- 
Laroche,  who  was  succeeded  in  a  few  days  by  Sotin  de  la 
Coindiere,  Minister  of  Police. 

The  revolution  of  the  i8th  Fructidor  was  one  which  created 
The  Revoiu-  but  little  interest  among  the  people  of  France.  It 
tion  of  i8th      ^yg^g  )-]^g  result  of  an  intrinsic  weakness  in  the  Con- 

Fructidor.  .        . 

(4thSeptem-  stitution,  not  of  a  popular  movement.  Two  co- 
ber  1797.)  equal  powers  can  never  exist  in  the  government  of 
a  State  :  when  a  collision  takes  place  one  must  be  overthrown. 
In  their  measures  for  overthrowing  or  muzzling  the  leaders  of 
the  opposition  in  the  Legislature,  the  four  senior  Directors 
could  not  agree.     Carnot,  the  greatest  of  them  all,  disliked 


Revolution  of  i^th  Fructidor  191 

any  interference  with  the  Constitution,  and  looked  upon  the 
employment  of  force  as  likely  to  lead  to  great  disasters.  The 
otiier  original  Directors,  Barras,  Reubell,  and  Revelliere- 
Lepeaux,  were,  however,  perfectly  agreed.  They  were  deter- 
mined to  use  the  regular  troops  that  formed  the  garrison  of 
Paris;  Hoche,  from  Holland,  sent  them  a  sum  of  money;  and 
Bonaparte  instructed  one  of  his  best  generals,  Augereau,  to 
act  according  to  their  orders.  Accordingly,  on  the  morning 
of  the  iSth  Fructidor  (4th  September  1797)  fifty-five  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Clichian  party  in  the  Legislature,  including  both 
Barbe-Marbois  and  Pichegru,  were  arrested,  and  were  at 
once  deported,  with  the  ex-minister  of  Police,  Cochon  de  Lap 
parent,  and  several  other  individuals,  without  trial,  to  Cayenne 
and  Sinnamari.  The  same  harsh  measures  were  not  taken 
with  regard  to  the  two  dissentient  Directors,  Carnot  and 
Barthelemy,  who  were  given  every  facility  for  escaping  from 
France.  This  revolution  was  carried  out  without  the  shedding 
of  a  single  drop  of  blood,  and  the  success  of  the  Directors 
was  acquiesced  in  by  the  people  of  France. 

Merlin  of  Douai,  the  great  jurist  and  statesman,  and 
Francois  dc  Ncufchateau,  a  dramatist  and  former  member  of 
the  Legislative  Assembly,  were  elected  as  the  new  Directors 
in  the  place  of  Carnot  and  Barthelemy,  and  were  succeeded 
in  the  ministries  of  Justice  and  the  Interior  by  Lambrechts 
and  Letourncur. 

After    the   conclusion    of    the    Preliminaries    of    Leobcn 
Bonaparte   returned    to    Italy   and    established    himself   at 
Montebello,    near    Milan.       He   was    appointed    Bonaparte 
plenipotentiary  of  the   French  Republic  to  con-   »"  it^'v- 
elude  a  final  treaty  with  Austria,  but  the  negotiations  lasted 
f(;r  many  months.     During  this  time  the  young  general  was 
chiefiy  engaged  in  settling  Italy.     He  first  made  a  terrible 
example  of  the  city  of  Verona,  where  the  people  occupation 
had  risen  in  revolt  during  his  campaign  in  the   of  Venice. 
Tyrol,  and  had  murdered  the  wounded  French  soldiers  left 
in  tlicir  city.     He  next  occupied  Venice,  and  exacted  from  it 


192  European  History,  1/97-1799 

a  heavy  contribution  in  money.  Having  thus  estabhshed  his 
power  throughout  northern  Italy,  Bonaparte  began  to  set  up 
new  governments.  On  the  15th  of  June  1797  he  insisted  on 
the  dissohition  of  the  ancient  government  of  Genoa,  and 
The  Ligurian  formed  that  city  and  the  surrounding  districts  into 
Republic.  a  new  Ligurian  Republic.  Piedmont,  by  the  terms 
of  the  Treaty  of  Cherasco,  was  left  to  the  King  of  Sardinia, 
but  Bonaparte  at  once  formed  Lombardy,  Modena,  Reggio, 
Bologna,  Ferrara,  the  Romagna,  Brescia,  and  Mantua  into  one 
The  Cisalpine  State,  which  he  named  the  Cisalpine  Republic. 
Republic.  The  Constitution  of  this  new  Republic,  which 
was  modelled  on  the  Constitution  of  the  Year  iii.,  was  pro- 
mulgated on  the  9th  of  July  1797.  In  these  measures 
Bonaparte  had  carefully  avoided  any  annexations  by  France. 
It  was  otherwise  with  regard  to  the  Ionian  Islands,  which 
were  ceded  to  the  French  Republic  by  Venice.  Corfu  was 
occupied  on  the  28th  of  June  1797,  and  Bonaparte  believed 
that  by  this  cession  the  French  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean 
would  be  able  to  close  the  Adriatic  Sea. 

During  the  months  in  which  Italy  was  being  thus  recon- 
structed, the  Austrian  plenipotentiary,  Cobenzl,  was  skilfully 
delaying  the  signature  of  a  definitive  treaty  between  France  and 
Treaty  of  Austria.  In  truth,  the  Austrians,  like  the  English, 
Campo-  Thugut,  like  Pitt,  hoped  that  the  Clichian  party 

i7th'october  would  win  the  day.  The  successful  coup  d'etat  of 
1797-  1 8th   of  Fructidor  destroyed  his  hopes,  and  on 

17th  of  October  1797  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  was 
signed.  The  bases  laid  down  by  the  Preliminaries  of  Leoben 
were  generally  followed.  The  frontier  of  the  Rhine  for 
France  was  solemnly  recognised.  The  new  arrangements  in 
Italy  were  also  agreed  to,  and  to  Austria  was  ceded  Venice 
and  all  the  territories  of  Venice  in  Istria  and  Dalmatia  and 
up  to  the  Adige,  in  compensation  for  the  loss  of  the  Milanese. 
The  Emperor  also  engaged  to  use  his  influence  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Rastadt  to  secure  peace  between  France  and  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire.      The  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  really 


Capture  of  ]\Tayence  193 

struck  a  more  severe  blow  at  the  Empire  than  at  the  House  of 
Austria.  The  cession  of  the  Rhine  frontier  to  France  impHed 
the  loss  to  the  Empire  of  the  electorates  of  Treves,  Mayence, 
and  the  Palatinate,  while  it  only  deprived  Austria  of  her 
mutinous  and  rebellious  subjects  in  Belgium.  A  secret  clause 
was  also  added  to  the  Treaty,  by  which  the  French  Republic 
promised  to  guarantee  the  whole  of  Bavaria  to  the  House  of 
Austria,  in  return  for  the  immediate  evacuation  of  all  the 
fortresses  which  the  Austrians  occupied  upon  the  Rhine. 
Immediately  upon  receiving  the  news  of  the  Treaty  of 
Campio-Formio  the  Directory  equipped  a  special  army  under 
the  command  of  General  Hatry  for  the  capture  of  Mayence, 
the  only  place  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  not  in  the 
possession  of  France.  Deprived  of  the  assistance  Capture  of 
of  Austria,  the  troops  of  the  Empire  and  of  the  ^th^D""'^,. 
Elector  of  Mayence  could  make  but  little  resist-  beri797. 
ance,  and  on  29th  of  December  1797  Mayence  was  once 
more  surrendered  to  the  French  Republic. 

The  Batavian  Republic,  which  had  been  established  in  1795 
in  Holland,  was  also  considerably  affected  by  the  HoUand. 
revolution  of  1 8th  Fructidor.  The  Dutch  Legis-  The  Batavian 
lature  had  been  influenced  by  every  current  of  ^^" 
feeling  in  France,  and  during  the  predominance  of  the  Clichians 
had  made  no  real  effort  to  support  their  French  allies.  After  the 
conclusion  of  the  Convention  of  Leoben,  and  the  consequent 
cessation  of  hostilities  in  Germany,  the  Directory  despatched 
Hoche  to  Holland.  He  there  busied  himself  with  another 
effort  for  his  favourite  scheme  for  the  invasion  of  England. 
For  this  purpose  he  relied  upon  the  powerful  Dutch  fleet,  which 
was  being  blockaded  by  an  English  squadron  under  Admiral 
Duncan  in  the  Texel.  During  the  mutiny  at  the  Nore  in  the 
summer  of  1797  the  position  of  the  blockading  English  fleet 
had  been  very  critical,  and  on  one  occasion  it  is  stated  that 
two  English  .ships  were  left  to  watch  fifteen  Dutch.  Directly 
after  the  revolution  of  Fructidor,  the  Directors,  who  did  not 
feel  certain  of  the  su])port  of  Moreau,  removed  Hoche  from 

PERIOD  VII.  N 


194  European  History,  1797- 1799 

Holland  and  placed  him  in  command  of  the  united  Armies 
of  the  Rhine-and-Moselle  and  the  Sambre-and-Meuse  under 
the  title  of  the  Army  of  Germany.  Hardly  had  he  taken 
up  his  command  when  the  most  distinguished  rival  of  Bona- 
parte died  on  the  i8th  of  September  1797.  Though  deprived 
of  the  active  superintendence  of  Hoche,  the  government  of 
the  Batavian  Republic,  under  the  influence  of  the  vigorous 
war  policy  of  the  new  Directory,  ordered  the  Dutch  fleet  to 
Battle  of  leave  the  Texel.     It  was  met  at  sea  by  Admiral 

camperdown.  Dm^can  off  the  dunes  or  downs  of  Kampe 
1797.°''^°  "  (Camperdown),  and  entirely  defeated  after  the 
most  hotly  contested  naval  battle  of  the  war.  The  naval 
policy  of  the  Directory  had  thus  resulted  in  the  destruction 
of  the  Spanish  fleet  in  the  battle  of  Cape  St.  Vincent  and 
of  the  Dutch  fleet  in  the  battle  of  Camperdown. 

On  the  5th  of  December  1797  General  Bonaparte  arrived 
Bonaparte  in  Paris.  The  death  of  Hoche  had  left  him 
in  Paris.  without  a  rival,  and  the  revolution  of  the  i8th  of 
Fructidor  had  been  so  entirely  the  result  of  the  assistance  of 
the  army  that  its  greatest  general  was  practically  the  master 
of  the  pohtical  situation.  The  Directors  received  him  with 
transports  of  enthusiasm  and  gave  him  a  public  reception,  but, 
nevertheless,  they  were  overawed  by  the  extent  of  his  reputa- 
tion and  afraid  that  he  might  attempt  to  take  an  active  part  in 
poUtics.  He  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  Interior,  which  was  intended  for  the  invasion  of  England. 
Bonaparte,  like  Hoche,  sincerely  wished  that  such  an  invasion 
should  be  eff"ected,  but  he  understood  the  extraordinary  diffi- 
culty inherent  in  any  attempt  to  transport  an  army  across  the 
Channel  in  the  presence  of  a  powerful  fleet.  He  therefore 
advised  the  Directory  that  it  would  be  wiser  not  to  attack 
England  directly,  but  to  make  an  effort  to  overthrow  her 
power  in  Asia.  It  seemed  to  him  more  practicable  to  invade 
India  than  to  invade  England.  His  imagination  was  stirred 
by  the  conception  of  an  expedition  to  the  East,  and  the 
Directory  was  only  too  glad  to  remove  from  France  for  a 
time  its  most  able  and  ambitious  general. 


Bonaparte  in  Egypt  195 

On  the  9th  of  May  1798  Bonaparte  left  Toulon  at  the 
head  of  a  picked  force  of  his  veterans  of  Italy,  and  Expedition 
accompanied  not  only  by  his  favourite  generals,  to  Egypt.  1798. 
but  also  by  some  of  the  leading  savants  and  men  of  letters  of 
France.  On  the  9th  of  June  the  fleet  reached  Malta,  and  on 
the  1 2th  the  Knights  of  St.  John  of  the  Hospital,  who  had 
held  the  island  ever  since  the  Middle  Ages,  surrendered  it  to 
the  French  general.  Leaving  a  garrison  in  Malta,  Bonaparte 
then  proceeded  to  Egypt.  He  disembarked  in  front  of 
Alexandria  on  the  1st  of  July,  and  upon  the  4th  he  occupied 
that  city.  He  then  advanced  on  Cairo,  and  on  the  21st  of 
July  he  defeated  the  Mamelukes  at  the  Battle  of  the  Pyramids, 
and  on  the  24th  he  occupied  Cairo.  The  English 
fleet  in  the  Mediterranean,  under  the  command  the  Nile, 
of  Nelson,  had  been  intended  to  stop  the  expedi-  ^^"^  August, 
tion  to  Egypt,  but  it  had  been  misdirected,  and  was  unable  to 
prevent  the  disembarkation  of  the  French  forces.  On  the  ist  of 
August,  however,  Nelson  appeared  before  Alexandria,  and  in 
the  battle  of  Aboukir  Bay,  generally  known  as  the  Battle  of 
the  Nile,  he  destroyed  the  French  fleet.  This  victory  entirely 
cut  off  Bonaparte  and  his  army  from  France.  The  English 
held  the  Mediterranean,  and  for  many  months  prevented  the 
despatch  of  either  news  or  reinforcements.  In  November  they 
strengthened  their  position  in  the  great  south  European  sea 
by  the  occupation  of  Minorca  by  an  army  under  the  Hon.  Sir 
Charles  Stuart,  and  in  1800  the  French  garrison  in  Malta  sur- 
rendered to  General  Pigot  and  Captain  Sir  Alexander  Ball. 

Before  Bonaparte  left  Paris  the  time  had  come  round  for 
the  election  of  a  new  Director.    The  lot  fell  upon  internal 
Francois  de  Neufchateau  to  retire,  and  his  place  PoUcy  of 
was  filled  by  Treilhard,  a  former  member  of  the  "-^^  ^^^--^ctoo^- 
Constituent  Assembly  and  of  the  Convention.     Treilhard  had 
been  himself  one  of  the  leading  Thermidorians,  and  since  the 
close  of  the  Convention  he  had  been  employed  first  as  Minister 
in  Holland  and  then  as  one  of  the  French  plenipotentiaries  at 
the  Congress  of  Rastadt.     There  is  little  doubt  that  Sieyfes 


196  European  History,  1797- 1799 

might  have  entered  the  Directory  had  he  so  wished,  but  he 
preferred  to  act  in  a  different  capacity.     Francois  de  Neuf- 
chateau  at  once  returned  to  his  former  office  of  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  and  the  only  other  alteration  in  the  ministry  was 
the  appointment  of  Admiral  Bruix  to  be  Minister  of  Marine. 
The  Directory,  inspired  by  its  victory  on  the  i8th  of  Fructidor, 
did  not  hesitate  to  infringe  the  terms  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  Year  in.      The  Royalists  or   Clichians  had  not  dared 
to  appear  at  the  elections  to  the  Councils  in  1798,  and  the 
democrats  had  been  able  to  elect  whom  they  wished.    But  the 
Directors  did  not  intend  to  be  subject  to  the  democrats  any 
more  than  to  the  Clichians,  and  without  the  slightest  show  of 
legality  they  quashed  many  of  the  elections  to  the  Councils 
and  gave  the  vacant  seats  to  their  own  nominees.     This  dis- 
regard of  the  law  was  also  shown  in  other  branches  of  the 
internal  policy  of  the  Directory.     The  Directors,  in  spite  of 
the  Constitution,  interfered  with   the  finances,  and,   by  the 
advice  of  Ramel,  followed  Cambon's  example  of  declaring  a 
partial  bankruptcy.     This,  however,  had   but  little  effect  in 
France,  for,  owing  to  the  depreciation  in  the  value  of  the 
government  paper  money,  very  little  interest  was  expected  by 
the  creditors  of  the  State.     In  purely  internal  administration 
the  weariness  of  the  French  people  of  political  disturbances 
enabled  the  agents  of  the  Directory  to  maintain  the  public 
peace  without  difficulty.     The  lack  of  capital  in  the  country 
was  compensated  by  the  fact  that  the  government  was  the 
only  great  employer  of  labour,   and  the  spoils   of  the  con- 
quered countries  enabled  it  to  pay  the  workmen  sufficiently. 
It  seems  surprising  that  this  bankrupt  government  should  have 
been  acknowledged  without   opposition  throughout  France, 
but  the  cause  is  to  be  found  in  the  universal  attention  paid 
to  the  course  of  foreign  affairs. 

The  Peace  of  Campo-Formio  had,  as  has  been  shown,  left 
France  face  to  face  with  England,  and  it  was  to  strike  a  blow 
at  the  power  of  England  that  Bonaparte  proceeded  to  Egypt. 
For  the  same  reason  the  Directory  carried  out  the  favourite 


Sieyes  at  Berlin  197 

scheme  of  Hoche,  and  despatched  a  force  to  Ireland  under 
General  Humbert  in  August  1798,  which  was  The  Foreign 
forced  to  surrender  to  Lord  Cornwallis  in  Sep-  Policy  of  the 
tember.  But  though  the  powers  of  the  Continent  ""ec  ory. 
had  been  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  military  superiority  of 
France,  they  were  only  seeking  a  loophole  by  which  to  enter 
once  more  upon  a  general  war.  The  departure  of  Bonaparte 
seemed  to  offer  them  a  good  opportunity,  and  pretexts  were 
not  wanting  for  the  formation  of  a  new  coalition  against 
France.  The  English  ministry  understood  this  attitude  of 
the  Continental  powers,  and  their  emissaries  were  busy  in  all 
the  Courts  of  Europe.  The  Directors  knew  of  these  efforts 
of  Pitt  and  did  their  best  to  counteract  them.  The  keynote 
of  the  French  policy  was,  as  it  had  always  been,  to  make  an 
ally  of  Prussia.  For  this  purpose  Sieyes,  who,  though  not  in 
office,  was  probably  the  most  influential  man  in  France, 
obtained  his  nomination  to  a  special  embassy  to  Berlin.  He 
hoped  by  mixed  measures  of  conciliation  and  of  menace 
to  induce  Frederick  William  in.  of  Prussia,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded his  father  in  November  1797,  to  enter  into  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance.  But  that  monarch,  in  spite  of  the^ 
weakness  of  his  personal  character,  had  absolutely  determined 
to  maintain  his  father's  policy  of  strict  neutrality,  and  neither 
the  arguments  of  Sieyes  nor  those  of  Mr.  Thomas  Grcnville, 
the  brother  of  the  English  Foreign  Minister,  could  induce 
him  to  swerve  from  it  in  either  direction.  The  efforts  of 
England  were  crowned  with  more  success  at  Vienna  and 
St.  Petersburg.  The  Emperor  Francis,  and  still  more  the 
Austrian  people,  were  profoundly  disgusted  by  the  triumphs  of 
the  French,  and  flattered  themselves  that  their  defeats  had  been 
due  to  the  genius  of  Bonaparte  more  than  to  the  valour  of  the 
French  soldiers.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Canipo- 
Formio,  Bonaparte  had,  without  consulting  the  Directory, 
nominated  General  Bernadotte  to  be  tlie  J'lench  Ambassador 
at  Vienna.  The  Austrian  people  took  this  appointment  as 
an  insult;  Bernadotte,   though  well  received  by  the  Emijeror 


198  European  History,  1 797-1 799 

and  his  ministers,  soon  found  that  he  was  most  unpopular  in 
Vienna,  and  on  the  13th  of  April  1798  the  Viennese  mob 
collected  in  front  of  the  French  Embassy,  insulted  the  ambas- 
sador, and  tore  down  the  insignia  of  the  French  RepubHc. 
In  spite  of  this  insult  the  Directors  did  not  at  once  declare 
war  against  Austria,  but  it  afforded  a  pretext  for  dwelling  on 
the  inborn  hatred  of  the  Austrians  for  the  French  in  their  pro- 
clamations to  the  French  people.  Since  such  was  the  dis- 
position of  the  Austrian  people,  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  the 
English  envoy  was  heartily  welcomed  at  Vienna.  At  St. 
Petersburg  the  application  of  Pitt  for  armed  help  was  favour- 
ably received.  The  Emperor  Paul,  though  already  showing 
si'ms  of  the  brutal  insanity  which  was  to  lead  to  his  assassina- 
tion, still  preserved  the  prestige  of  being  the  heir  of  the  great 
Catherine.  His  ministers  were  those  of  Catherine  ;  his  policy 
was  based  on  hers.  But  whereas  Catherine  had  steadfastly  re- 
fused to  go  to  war  with  France,  Paul  showed  a  decided  in- 
clination, which  was  fostered  by  his  generals,  to  see  whether 
the  Russian  army  would  not  be  more  successful  than  the 
Prussian  or  the  Austrian  against  the  seemingly  invincible 
French  republicans. 

The  French  Directory,  though  recognising  that  it  might  have 
The  Helve-  ^°°'^  *°  contend  again  with  the  power  of  Austria, 
tian  Republic,  and  for  the  first  time  with  that  of  Russia,  neverthe- 
Apni  1798.  j^gg  roused  without  any  reason  fresh  enemies  upon 
the  French  frontiers.  Its  greatest  mistake  at  this  period  was 
its  interference  with  the  affairs  of  Switzerland.  For  this  inter- 
ference there  was  no  real  cause,  but  the  Directors  could  not 
resist  the  temptation  of  inflicting  their  special  form  of  republic 
upon  the  Swiss.  The  organisation  of  most  of  the  cantons  of 
Switzerland  was  essentially  feudal  and  oligarchical.  The 
government  of  each  canton  and  of  each  city  was  in  the  hands 
of  a  very  few  families,  and  the  people  were  in  much  the  same 
condition  politically,  socially,  and  economically  as  the  people 
of  France  before  the  Revolution.  The  Swiss  peasants  had 
caught  the  contagion  of  revolution  from  France,  and  in  the 


TJie  Helvetian  Republic  199 

beginning  of  1798  the  people  of  the  Pays  de  Vaud  rose  in 
insurrection  against  the  authority  of  the  Canton  of  Berne. 
This  rising  was  followed  by  popular  tumults  in  other  cantons, 
and  the  peasants  everywhere  destroyed  the  signs  of  the  feudal 
system  and  declared  themselves  in  favour  of  '  Liberty — 
Equality — Fraternity.'  The  popular  leaders  appealed  to  France 
for  help,  and  a  powerful  army  under  the  command  of  General 
Brune  invaded  Switzerland.  The  militia  of  the  cantons  was 
speedily  routed  ;  Brune  occupied  Berne  and  sent  the  national 
treasury  to  Paris,  and  a  freely-elected  Constituent  Assembly 
was  summoned.  This  assembly  proclaimed  an  Helvetian 
Republic,  one  and  indivisible,  with  a  Directory,  two  Councils, 
and  Ministers,  in  imitation  of  the  French,  the  Cisalpine,  and  the 
Batavian  Republics,  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  Swiss  federal 
constitution.  Great  reforms  were  speedily  accomplished  ;  on 
the  8th  of  May  1798  internal  customs-houses  were  abolished, 
and  on  the  13th  of  May  torture  was  forbidden  in  judicial 
processes ;  on  the  3d  of  August  marriages  between  persons 
of  different  religions  were  declared  legal ;  and  eventually  all 
feudal  rights  were  suppressed.  Great  as  were  these  reforms, 
they  were  not  entirely  acceptable  to  the  Swiss  people.  The 
mountaineers  of  Uri,  Schweitz  and  Unterwalden,  the  descend- 
ants of  the  founders  of  the  ancient  Swiss  liberties,  objected  to 
be  freed  under  the  influence  of  French  bayonets,  and  the  cry 
of  national  patriotism  soon  raised  an  army  against  the  French  / 
liberators  of  the  peasants.  The  French  troops  had  to 
remain  perpetually  under  arms,  and  the  Helvetian  Re- , 
public,  in  spite  of  the  popular  freedom  which  it  secured,  I 
was  hated  even  by  the  peasants  whom  it  had  relieved.  I 
The  hatred  for  the  French  name  was  increased  by  the ' 
arbitrary  conduct,  and  it  was  asserted  by  the  corrupt 
behaviour,  of  Rapinat,  the  French  commissioner,  who  was 
a  near  relative  of  Reubell,  the  Director.  The  intervention 
of  the  Directory  had,  therefore,  in  Switzerland,  roused  a  people 
in  arms,  even  though  it  had  been  dictated  by  tlie  best  of 
motives. 


200  European  History,  lygy -1 7 gg 

When  Bonaparte  left  Italy  he  had  been  succeeded  in  the 
Italian  command  of  the  French  troops  which  occupied  the 
affairs.  frontiers  of  the  Cisalpine  Republic  by  General 
Berth ier.  This  general,  desirous  of  emulating  the  successes  of 
Bonaparte,  took  the  opportunity  of  the  murder  of  the  French 
ambassador  at  Rome,  General  Duphot,  to  occupy  the  Eternal 
City.  The  Pope,  Pius  vi.,  fled  from  Rome  to  the  Carthusian 
^,     „  monastery  at  Pisa,  and  the  Roman  people  declared 

The  Roman  -'  '  -r>  i  t 

Republic.  themselves  to  be  once  more  the  Roman  Repubhc. 
February  1798.  (^^j^g^^jg  and  Tribuncs,  as  in  ancient  days,  were 
elected;  the  Directory,  full  of  classical  recollections,  recognised 
the  Roman  Republic  with  transports  of  enthusiasm;  and  General 
Berthier  took  the  opportunity  to  send  large  sums  of  money  to 
Paris.  The  King  of  Naples,  or  to  speak  more  accurately,  the 
King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  regarded  the  new  republic  with  any- 
thing but  favour.  Encouraged  by  English  and  Austrian  envoys, 
and  still  more  by  the  news  of  Nelson's  victory  at  the  Battle  of 
the  Nile,  he  determined  to  attack  Rome.  He  placed  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  of  the  Austrian  generals,  Mack,  at  the 
head  of  his  army,  and,  without  declaring  war,  occupied  Rome 
on  the  29th  of  November  1798.  The  French  troops  for  the 
moment  had  to  retire.  But  Championnet,  who  had  succeeded 
Berthier,  quickly  concentrated  his  army,  and  on  the  15th  of 
December  he  occupied  Rome  in  his  turn.  Championnet  then 
took  the  offensive ;  he  invaded  the  Neapolitan  territory,  and 
he  quickly  conquered  all  Ferdinand's  dominions  in  Italy. 
The  King  fled  to  Sicily,  and  in  January  1799  the  Parthenopean 
The  Parthe-  Republic  was  solemnly  installed  at  Naples.  The 
R°e^^ubiic  *^^°  remaining  independent  states  of  Italy  were 
January  1799.  also  occupicd  by  the  French  armies.  The  one  of 
these,  Piedmont,  was  conquered  without  any  declaration  of 
war  or  any  pretext  by  General  Joubert  in  November  1798, 
and  King  Charles  Emmanuel  iv.  fled  to  Sardinia.  The  other, 
Tuscany,  in  spite  of  the  desire  of  the  Grand  Duke  to  remain 
at  peace  with  France,  was  the  next  victim,  and  on  the  2  5tli 
of  March  1799  the  French  troops  occupied  Florence. 


Renewed  War  between  Austria  and  France      20 1 

The  occupation  of  the  whole  of  Italy  and  of  Switzerland  did 
not  increase  the  military  strength  of  France ;  on  r^^^  Law  of 
the  contrary,  the  proceedings  of  the  Directory  only  Conscription,  i 
aroused  the  most  profound  disgust  and  fear  in  ^  ^^  "  ^^^  ' 
Austria,  Russia,  and  England.  The  Directors  felt  that  a  far 
more  terrible  war  than  they  had  yet  been  engaged  in  was  about 
to  break  forth,  and  it  may  be  assumed  that,  on  the  eve  of  hostili- 
ties, they  even  regretted  the  absence  of  Bonaparte.  Enormous 
numbers  of  soldiers  would  be  necessary  in  a  new  war.  Trained 
and  experienced  officers  and  non-commissioned  officers  existed, 
but  the  difficulty  was  how  to  fill  the  ranks.  It  was  no  longer 
possible  to  have  recourse  to  the  measures  of  the  Convention, 
to  the  levee  en  masse,  and  to  the  appeal  for  volunteers  with  the 
cry  that  the  country  was  in  danger.  The  Republic  had  now 
become  a  military  power,  and  the  question  was  how  to  recruit 
its  armies,  not  how  to  rouse  the  whole  population.  On  the 
19th  of  Fructidor,  Year  vi.  (5th  September  1798),  the  Councils' 
of  the  Ancients  and  of  Five  Hundred,  on  the  application  of 
the  Directory,  passed  the  first  Law  of  Conscription.  By  this 
law  all  Frenchmen  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  twenty-five 
with  certain  exceptions  were  declared  to  be  subject  to  military 
service.  They  were  divided  into  five  classes,  and  one  or  more 
classes  could  be  called  out  by  the  executive  authority  after 
receiving  the  consent  of  the  Legislature.  This  law  is  the 
starting-point  of  the  military  levies  which  formed  the  army 
of  Napoleon,  and  the  principle  of  conscription  was  thus  laid 
down  many  months  before  Bonaparte  became  First  Consul. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  riot  at  Vienna  which  caused 
the  departure  of  the  French  ambassador,  Berna-  Tiie  Outbreak 
dotte.  He  was  not  replaced  by  the  Directory,  of  War.  1799. 
and  long  negotiations  took  place  on  the  subject  of  the  com- 
pensation due  to  the  Republic  for  this  insult.  But  neither 
party  was  in  earnest.  Both  the  French  Directory  and  the 
Emperor  Francis  were  preparing  for  the  contest.  The  first 
overt  act  of  war  took  place  at  the  commencement  of  1799, 
when    the     Austrian    trou[).s,    under    the    command    of    the 


202  European  History,  1797- 1799 

I  Archduke  Charles,  occupied  the  passes  of  the  Grisons,  and  it 
I  was  in  this  quarter  that  before  war  was  actually  declared  the 
first  engagements  were  fought.  In  Italy  General  Scherer  was 
attacked  at  Verona  by  the  Austrian  General  Kray,  and  in 
Germany  General  Jourdan  fell  back  into  the  Black  Forest. 
In  both  of  these  quarters  many  skirmishes  took  place,  and 
eventually  on  the  25th  of  March  1799  the  Archduke  Charles 
Battles  of  defeated  Jourdan  in  a  pitched  battle  at  Stockach. 
stockach  and  ^  fg^  ^^^^  \?i\.Q.x,  on  the  5th  of  April,  Scherer  was 
25th  March  defeated  at  Magnano.  Meanwhile  the  Congress  of 
and 5th  April,  j^astadt  was  Still  sitting,  and  Austria  was  nominally 
at  peace  with  France.  The  conclusion  of  a  treaty  between 
France  and  the  Empire,  which  was  the  subject  of  the  delibera- 
tions at  Rastadt,  was  necessarily  a  difficult  matter  to  negotiate, 
for  it  involved  nothing  less  than  the  entire  reconstitution  of  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  a  reconstitution  which  could  only  be 
carried  out  by  the  secularisation  of  the  bishoprics.  Eventually, 
in  the  month  of  April  1799,  after  the  engagements  of  Stockach 
and  Magnano,  the  French  plenipotentiaries  at  Rastadt  under- 
stood that  it  was  hopeless  to  expect  to  conclude  a  treaty  with 
the  Empire.  They  therefore  asked  for  their  passports  to 
France.  These  passports  were  refused.  As  they  left  Rastadt 
the  French  plenipotentiaries  were  attacked  by  some  Austrian 
hussars ;  two  of  them,  Roberjot  and  Bonnier  d'Alco,  were 
killed,  and  the  other,  Jean  Debry,  left  for  dead.  This  odious 
violation  of  international  law  and  the  rights  of  ambassadors  took 
the  place  of  a  formal  declaration  of  war,  and  roused  not  only 
the  Directory  but  the  French  people  to  the  most  strenuous 
exertions.  Meanwhile  the  Emperor  Paul  of  Russia  declared 
war  against  France,  and  ordered  three  armies  to  be  despatched 
to  the  scenes  of  action. 

The  campaign  of  1799  was  fought  out  in  three  localities, 
_,^   ^  in  all  of  which  the  Russians  played  a  most  pro- 

The  Campaign  .  ' 

in  Italy.       minent  part.     In  Italy  a  Russian  army,  under  the 

^^99-         command  of  one  of  the  most  famous  generals  in 

Europe,  Suvorov,  reinforced  the  Auslrians  after  the  battle  of 


The  French  driven  from  Italy  203 

Magnano.  Suv6rov  forced  the  passage  of  the  Adda  at  Cassano 
on  the  27  th  of  April,  and  rapidly  drove  Moreau,  who  had 
succeeded  Scherer  in  command,  across  northern  Italy.  On  the 
28th  of  April  Suvorov  entered  Milan,and  the  Cisalpine  Republic 
at  once  expired.  On  the  27th  of  May  he  entered  Turin,  and 
after  leaving  besieging  armies  before  Mantua  and  Alessandria, 
shut  up  the  remnants  of  Moreau's  army  in  Genoa.  But  the 
army  of  INIoreau  was  not  the  only  French  army  in  the  Italian 
Peninsula.  Several  powerful  divisions,  under  the  name  of  the 
Army  of  Naples,  were  concentrated  in  Rome  and  Naples  to 
support  the  newly-formed  Roman  and  Parthenopean  Republics. 
Macdonald,  who  had  succeeded  Championnet  in  the  command 
of  this  army,  rapidly  concentrated  and  threatened  to  take  the 
Austro- Russian  army  in  flank.  Suvorov  withdrew  from  Turin 
and  turned  to  his  left  to  meet  his  new  assailant.  On  the  banks 
of  the  Trebbia  a  three  days'  battle  was  fought  from  Battle  of  the 
the  1 7  th  to  the  19th  of  June.  The  issue  of  the  battle  Trebbia. 
itself  was  doubtful,  but  Macdonald,  finding  himself  ^^  "^^ 
unsupported  by  Moreau  from  Genoa,  was  obliged  to  retreat  into 
Tuscany.  Fearing  to  be  cut  off,  he  then  forced  his  way  along 
the  difficult  passage  between  the  mountains  and  the  sea,  and 
joined  Moreau,  after  collecting  every  French  soldier  from  the 
garrisons  in  the  south  of  Italy.  The  retreat  of  the  French 
was  followed  by  an  outburst  against  the  Italian  republicans. 

The  Parthenopean  Republic  was  at  once  overthrown,  and 
King  Ferdinand  of  the  Two  Sicilies  wreaked  cruel  vengeance 
on  his  subjects.  Pope  Pius  vi.  had  been  removed  from  his 
retreat  near  Florence  to  Valence,  and  the  French  Directors 
had  some  idea  of  keeping  him  prisoner  as  a  hostage  in  the 
same  way  as  Napoleon  afterwards  imprisoned  his  successor. 
But  the  old  Pope  could  not  bear  the  sufferings  of  -^^axn  of 
his  imprisonment,  and  died  at  Valence  on  the  2gth  Pope  Pius  vi. 
of  August  1799.  Rome,  deprived  of  the  presence  29th  Aug.  1799. 
of  the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals,  fell  under  the  dominion  of  the 
Roman  nobles,  who  followed  the  example  of  the  King  of  the 
Two  Sicilies  in  persecuting  the  republicans.     Meanwhile  the 


204  Eiiropcan  History,  \  797 -1799 

French  Directory  appointed  General  Joubert,  who  was  beUeved 

to  be  the  best  of  the  former  subordinates  of  Bonaparte,  to  take 

command  at  Genoa  of  the  relics  of  the  armies  of  Moreau  and 

Macdonald.     With  these  soldiers  he  burst  out  of  Genoa  to 

raise  the  siege  of  Alessandria,  but  on  the  15th  of  August  he 

Eattie  of        ^^  '^^  utterly  defeated  by  Suvdrov  at  Novi  in  a  great 

Novi.  battle,  in  which  Joubert  himself  was  killed.     In 

15th  August.  gpjj.g  qJ-  jj^ggg  defeats  the    Directory  refused   to 

believe  that  Italy  was  lost.     A  new  army  was  formed,  and 

placed  under  the  command  of  Championnet,  who,  however, 

was  defeated   at   Genola  on  the  4th  of  November  by  the 

Austrians,  under  Melas,  and  driven  back  into  France. 

While  Suvdrov  was  conquering  Italy  and  destroying  the 
The  Campaign  recollection  of  the  victories  of  Bonaparte  in  that 
Switzerland,  country,  Massena,  who  was  in  command  of  the 
1799-  French  army  in  Switzerland,  was  engaged  in  a 
most  difficult  task.  The  Archduke  Charles,  who  also  had 
under  his  command  a  Russian  army  under  Korsakov,  forced 
his  way  slowly  into  Switzerland,  driving  the  French  before 
him,  and  in  August  1799  left  Korsakov  in  command  at  Zurich. 
The  Archduke  was  then  ordered  to  take  the  bulk  of  his  army 
to  the  Rhine  in  order  to  invade  France.  Korsakov,  abandoned 
to  his  own  resources,  showed  himself  far  inferior  in  military 
ability  to  Suvdrov.  Massena,  with  singular  boldness,  refused  to 
Battle  of  remain  on  the  defensive,  and  on  the  26th  of  Sep- 
Zurich.  tember  drove  the  Russians  out  of  Zurich.  His  victory 
^^  ■  was  won  just  in  time,  for  Suvdrov,  after  defeating 
Joubert  at  Novi,  had  determined,  in  spite  of  the  terrible  weather, 
to  cross  the  Alps.  It  was  on  the  24th  of  September,  two  days 
before  Massena's  victory  at  Zurich,  that  the  main  Russian 
army  arrived  at  the  summit  of  the  St.  Gothard  Pass.  General 
Lecourbe,  one  of  the  finest  mountain  generals  of  his  day, 
occupied  the  St.  Gothard,  and  with  a  few  battalions  kept  the 
whole  Russian  army  at  bay.  Suvdrov  nevertheless  persevered 
and  hoped  to  turn  Massena's  flank.  But  it  was  several  weeks 
before  he  could  reach  the  village  of  Altdorf.     Being  unable  to 


The  Campaign  of  1 799  in  Holland  205 

find  boats  to  cross  the  lake,  he  had  now  to  retreat,  and  when 
he  reached  the  Grisons  his  army  was  practically  destroyed  by 
starvation  and  the  stress  of  the  weather.  Massena,  thus  relieved 
of  his  most  formidable  enemies,  took  possession  of  Constance, 
and  by  threatening  the  flank  of  the  Archduke  Charles  forced 
the  main  Austrian  army  to  fall  back  to  the  Danube. 

The  third  campaign  of  1799  was  fought  in  Holland.     In 
this  quarter  it  had  been  arranged  that  the  English  xhe  Campaign 
and  Russians  were  to  act  in  concert.     On  the  27th  in  Holland, 
of    August    the    English   fleet   had'    successfully        '■^^^' 
reached  the  Dutch  coast,  and  had  captured  the  relics  of  the 
Dutch  fleet,  defeated  at  Camperdown,  in  the  Texel.    After  this 
operation  an  English  army,  under  the  Duke  of  York,  and  a 
Russian  army,  under  General  Hermann,  disembarked  at  the 
Helder.      General  Brune  was  hurriedly  despatched  to  take 
command  of  the    few  French    troops  in    Holland,  and   co- 
operated with  the  army  of  the  Batavian  Republic  under  General 
Janssens.     The  campaign  consisted  of  a  succes-     Battles  of 
sion  of  fierce  but  indecisive  battles  in  the  neigh-      Bergen, 
bourhood  of  Bergen.     The   English   and  Russians   did   not 
act  harmoniously    together;    the  country   was   unsuited   for 
field  operations ;  and  supplies  were  not  adequately  provided. 
As  a  result  of  the  operations,  though  he  had  not  been  really 
defeated,  the  Duke  of  York  signed  the  Convention  of  Alkmaar 
on  the    1 8th  October,  by  which  he  agreed  to  surrender  all 
prisoners  on  being  allowed  to  evacuate  Holland. 

The  results  of  the  campaigns  of  1799  were  decidedly 
favourable  to  France.  Though  Italy  was  lost,  and  Results  of  the 
more  than  one  French  army  had  been  defeated.  Campaigns, 
the  victories  of  Massena  and  of  Brune  more  than  compensated 
for  these  disasters.  Not  only  had  France  not  been  invaded, 
but  she  had  been  able  to  retain  her  position  in  Switzerland 
and  in  Holland,  and  to  hold  the  whole  of  the  right  bank  of 
the  Rhine.  England,  in  spite  of  the  Convention  of  Alkmaar, 
could  point  to  the  victory  of  the  Nile  and  the  capture  of 
the  Dutch  fleet  in  the  Texel  as  real  successes,  and  J'itt  and 


2o6  European  History,  1797- 1799 

Grenville  did  not  despair  of  ultimate  victory.  The  King  of 
Prussia,  who,  when  the  affairs  of  France  seemed  to  be  desperate, 
had  begun  to  assume  an  attitude  of  opposition,  and  demanded 
the  evacuation  of  the  Prussian  provinces  on  the  Rhine, 
speedily  repented  of  his  indiscretion,  and  made  excuses  for 
his  behaviour.  The  Austrian  ministers  evinced  no  desire  to 
continue  the  war ;  they  resented  the  high-handed  conduct  of 
Suvorov,  and  showed  themselves  more  afraid  of  their  powerful 
ally,  Russia,  than  of  their  declared  enemy,  France.  They 
implored  the  English  government  to  bring  about  the  with- 
drawal of  the  Russian  troops,  and  the  Emperor  Paul  was  only 
too  glad  to  comply.  The  retreat  of  the  Russians  left  Italy 
practically  in  the  hands  of  Austria.  The  Grand  Duke 
Ferdinand  of  Tuscany  was  restored  to  his  dominions,  but  the 
King  of  Sardinia  was  not  recalled,  and  Piedmont  remained  in 
the  occupation  of  the  Austrian  troops.  Genoa  alone  was  held 
by  a  French  garrison,  which  was  closely  besieged  by  the 
Austrians  on  the  land  side,  and  blockaded  by  the  English 
Mediterranean  fleet.  It  was  under  the  influence  of  Austria 
and  under  the  protection  of  Austrian  troops  that  the  Conclave 
met  at  Venice  in  November  1799  to  elect  a  new  Pope. 

The  significant  feature  of  the  campaigns  of  1799  was  the 
intervention  of  Russia.     Mention  has  been  made 

Russia. 

of  the  abandonment  of  the  policy  of  the  great 
Catherine  by  her  successor.  This  change  in  the  attitude  of 
Russia  was  due  mainly  to  the  influence  of  England,  but  partly 
to  the  encouragement  given  l^y  the  French  Directory  to  the 
Poles.  The  restoration  of  Poland  to  its  place  among  the 
nations  had  long  been  a  favourite  idea  among  French 
republicans.  Kosciuszko  had  been  enthusiastically  welcomed 
at  Paris,  and  the  first  of  the  Polish  legions  which  were  to  do 
good  service  under  Napoleon  was  raised  by  Dombrowski  in 
1797.  The  Emperor  Paul  had  met  this  attitude  by  welcoming 
the  pretender  Louis  xviii.  to  Russia,  where  he  lent  him  the 
palace  of  Mittau  and  gave  him  a  considerable  pension.  He 
also  took  into  Russian  pay  the  armed  corps  of  emigres  under 


TJie  Attitude  of  the  Emperor  Paul  207 

the  command  of  the  Prince  de  Conde.  But  fear  of  French 
assistance  to  Poland  would  not  alone  have  induced  the 
Emperor  Paul  to  declare  war.  He  was  particularly  oftended 
by  the  French  occupation  of  the  Ionian  Islands  and  of  Malta. 
By  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio  the  Ionian  Islands  had  been 
ceded  to  France,  and  the  Russians  regarded  this  cession  as  an 
indication  that  the  Directory  was  going  to  interfere  actively 
in  the  affairs  of  the  East.  The  bad  impression  created  by  the 
occupation  of  the  Ionian  Islands  had  been  increased  by  the 
conquest  of  Malta  and  the  expedition  to  Egypt.  Though 
Russia  quite  intended  to  destroy  the  power  of  Turkey,  she  had 
no  idea  of  allowing  any  western  nation  to  share  the  spoils.  It 
was  for  this  reason  that  the  Emperor  Paul  accepted  the  title 
of  Grand  Master  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  which  the  expelled 
Knights  of  Malta  offered  to  him,  and  that  he  occupied  the 
Ionian  Islands  with  a  Russian  force  in  1798.  The  foreign 
policy  of  the  Emperor  was  so  far  popular  in  Russia  in  that  it 
maintained  the  sole  right  of  Russia  to  interfere  in  the  East, 
but  it  was  unpopular  in  that  it  seemed  by  the  despatch  of  the 
armies  under  Suvorov  and  Korsakov  to  bolster  up  the  power 
of  Austria.  Suvorov  and  his  officers  returned  to  Russia  with 
a  feeling  of  respect  for  their  enemies,  but  with  a  feeling  of 
intense  disgust  at  the  behaviour  of  their  allies.  Suvorov, 
indeed,  went  so  far  as  to  accuse  the  Austrians  of  playing  the 
part  of  traitors,  and  the  anger  of  Paul  was  raised  to  its  height 
l)y  the  capture  of  Ancona,  which  was  delivered  by  a  secret 
compact  to  the  Austrian  general  in  spite  of  the  assistance  of 
Russian  troops.  He  was  equally  angry  with  England  on 
account  of  the  failure  of  the  expedition  to  Holland.  Every 
thing  at  the  close  of  1799  conduced  to  make  the  Empero 
Paul  seek  for  a  pretext  to  make  peace,  if  not  an  actual  alli 
ance,  with  the  French  Republic. 

While  these  important  campaigns  were  being  fought  out  in 
Europe,  Bonaparte  had  not  been  idle  in  the  East.  The  Battle 
of  the  Pyramids  had  made  him  master  of  Egypt,  and  though 
cut  off  by  tlie  i'.nglish  llect  from  communicalion  with  iMance, 


2o8  European  History,  1797- 1799 

he  remained  master  of  the  country.  His  internal  admini- 
Campaiffn  stration  made  him  excessively  popular  among  the 
in  Syria.  Egyptians.  He  removed  the  Turks  and  Mamelukes 
^^^^'  from  office,  and  called  on  the  Egyptians  to  govern 
themselves.  But  the  Turks  did  not  intend  to  lose  Egypt 
without  striking  another  blow,  and  a  powerful  army  was  sent 
for  its  reconquest.  Bonaparte  determined  to  meet  this  army 
halfway,  and  in  February  1799  he  advanced  into  Syria.  He 
speedily  reduced  Palestine  and  took  Jaffa,  and  then  laid  siege 
to  the  strong  fortress  of  Acre.  Assisted  by  the  English  sailors  of 
Sir  Sidney  Smith,  the  garrison  of  Acre  made  a  gallant  defence. 
The  Turkish  army  advancing  to  its  relief  was  defeated  by 
Bonaparte  at  Mount  Tabor  on  the  i6th  of  April.  In  spite 
of  his  victory,  he  had,  nevertheless,  to  abandon  the  siege  of 
Acre,  and  on  the  20th  of  May  he  commenced  his  retreat  to 
Egypt.  He  there  found  the  position  to  be  extremely  critical. 
The  Mamelukes  had  reorganised  their  army  and  reoccupied 
Cairo,  and  a  Turkish  army  had  been  disembarked  by  the 
English  fleet  at  Aboukir.  Meanwhile  Desaix,  whom  he  had  left 
in  command  in  Egypt,  had  gone  up  the  Nile  for  the  conquest 
of  the  interior.  Bonaparte  soon  re-established  his  power ;  he 
defeated  the  Mamelukes  at  Cairo,  and  drove  the  Turkish  army 
into  the  sea.  At  this  juncture  he  heard  the  news  of  the  events 
of  the  campaigns  in  Europe,  and,  what  affected  him  more,  of 
tlie  course  of  politics  at  Paris.  He  determined,  therefore,  to 
return  to  France,  and  leaving  Kleber  in  command  in  Egypt, 
he  set  sail  with  a  few  personal  friends.  The  ship  on  which  he 
•  embarked  escaped  the  English  cruisers,  and  he  landed  at 
Frejus  on  the  9th  of  October  1799  after  a  perilous  voyage  of 
forty-seven  days. 

The  varying  issues  of  the  campaigns  of  1799  had  profoundly 
Quarrel  be-  afifccted  the  situation  of  the  Directors,  and  the  dis- 
tween  the        astcrs  in  Italy  had  turned  the  hopes  both  of  the 

Councils  and  •'  r  "- 

the  Directory,  army  and  of  the  French  people  towards  Bonaparte. 
At  the  annual  change  in  the  composition  of  the  Directory 
and  the  Councils  which  took  place  in   1799  a  considerable 


Revohition  of  ^oth  Prairial,  Year  vii.  209 

alteration  had  been  made.  The  new  third  of  the  Councils 
consisted  almost  entirely  of  men  who,  without  being  either 
Jacobins  or  Clichians,  longed  to  see  the  establishment  of  a 
strong  government  in  order  to  secure  peace.  The  Directory, 
which  had  seemed  so  strong  after  the  revolution  of  the  i8th 
of  Fructidor,  had  been  considerably  weakened  by  the  be- 
haviour of  the  Directors  themselves.  The  election  of  none 
but  civilians  to  the  highest  offices  in  the  State  was  disliked  by 
the  army,  and  the  characters  of  the  Directors  themselves  had 
suffered.  Reubell  was  the  Director  designed  by  lot  to  retire 
in  May  1799  ;  he  was  perhaps  the  ablest  and  most  experienced 
of  them  all,  but  had  been  discredited  by  the  bad  conduct  of 
his  relative,  Rapinat,  in  Switzerland.  Sieyes  was  elected  to 
succeed  Reubell.  This  choice,  and  the  acceptance  of  Sieyes, 
testified  to  a  new  condition  of  affairs.  The  former  abbe  might 
have  been  a  Director  on  at  least  two  former  occasions,  in 
1795  and  1798,  and  his  acceptance  at  this  juncture  was  very 
significant.  He  had  failed  in  his  embassy  at  Berlin  to  induce 
the  new  King  of  Prussia  to  become  the  active  ally  of  France, 
and  had  been  convinced  by  his  diplomatic  experiences  that  the 
government  of  France  must  become  frankly  military,  since  the 
monarchical  powers  of  Europe  would  not  accept  the  possibility 
of  a  peaceable  French  Republic.  From  an  internal  point  of 
view  the  acceptance  of  Sieyes  indicated  an  increase  of  power 
for  the  Legislature,  of  which  he  was  the  idol. 

The  election  of  Sieyes  was  followed  by  a  bloodless  revolu- 
tion. He  maintained  that  the  failure  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  Year  in.  was  due  to  the  usurpation  of  the  functions  of 
the  Legislature  by  the  Directory,  and,  therefore,  when  the 
Councils  declared  Treilhard  and  Merlin  of  Douai  to  have  been 
illegally  chosen  Directors,  and  called  for  the  resignation  of 
RevelHere-Lepeaux,  they  found  a  powerful  ally  in  Sieyes.  The 
attacked  Directors  yielded  without  a  struggle,  and  Revolution  of 
on  30th  Prairial,  Year  vii.  (18th  June  1799),  they  ^"glbjune'"*' 
were  replaced  by  three  personal  friends  of  Sieyes,  1799). 
Gohier,  Roger  Ducos,  and  General  Moulin.      Ibarras  was  thus 

PERIOD  VII.  o 


210  European  History,  1797- 1799 

the  only  member  left  of  the  original  Directory.  The  Councils, 
not  satisfied  with  this  victory,  began  to  usurp  the  executive 
functions  of  the  Directory,  and  a  general  change  of  ministry 
took  place.  The  new  ministers  were  Reinhard,  Robert  Lindet, 
Cambaceres,  Quinette,  Bernadotte,  replaced  on  14th  Sep- 
tember by  Dubois-Crance,  Fouche,  and  Bourdon  de  Vatry, 
who  succeeded  Talleyrand  and  his  colleagues  as  Ministers  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  the  Finances,  Justice,  the  Interior,  War,  Police, 
and  the  Marine  respectively.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  four 
of  the  new  ministers  were  formerly  leading  members  of  the 
Convention.  But  the  administration  of  the  Councils  was  not 
more  effective  than  that  of  the  Directory,  and  the  news  of 
the  disembarkation  of  Bonaparte  at  Frejus  was  received  with 
a  feeling  of  general  satisfaction  throughout  France. 

Bonaparte  reached  Paris  on  the  i6th  of  October,  and  his 
Revolution  of  assistaucc  was  sought  by  men  of  all  parties.  He 
(gth  November  ^'illied  himsclf  with  none,  but  there  can  be  little 
1799)  doubt  that  he  took  the  advice  mainly  of  Talley- 

rand, Fouche,  and  Sieyes.  Nevertheless  he  did  not  repulse 
the  leaders  of  the  Councils,  and  to  show  their  attachment  for 
him  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  on  the  2 2d  of  October 
1799,  elected  his  brother  Lucien  Bonaparte  to  be  their  pre- 
sident, and  the  whole  Legislature  gave  him  a  grand  banquet 
on  6th  November.  The  first  stage  of  the  revolution  of 
Brumaire  was  a  decree  by  which  the  Council  of  Ancients,  or 
rather  certain  of  its  members,  who  had  been  initiated  into  the 
project  of  a  coup  ductal,  taking  advantage  of  a  clause  in  the 
Constitution  applicable  to  circumstances  of  popular  agitation, 
resolved  in  the  early  morning  of  the  i8th  Brinnaire,  Year  viii. 
(9th  November  1799),  that  the  two  Councils  should  leave  Paris 
and  meet  at  Saint-Cloud  ;  and  the  execution  of  this  decree  was 
intrusted  to  General  Bonaparte.  In  the  palace  of  Saint-Cloud 
it  was  easy  to  surround  the  legislators  by  a  body  of  troops 
faithful  to  Bonaparte,  since  the  command  of  the  troops  in 
Paris  was  in  the  hands  of  one  of  his  friends.  General  Lefebvre, 
who  was  discontented  at  not  having  been  elected  a  Director 


Revolution  of  i  %th  Bruinaire  2 1 1 

instead  of  Moulin.  Sieyes  and  Roger  Ducos,  who  were  in  the 
plot,  at  once  declared  their  resignations ;  Barras  was  induced 
to  acquiesce ;  and  the  other  two  Directors  were  guarded  as 
prisoners  in  the  palace  of  the  Luxembourg  by  General  Moreau. 
On  the  following  morning,  the  19th  of  Brumaire,  Bonaparte 
entered  the  Councils,  escorted  by  soldiers ;  the  Ancients 
listened  to  him  quietly ;  but  the  Five  Hundred  were  in  a 
tumult ;  a  proposal  was  made  to  declare  the  general  and  his 
supporters  hors  la  lot  or  outlaws ;  and  after  a  stormy  scene  the 
deputies  were  driven  from  the  hall  by  the  grenadiers.  In 
the  evening  a  few  deputies,  who  were  in  the  secret  of  the 
general's  plans,  met  and  decreed  the  suppression  of  the 
Directory  and  the  creation  of  a  provisional  government,  con- 
sisting of  three  Consuls.  The  three  men  chosen  for  this  office 
were  Bonaparte,  Sieyes,  and  Roger  Ducos.  Commissions  were 
appointed  to  revise  the  Constitution  and  to  draw  up  with  the 
Consuls  new  fundamental  laws  for  the  Republic.  By  this 
revolution  Bonaparte  practically  became  ruler  of  France,  for 
Sieyes  had  no  influence  with  the  army,  and  Roger  Ducos  no 
influence  with  anybody.  It  was  a  military  revolution  like 
that  of  the  iSth  Fructidor;  it  was  a  I)loodless  revolution  like 
that  of  the  i8th  Fructidor;  but  it  differed  in  that,  instead  of 
establishing  the  power  of  five  men,  it  established  the  power  of 
one.  And  that  one  man  was  the  idol  of  the  army,  and  generally 
acknowledged  to  be  the  greatest  general  of  France.  The 
preponderance  of  Bonaparte  was  quickly  recognised  by  his 
colleagues.  'Who  shall  preside?'  said  Sieyes  at  the  first 
meeting  of  the  provisional  Consuls  on  20th  Brumaire.  '  Do 
you  not  see  that  the  general  is  in  the  chair?'  replied  Roger 
Ducos.  And  Sieyes,  who  was  the  chief  epigram  maker  as 
well  as  the  constitution-monger  of  the  Revolution,  is  said  to 
have  summed  up  the  situation  with  the  remark  to  his  friends 
on  the  same  evening :  '  Messieurs,  nous  avons  un  maitre ;  il 
salt  tout,  il  peut  tout,  il  veut  tout.' 


CHAPTER    VII 

1799-1804 

Constitution  of  the  Year  viii.— The  Consulate — The  Council  of  State— The 
Tribunate— The  Legislative  Body— The  Senate— Internal  Policy, of  the 
Consulate— General  Reconciliation — The  Code  Civil— Ministers  of  the 
Consulate— Foreign  Policy  of  the  Consulate— Russia— Prussia— The  Pope 
— Campaign  of  Marengo — Campaign  of  Hohenlinden — Winter  Campaign 
of  Moreau  and  Macdonald— The  Treaty  of  Luneville— Arrangements  in 
Italy— Policy  and  Murder  of  the  Emperor  Paul  of  Russia — The  Neutral 
League  of  the  North — Battle  of  Copenhagen— War  between  Spain  and 
Portugal— Treaty  of  Badajoz— Campaign  of  1801  in  Egypt — Peace  of 
Amiens  between  England  and  France— Reconstitution  of  Germany- 
Secularisation  of  the  German  ecclesiastical  dominions — Reconstitution  of 
Switzerland— Concordat  between  the  Pope  and  Bonaparte— Internal 
Organisation  of  France  under  the  Consulate — The  new  Departments — 
Annexation  of  Piedmont — The  Prefectures— System  of  National  Educa- 
tion— Constitutional  Changes  in  France — Bonaparte  First  Consul  for 
life— Recommencement  of  War  between  England  and  France — Causes- 
Position  of  Affairs  on  the  Continent— Plot  of  Pichegru  and  Cadoudal— 
Execution  of  the  Due  d'Enghien — Bonaparte  becomes  Emperor  of  the 
French— Francis  II.  resigns  the  title  of  Holy  Roman  Emperor  for  that  of 
Emperor  of  Austria. 

The  revolution  of  the  i8th  of  Brumaire  had  placed  supreme 
The  constitu-  powcr  in  the  hands  of  Bonaparte ;  that  power  was 
tion  of  the  specdily  legalised  and  defined  in  the  Constitution 
Year  VIII.        ^^  ^j^^  y^^^.  ^^^^     rpj^^  chief  political  problem  was 

once  more  how  to  regulate  the  relation  between  the  legislative 
and  executive  authorities.  The  Constitution  of  179 1,  and  still 
more  that  of  1793,  had  entirely  subordinated  the  executive  to 
the  legislative  authority;  the  Constitution  of  the  Year  in. 
(1795)  had  endeavoured  to  co-ordinate  them;  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Year  viii,  (1799)  entirely  subordinated  the  legisla- 
tive to  the  executive.  It  fell  once  more  to  Sieyes,  one  of  the 
212 


The  Consulate  213 

principal  authors  of  the  Constitutions  of  1791  and  1795,  as 
Second  Provisional  Consul,  to  define  the  new  arrangements. 
His  attempt  at  co-ordinating  the  two  powers  in  the  State  in 
1795  had  failed  in  its  operation:  as  was  inevitable,  the  two 
authorities  declined  to  preserve  their  legal  relations  to  each 
other.  On  the  i8th  of  Fructidor,  Year  v,  (4th  September 
1797),  the  executive  in  the  form  of  the  Directory  had  usurped 
and  partially  destroyed  the  power  of  the  Legislature,  and  on 
the  30th  of  Prairial,  Year  vii.{(i8th  of  June  1799)  the  Legisla- 
ture had  acted  in  the  same  way  towards  the  executive.  By 
the  Constitution  of  the  Year  viii.,  therefore,  the  executive 
power  was  frankly  acknowledged  to  be  supreme.  In  its  details 
it  was  entirely  the  work  of  Sieyes,  though  his  main  idea — the 
appointment  of  a  Grand  Elector  who  should  nominate  to  fill 
all  offices,  but  should  exercise  no  power — was  rejected  by 
Bonaparte.  The  new  Constitution  was  soon  ready  ;  it  was 
submitted  to  the  primary  assemblies  of  the  people  on  thei 
14th  December  1799,  and  was  accepted  by  them  by  3,011,107  ^ 
votes  against  1567,  and  was  officially  proclaimed  on  the  24th  j 
of  December. 

The  keystone  of  the  new  Constitution  was  the  Consulate.  / 
There  were  to  be  three  Consuls  nominated  for  The  I 
ten  years,  but  these  officials  were  not  to  be  equal  Consulate.  I 
in  authority,  as  had  been  the  case  with  the  Directors.  On  thef 
contrary,  the  First  Consul  was  to  be  perpetual  president 
and  perpetual  representative  of  the  governing  triumvirate. 
All  administrative  power  was  placed  in  his  hands,  and  the 
Second  and  Third  Consuls  were  little  more  than  his  chief 
assistants.  The  Consuls  acting  together  nominated  the 
Ministers,  and  also  the  Council  of  State,  which  was  intended 
to  be  at  the  same  time  an  administrative  tribunal  of  appeal, 
and  the  originating  source  in  matters  of  legislation. 

In  the  work  of  legislation  the  Council  of  State  was  supple- 
mented by  the   Tribunate  and  the  Legislative  The 
Body.    All  laws  prepared  by  the  Council  of  State     Legislature, 
were  first  submitted  to  the  Tribunate,  which  was  composed 


214  Eii7'opean  History^  1799- 1804 

of  one  hundred  members.  The  Tribunate  could  neither 
reject  nor  amend  a  law,  but  decided  whether  to  support  or 
oppose  the  project  before  the  Legislative  Body.  The  Legis- 
lative Body  consisted  of  three  hundred  deputies  chosen  by 
certain  electoral  assemblies  formed  by  a  complicated  scheme 
out  of  the  taxpayers  of  the  departments.  By  this  scheme,  after 
three  series  of  elections,  what  was  termed  a  '  National  List ' 
was  drawn  up.  From  this  national  list  the  Senate  chose  the 
members  both  of  the  Legislative  Body  and  the  Tribunate. 
The  Legislative  Body  alone  voted  the  taxes.  In  legislative 
matters  it  played  the  part  of  a  national  jury,  listening  to  the 
arguments  for  or  against  brought  forward  by  the  Tribunate  on 
every  project  prepared  by  the  Council  of  State,  and  deciding 
in  every  case  without  discussion.  The  Legislative  Body  alone 
could  give  a  project  of  the  Council  of  State  the  character  of  a 
law.  The  Senate  was  composed  of  eighty  members  nominated 
for  life  by  the  Consuls.  Its  duties  were  to  choose  the  members 
of  the  Tribunate  and  Legislative  Body  from  the  National  List, 
and  to  decide  whether  any  law  or  measure  of  the  government 
was  contrary  to  the  Constitution.  If  it  decided  that  such  law 
or  measure  was  unconstitutional  it  had  the  authority  to  annul  it. 
The  Consulate  was  composed  of  Bonaparte  as  First  Consul, 
,  ,       ,         with   Cambaceres   and    Le   Brun,   both   famous 

Internal  ' 

Policy  of  the  jurists,  as  his  associates.  Their  policy  was  one 
onsu  ate.  ^^  general  reconciliation.  The  individuals  de- 
ported after  the  revolution  of  the  iSth  of  Fructidor  were 
allowed  to  return  to  France  if  they  had  not,  like  Pichegru, 
become  declared  royalists.  They  were  even  taken  into 
favour  ;  while  Carnot  was  appointed  Minister  of  War,  Portalis 
and  Barbe-Marbois  were  nominated  to  the  Council  of  State. 
The  lists  of  emigration  were  closed  ;  no  longer  could  persons 
be  declared  to  have  emigrated  on  mere  suspicion,  and  the  First 
Consul,  as  an  administrative  measure,  annulled  the  decrees 
excluding  relations  of  hnigrcs  and  former  nobles  from  fill- 
ing executive  offices.  More  than  150,000  emigres  were 
also   allowed   to  return,  mostly  priests,  who  were  no  longer 


hitcrnnl  Reforms  in  France  215 

regarded  as  rebels,  and  who,  whether  they  had  taken  the  oath  to 
observe  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy  or  not,  were  allowed 
to  resume  their  sacred  functions  on  simply  promising  to  obey 
the  new  Constitution  of  the  State.  The  Consulate  did  even 
more  than  this  for  the  cause  of  religion  ;  many  churches  which 
had  been  appropriated  for  civil  purposes  were  restored  to  their 
original  uses.  Brigandage  was  sternly  put  down,  and  Bona- 
parte, at  last,  pacified  La  Vendee  by  negotiating  a  treaty  of 
amnesty  with  the  remaining  Vendean  leaders  at  Montlugon, 
on  the  17th  of  January  1800.  A  special  effort  was  made  to 
put  the  finances  in  order,  and  Gaudin,  who  held  office  as 
Minister  of  the  Finances  throughout  the  Consulate  and  the 
Empire,  first  proved  his  extraordinary  powers.  His  financial 
reforms  may  be  roughly  summed  up  by  the  mention  of  his 
two  most  important  measures.  The  decrees  of  the  Directory 
in  favour  of  forced  loans  from  the  rich,  which  had  been  arbi- 
trarily and  unfairly  carried  out,  were  abrogated  and  replaced 
by  a  general  income-tax  of  twenty-five  per  cent.  This  esta- 
blished a  degree  of  security  which  counterbalanced  the  heavi- 
ness of  the  taxation  imposed.  The  second  measure  was  the 
appointment  of  receivers'-general  of  taxes  in  every  department. 
These  men  had  to  give  heavy  security,  and  were  allowed  a  fair 
measure  of  profit  in  the  form  of  a  percentage  on  what  they 
collected.  They  were  strictly  supervised,  and  the  scandalous 
dilapidations  which  had  signalised  the  period  of  the  Directory 
were  made  impossible.  Further,  in  order  to  secure  the  support 
of  the  capitalists,  the  Bank  of  France  was  founded  under  the 
guarantee  of  the  State.  Finally,  the  First  Consul  decided  to 
carry  into  effect  the  projects  of  the  legal  reformers  of  the 
Constituent  Assembly  and  the  Convention.  Their  labours 
had  made  possible  the  formation  of  a  uniform  code  of  law  for 
I'^ance.  Bonaparte  appointed  a  Commission,  consisting  of 
Tronchet,  Portalis,  and  Bigot  de  Preameneu,  to  The  Code 
examine  the  labours  of  their  predecessors,  and  Napoleon, 
with  their  help  to  draw  up  the  admirable  civil  code,  which  was 
afterwards  known  as  the  Code  Napoleon. 


2iG  European  History,  1799- 1804 

In  no  respect  was  the  administrative  ability  of  the  Consuls 

better  manifested  than   in  the  selection  they  made  of  their 

The        ministers.    It  has  already  been  noticed  that  Gaudin, 

Ministry,  t^g  greatest  financier  of  France,  was  appointed 
Minister  of  the  Finances.  Talleyrand  and  Fouche  once  more 
took  possession  of  the  portfolios  of  Foreign  Affairs  and  of 
Police,  which  they  held  for  many  years.  Their  first  Minister  of 
the  Marine,  Forfait,  did  not  remain  long  in  office,  but  his 
successor,  Decres,  held  that  post  from  1801  till  1814.  The 
same  may  be  said  with  regard  to  the  Ministry  of  Justice. 
Abrial,  the  first  occupant  of  this  post,  gave  way  to  Regnier  in 
1802,  but  he  likewise  remained  in  office  till  18 14.  The 
Ministries  of  War  and  of  the  Interior  were  more  difficult  to 
fill ;  Carnot  soon  resented  the  tone  of  Bonaparte,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Berthier,  afterwards  Prince  of  Neufchatel,  who 
had  been  Chief  of  the  Staff  to  Bonaparte  in  Italy.  La  Place, 
the  great  astronomer,  had  been  appointed  Minister  of  the 
Interior  by  the  Provisional  Government  in  November  1799. 
He  did  not  show  himself  very  efficient,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Lucien  Bonaparte,  the  First  Consul's  ablest  brother,  in  the 
following  month.  He  too  failed  to  carry  out  the  wishes  of 
the  Consuls,  and  was  succeeded  in  1800  by  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  administrators  of  the  period,  Chaptal. 

Of  foreign  affairs  Bonaparte,  as  First  Consul,  assumed  the 
entire  management ;  in  internal  matters  he  laid  down  the  main 
The  External  pnnciples  indeed,  but  he  allowed  his  colleagues 
Policy  of  the  some  share  in  the  government.  He  found  France 
Consulate.  ^^^^  moxQ  at  war,  as  she  had  been  before  the  Treaty 
of  Campo-Formio,  with  Austria  and  England.  But  another 
redoubtable  enemy  had  been  added  in  Russia.  Fortunately 
for  France,  for  reasons  which  have  already  been  indicated,  the 
Emperor  Paul  was  profoundly  dissatisfied  with  his  allies. 
From  an  unreasoning  hatred  for  France,  the  Russian  Emperor 
had  now  altered  his  sentiments  to  one  of  profound  admiration 
for  the  person  of  the  First  Consul.  Bonaparte  was  soon 
notified  of  this  disposition  at  the  Court  of  St.  Petersburg.    He 


Foreign  Policy  of  Bonaparte  217 

sent  his  most  intimate  friend,  Duroc,  on  a  special  mission  to 
Russia,  and  the  idea  was  already  suggested  that  Russia  and 
France  ought  to  be  the  arbiters  of  Europe.  He  offered  to 
recognise  Paul  not  only  as  Grand  Master  of  the  Knights  of 
Malta,  but  as  the  sovereign  of  that  island,  and  promised  in 
every  way  to  forward  Russian  interests.  In  return,  Paul,  with 
his  usual  exaggeration,  declared  Bonaparte  to  be  his  dearest 
friend,  surrounded  himself  with  his  portraits,  drank  publicly  to 
his  health,  and  ordered  Louis  xviii.  to  leave  Mittau.  The 
Russian  ambassador  at  Paris,  Kolichev,  on  behalf  of  his 
master,  proposed  that  Bonaparte  should  take  the  title  of  King 
of  France,  and  make  the  crown  hereditary  in  his  family.  Next 
in  importance  to  the  commencement  of  good  relations  with 
Russia,  was  the  First  Consul's  effort  to  make  the  King  of 
Prussia  his  declared  ally.  For  this  purpose  he  sent  Duroc  also 
to  Berlin.  But  Frederick  William  in.  was  a  different  type  of 
monarch  from  the  Emperor  Paul ;  he  could  not  so  readily  alter 
his  policy.  Personally,  he  too  admired  the  First  Consul,  and 
regarded  him  as  the  restorer  of  order  and  as  a  monarch  in 
embryo ;  but,  in  spite  of  his  admiration,  he  refused  to  comply 
with  the  wishes  of  Bonaparte,  as  he  had  rejected  the  proposi- 
tions of  the  Directory,  and  insisted  on  the  maintenance  of  his 
consistent  attitude  of  strict  neutrality.  The  last  point  in  the 
foreign  policy  of  Bonaparte  is  his  attitude  towards  the  Pope. 
He  not  only  allowed  the  body  of  Pope  Pius  vi.  to  be  removed 
from  Valence  to  be  buried  at  Rome,  but  he  recognised  the 
new  Pope,  Pius  vii.,  although  he  had  been  elected  at  Venice 
under  Austrian  influence ;  he  even  offered  to  restore  him  to 
his  temporal  dominion  at  Rome,  and  promised  to  enter  into 
negotiations  with  him  with  regard  to  the  re-establishment  of 
the  Catholic  Church  in  France. 

With  the  two  great  enemies  of  France,  Austria  and  England, 
the  First  Consul  had  no  desire  to  treat.    Though  The  Campaign 
unable  to  strike  at  England,  owing  to  the  weak-       Marengo 
ness  of  the  French  navy,  he  could  yet  attack  the         1800. 
Austrians  in  two  quarters.    Two  powerful  armies  were  prepared. 


2i8  European  History,  1799- 1804 

the  one  the  Army  of  the  Danube,  which  was  placed  under  th^ 
command  of  Moreau,  and  the  other  the  Army  of  the  Interior, 
soon  to  become  famous  as  the  Second  Army  of  Italy.  Of  all  the 
conquests  in  Italy  made  by  the  French  in  1796  and  1797,  only 
Genoa  remained  in  their  possession.  Massena,  fresh  from  his 
victories  in  Switzerland,  had  taken  command  of  the  besieged 
array.  His  defence  is  one  of  the  most  famous  in  history, 
and  does  no  less  honour  to  the  general  than  his  victory  at 
Zurich.  Bonaparte  desired  to  relieve  Genoa ;  and  he  resolved 
not  to  advance  along  the  coast,  as  he  had  done  in  1796,  but 
by  crossing  the  Alps,  and  descending  upon  Piedmont,  to  cut 
off  the  Austrian  army  occupying  that  province. 

In  the  month  of  May  Bonaparte  crossed  the  Great  Saint 
Bernard  Pass  at  the  head  of  40,000  men,  and  fell  at  once  on 
the  Austrian  flank.  He  was  too  late  to  relieve  Genoa,  which 
surrendered  on  the  4th  of  June,  when  but  few  of  the  soldiers 
were  still  able  to  stand,  but  he  was  in  time  to  close  the 
retreat  of  the  Austrians  upon  Lombardy.  On  the  9th  June 
1800  General  Lannes  defeated  the  Austrian  advanced  guard 
at  Montebello,  and  Bonaparte  then  barred  the  road  from 
Alessandria  to  Piacenza.  General  Melas,  though  not  yet  joined 
by  the  troops  which  had  taken  Genoa,  had  a  larger  army  than 
Bonaparte;  on  June  14  he  forced  his  way  out  of  Alessandria, 
and  drove  back  the  French  columns  which  occupied  the 
village  of  Marengo.  The  battle  was  practically  lost  by  the 
French,  when  Desaix,  who  had  been  detached  to  the  left  with 
6000  men,  fell  upon  the  Austrian  flank.  Desaix  was  killed, 
but  the  vigour  of  his  attack  practically  cut  the  Austrian 
army  in  two.  The  dragoons  of  Kellermann  completed  the 
victory,  and  General  Melas  signed  the  Convention  of  Ales- 
sandria, by  which  he  surrendered  Genoa,  Piedmont,  and 
the  Milanese  to  the  French,  and  promised  to  withdraw 
the  Austrian  garrisons  from  all  cities  to  the  west  of  the 
Mincio.  Bonaparte  then  attended  a  Te  Deum  sung  in 
honour  of  his  victory  in  the  cathedral  of  Milan,  and 
returned    to    Paris,    leaving    the   Army    of    Grisons,    under 


Treaty  of  Luneville  219 

the    command    of    General    Macdonald,    to   follow   up   the 
Austrians. 

While  Bonaparte  was  whining  the  battle  of  Marengo,  and 
reconquering  Italy  by  a  single  blow,  Moreau  was  again  face  to 
face  with  his  old  opponent,  the  Archduke  Charles,  campaign  of 
The  French  advance  was  very  slow.  Fierce  Hoheniinden. 
battles  were  fought  at  Engen,  Moeskirchen,  and  Biberach  in 
May  1800,  and  by  the  close  of  the  summer  Moreau  had  his 
headquarters  at  Augsburg,  and  his  advanced  guard  at  Munich. 
The  slowness  of  Moreau's  progress  dissatisfied  the  First 
Consul,  as  did  the  want  of  success  of  the  Archduke  Charles 
dissatisfy  the  court  of  Vienna.  Augereau  was  sent  with  20,000 
men  to  the  assistance  of  Moreau,  who  was  ordered,  in  spite 
of  the  severity  of  the  winter,  to  continue  his  advance ;  and  the 
Archduke  John  was  appointed  to  succeed  his  brother,  and 
ordered  to  take  the  offensive.  The  crowning  event  of  this 
winter  campaign  was  the  great  victory  of  Hoheniinden,  which 
was  won  by  Moreau  on  the  3d  of  December  1800.  The 
Austrians  lost  the  whole  of  their  baggage  and  artillery  and 
12,000  prisoners. 

The  First  Consul  from  Paris  ordered  Moreau  and  Mac- 
donald to  advance  into  the  home  districts  of  the  House  of 
Austria.     Moreau  accordingly  pushed  along  the  ^. 

*  -'     ^  °  The  Winter 

Inn,  the  Salz,  the  Traun,  and  the  Ens,  driving  the  Campaign 
disorganised  and  discouraged  Austrians  before  °f'8oo. 
him  until  he  was  within  twenty  leagues  of  Vienna.  Macdonald, 
at  the  same  time,  crossed  the  Spliigcn  Pass  in  spite  of  the 
avalanches,  and  penetrated  into  the  Tyrol,  thus  turning  the 
Austrian  forces  on  the  Mincio  and  the  Adige.  On  arriving  at 
Trent,  Macdonald  turned  to  the  right  and  was  joined  by 
Brune,  who  had  occupied  the  territory  of  Venice,  and  the 
united  French  army  marched  upon  Vienna.  Under  these 
circumstances,  with  Italy  lost,  and  Vienna  threatened  from 
two  quarters,  the  Emperor  Francis  sued  for  peace,  which  was 
concluded  at  Luneville  on  the  9th  of  February  180 1. 

The  Treaty   of   rAmcvillc   was    more   important   from    its 


220  European  History,  1799- 1804 

destruction  of  the  old  Holy  Roman  Empire  than  as  the  treaty 
^^   ^  .of  peace  between  France  and  Austria.     From  the 

The  Treaty  of         ^ 

LuneviHe.  lattcr  point  of  vicw  the  Emperor  Francis  once 
Feb.  9, 1801.  i^ore,  as  in  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  recog- 
nised the  Rhine  as  the  limit  of  France.  In  Italy  the  Cisalpine 
Republic  was  once  more  constituted  with  the  Adige  as  its 
frontier,  Modena  was  to  be  compensated  with  the  Breisgau, 
and  Venice  was  again  left  to  the  House  of  Austria.  Tuscany 
was  taken  from  its  Austrian  Grand  Duke,  and  erected  into  a 
kingdom  of  Etruria  in  favour  of  the  Prince  of  Parma,  a  relative 
of  the  King  of  Spain,  and  Piedmont  was  annexed  to  France ; 
but  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  was  allowed  to  retain  his 
dominions,  and  the  Pope  was  restored  to  all  his  possessions 
except  the  Legations  of  Bologna  and  Ferrara.  The  Cisalpine 
Republic  was  reorganised,  and  granted  a  Constitution  on  the 
model  of  that  of  the  Year  viii.,  in  which  Bonaparte  was 
appointed  First  Consul.  The  Ligurian  Republic  was  main- 
tained, with  the  alteration  that  its  Doge  was  nominated  by 
France  instead  of  being  elected.  The  result  of  the  new 
arrangements  in  Northern  Italy  was  that  both  France  and 
Austria  had  a  foothold  by  their  occupation  of  Piedmont  and 
Venice,  with  the  Cisalpine  Republic  as  a  buffer  between  them. 
The  principle  of  secularising  the  German  bishoprics  was  also 
again  recognised  in  the  Treaty  of  Luneville,  and  the  actual 
manner  in  which  it  should  be  carried  out  was  referred  to 
a  special  commission,  whose  conclusions  were  not  adopted 
till  1803.  The  principal  result  of  the  treaty  in  Austria  was  the 
retirement  of  the  minister  Thugut,  who  was  succeeded  as  State 
Chancellor  by  Count  Louis  Cobenzl,  the  diplomatist,  who  had 
negotiated  the  treaties  both  of  Campo-Formio  and  of  Luneville. 
The  admiration  of  the  Emperor  Paul  for  Bonaparte  in- 
Murderof  crcased  daily,  and  it  was  the  Russian  Czar,  not 
the  Emperor  t^g  French  First  Consul,  who  proposed  an  in- 
23d  March  vasiou  of  India  across  Asia,  in  order  to  strike 
1801.  a  blow  at  the  English  power  in  the  East.    Indeed, 

the  English  had  taken  the  place  of  the  French  in  the  mind  of 


Murder  of  the  Emperor  Paul  221 

Paul,  who,  not  satisfied  with  forming  once  again  the  Neutral 
League  of  the  North,  determined  to  send  his  best  troops 
against  them.  The  Emperor's  proposition  was  that  one 
expedition  should  consist  of  35,000  Frenchmen  and  35,000 
Russians,  under  the  command  of  Massena.  This  column  was 
to  go  doAvn  the  Danube,  and  then  up  the  Don  to  a  point 
whence  it  would  be  but  a  short  march  to  the  Volga.  It  was 
then  to  proceed  down  the  Volga  to  Astrakhan,  thence  across 
the  Caspian  Sea  to  Astrabad,  and  then  to  march  by  Herat 
and  Kandahar  to  the  Punjab.  Another  column  was  to  move 
by  Khiva  and  Bokhara,  and  to  invade  India  by  the  north  of 
Afghanistan.  These  grandiose  plans  were  not  entirely  accepted 
by  Bonaparte,  and  the  death  of  the  Emperor  prevented  an 
attempt  being  made  to  see  if  they  were  practicable.  The 
madness  of  Paul  had  steadily  increased  during  his  short  reign. 
His  nobility  disapproved  heartily  of  his  war  policy,  both 
against  France  and  later  against  England ;  his  adoption  of  the 
Neutral  League  and  its  policy  had  done  much  to  ruin  the 
wealthy  nobles  of  Northern  Russia  by  forbidding  the  exporta- 
tion of  Russian  commodities  on  English  ships.  To  the  dis- 
content of  the  nobility,  of  the  politicians,  and  of  the  capitalists 
must  be  added  the  fears  of  the  courtiers.  Even  the  heir  to 
the  throne,  his  eldest  son  Alexander,  perceived  that  the  rule 
of  the  maniac  could  not  be  borne  much  longer.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  particularise  all  the  causes  of  his  unpopularity  \  il 
is  enough  to  say  that  his  behaviour  was  that  of  a  madman. 
Certain  courtiers,  of  whom  the  leaders  were  Count  Pahlen,  a 
Livonian  nobleman  ;  Benningsen,  a  Hanoverian  general ;  Plato 
Zubov,  the  last  favourite  of  the  Empress  Catherine,  and  his 
brother  Nicholas,  and  the  Prince  Jachvill,  determined  to  put 
an  end  to  the  tyranny  of  the  Czar.  In  the  night  of  the  23d 
of  March  1801  he  was  attacked  by  these  conspirators  and 
ordered  to  sign  an  act  of  abdication  ;  he  refused ;  the  lamp 
went  out,  and  the  lMn[)eror  was  struck  down  and  strangled  by 
an  unknown  hand  among  his  assailants. 

When    Bonai)arle   first   entered   office    he    recognised   that 


222  European  History,  1799- 1804 

England  was  a  more  formidable,  because  a  less  approachable, 
The  Neutral  enemy  than  Austria.  Knowing  that  the  French 
North  ^  °*^^''^  navy  was  unable  to  meet  the  English,  he  hoped  to 
1800-1.  counterbalance   the   maritime   preponderance    of 

England  by  a  league  against  her  commerce.  Owing  to  the 
long  period  of  war,  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  solemn 
decrees  forbidding  the  importation  of  goods  into  France,  it 
was  necessary  to  strike  through  the  neutral  nations.  The 
three  great  commercial  seats  of  English  trade  were  the  Levant, 
the  Baltic,  and  Portugal.  The  failure  of  the  expedition  to 
Egypt  proved  that  it  was  impossible  to  destroy  the  EngHsh 
trade  in  the  Levant,  and  Bonaparte  therefore  resolved  to 
strike  in  the  other  two  directions.  Acting  mainly  through  the 
Emperor  Paul,  the  Armed  Neutrality  of  the  North,  or  the 
Neutral  League  of  1780,  was  re-established  between  the  Baltic 
powers  of  Russia,  Prussia,  Sweden,  and  Denmark.  The  real 
intention  of  Paul  and  of  Bonaparte  was  to  exclude  English 
commerce  entirely  from  the  Baltic ;  but  for  the  second  time 
the  Baltic  powers  nominally  made  themselves  the  guarantors 
of  the  rights  of  neutrals.  They  protested  against  the  right 
assumed  by  England  to  search  neutral  ships,  and  to  confiscate 
as  contraband  of  war  all  the  goods  of  belligerent  powers  found 
in  them,  and  also  against  the  prohibition  against  neutral  ships 
trading  between  different  enemies'  ports.  The  Emperor 
Paul,  like  the  Empress  Catherine  twenty  years  before,  made 
himself  the  patron  of  the  Neutral  League. 

The  English  government  naturally  refused  to  accede  to  the 

demands  of  the  Neutral  League,  and  when  the  Baltic  was 

closed  to  them  an  English  fleet  was  ordered  to 

Battle  of  ,,,,-,  rx.,  •      n  1  1  J 

Copenhagen,  force  tue  blockade.  This  fleet  was  placed  under 
2d  April  1801.  |-j^g  command  of  Sir  Hyde  Parker,  with  Nelson  as 
second  in  command.  On  the  30th  of  March  1801  the  fleet 
sailed  down  the  Sound,  in  spite  of  the  Danish  batteries  at 
Elsinore,  and  on  the  2d  of  April  Copenhagen  was  bombarded 
and  a  large  part  of  the  Danish  fleet  destroyed.  This  victory, 
and  still  more  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Paul,  caused  the 


Treaty  of  Badajoz  223 

dissolution  of  the  Neutral  League  of  the  North,  and  Bonaparte 
had  to  adjourn  for  some  years  his  schemes  for  the  annihilation 
of  English  commerce.  / 

In  the  Iberian  peninsula  the  designs  of  Bonaparte  against 
English  trade  were  more  successful.     Spain  still  remained  the 
ally  of  France  in  spite  of  the  sufferings  that  alliance     g^^.^^  ^^^ 
had  brought  upon  her,  but  Portugal  had  hitherto     Portugal. 
Continued  the  faithful  friend  of  England.    Through     ''^°°''- 
Portugal  English  goods  entered  Spain  and  the  south  of  France, 
and  Bonaparte  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  the  neutrality  of 
Portugal.    For  this  purpose,  in  the  year  1 800,  he  despatched  his 
ablest  brother,  Lucien  Bonaparte,  as  ambassador  to  Madrid, 
with  orders  to  negotiate  with  the  Prince  Regent  of  Portugal. 
The  terms  offered  were  that  the  Portuguese  ports  were  to  be 
closed  to  English  trade,  that  special  commercial  advantages 
were  to  be  given  to  French  merchants,  that  French  Guiana 
was  to  be  extended  to  the  river  Amazon,  and  that  a  portion  of 
Portuguese  territory  was  to  be  ceded  to  Spain  until  Trinidad 
and  Minorca  were  recovered  by  the  latter  power.    The  Prince 
Regent  of  Portugal  rejected  these  hard  terms  ;  Spain  declared 
war  in  the  beginning  of  1801,  and   22,000  veteran  French 
soldiers,  under  the  command  of  General  Leclerc,  Bonaparte's 
brother-in-law,   were  sent  to   the  assistance  of  Spain.     The 
campaign  was  a  very  short  one.     The  French  troops  never 
came  into  action ;  but  the  Portuguese  were  twice  defeated  in 
pitched  battles,  and  lost  some  of  their  fortresses.     The  Prince 
Regent  sued  for  peace,  and  a  treaty  was  signed  between  Spain 
and  Portugal  at  Badajoz  on  the  6th  of  June  1801.     Treaty  of 
By  this  treaty  the  city  and  district  of  Olivenza     badajoz. 
were  ceded  to  Spain,  and,  by  a  subsequent  arrangement,  the 
limits  of  French  Guiana  were  extended  to  the  river  Amazon.  \ 
Bonaparte  was  much  disgusted  with  these  treaties,  and  espe- 
cially with    the   continued   refusal  of  Portugal   to  close  her 
ports  to  English  commerce,  and  it  was  many  months  before  1 
he  consented  to  ratify  them.     England  refused  to  recognise 
Portugal  as  an  enemy ;    but  an  English  force  occupied  the 


224  European  History,  1799-1804 

island  of  Madeira,   and   the    East  India   Company's  troops 
garrisoned  Goa. 

When  Bonaparte  left  Egypt  he  was  unable,  owing  to  the 

stringency  of  the  blockade  maintained  by  the  English  fleet, 

to  take  more  than  a  few  companions  with  him. 

Campaign  ^  .... 

in  Egypt.  Kleber,  who,  as  has  been  said,  succeeded  hmi  m 
1800-1.  j-|^g  command  of  the  French  army,  soon  found 
himself  confronted  by  a  powerful  Turkish  and  Mameluke 
army.  This  army  he  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Heliopohs  on 
the  2oth  of  March  1800,  after  which  success  Egypt  again  sub- 
mitted to  French  rule.  On  the  14th  of  June  1800,  the  very 
day  on  which  his  former  comrade  Desaix  met  a  soldier's 
death  at  the  battle  of  Marengo,  Kleber  was  assassinated  by  a 
Muhammadan  fanatic  in  Cairo.  Menou,  the  new  French 
general  in  Egpyt,  was  in  every  way  Kleber's  inferior,  and  con- 
centrated the  French  troops  in  the  two  cities  of  Cairo  and 
Alexandria.  Isolated  entirely  from  the  mother  country,  and 
unable  to  receive  reinforcements  or  ammunition,  the  English 
government  regarded  the  French  in  Egypt  as  an  easy  prey. 
On  the  19th  of  March  1801  a  powerful  English  army  disem- 
barked at  Aboukir,  under  the  command  of  Sir  Ralph 
Abercromby,  and  defeated  the  French  before  Alexandria  two 
days  later  in  a  pitched  battle,  in  which  Abercromby  was 
killed.  Siege  was  then  laid  to  Alexandria  and  Cairo,  and  both 
cities  surrendered  to  the  English  general,  Lord  Hutchinson, 
before  the  arrival  of  a  division  from  India,  which,  under  the 
command  of  Sir  David  Baird,  had  sailed  up  the  Red  Sea, 
marched  across  the  Soudan  desert,  and  descended  the  Nile  to 
Cairo  in  boats.  As  a  result  of  these  operations,  a  convention 
was  signed  between  the  French  and  English  generals  in  Egypt 
on  the  2d  of  September  1801,  by  which  the  French  garrisons 
evacuated  all  remaining  posts,  and  were  conveyed  to  France 
in  English  ships. 

Though  neither  Bonaparte  nor  the  leaders  of  English  politi- 
cal opinion  believed  it  possible  for  a  permanent  peace  to  be 
agreed   to   in  the  interests  of  their  respective  countries,  the 


TJic  Peace  of  Amiens;  225 

outcr)^  of  both  the  English  and  the  French  people  against  the 
prolonged  war  made  it  necessary  for  their  rulers     The  Peace 
to  conclude  some   kind   of  a   truce.      Pitt   had    25th  M'arch 
in    1 80 1   gone   out   of  office,  and   his  successor     1802. 
Addington,  afterwards  Lord  Sidmouth,  declared  in  favour  of 
a  peace  policy.     The  treaty,  which  is  known  as  the  Peace  of 
Amiens,  was  really  nothing  more  than  a  truce.     Only  a  very 
general  agreement  was  come  to,  and  many  essential  points 
were  left  undecided.    Both  nations  needed  a  rest,  and  neither 
government  looked  upon  the  Peace  of  Amiens  as  affording  a 
permanent  solution  of  their  differences.    Many  loopholes  were 
left,  which  were  certain  to  afford  pretexts  for  renewing  the  war 
to  both  contracting  powers,  and  of  these  the  most  notable 
was  the  question  of  the  possession  of  Malta. 

Far  more  important  than  the  temporary  Peace  of  Amiens 
was  the  reconstitution  of  Germany,  which  was  finally  accepted 
by  the  Diet  at  Ratisbon  on  the  25th  of  February  ^^^  ^^ 
1803.  The  Holy  Roman  Empire  which  had  stitution  of 
lasted  so  many  centuries  ceased  to  exist.  The  ^^'""■'^"y- 
ancient  division  of  the  Empire  into  circles  was  abolished,  and 
the  three  colleges  which  formed  the  Diet  were  profoundly 
affected.  Instead  of  the  eight  electors,  three  ecclesiastical  and 
five  lay,  that  formerly  existed,  ten  electors,  one  ecclesiastical 
and  nine  lay,  were  created.  The  Archbishops  of  Cologne 
and  Treves,  whose  states  being  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine  were  absorbed  into  France,  lost  their  electoral  dignity. 
The  Archbishop-Elector  of  Maycnce  was  retained  as  Arch- 
Chancellor  of  the  Empire,  and  he  received  as  his  dominions 
the  Bishopric  of  Ratisbon,  the  Principality  of  Aschaffenburg, 
and  the  County  of  Wetzlar.  The  nine  lay  electors  were  the 
five  princes  who  had  formerly  enjoyed  the  dignity,  namely, 
the  Electors  of  Bohemia,  Brandenburg,  Saxony,  Bavaria,  and 
Hanover,  and  four  new  Electors,  the  Margrave  of  Baden,  the 
Duke  of  Wiirtemburg,  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel,  and 
the  Grand  Duke  Ferdinand,  brother  of  the  Emperor,  and 
former  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  who  was  appointed  Elector 

PERIOD  VII.  p 


226  Enropcan  History,  1799- 1804 

of  Salzburg.  By  this  new  arrangement,  and  by  the  abolition 
of  two-thirds  of  the  ecclesiastical  electorate,  the  majority  in 
the  College  of  Electors  passed  from  the  Catholics  to  the 
Protestants.  In  the  College  of  Princes  there  was  the  same 
result,  for  by  the  secularisation  of  the  Catholic  bishoprics  the 
majority  passed  to  the  Protestant  rulers.  More  sweeping  still 
was  the  alteration  in  the  third  College — that  of  the  Free 
Cities.  Instead  of  fifty-two  constituent  members  of  this 
College  only  six  were  retained,  and  their  maintenance  was 
due  to  the  intervention  of  France.  These  six  cities  were 
Augsburg,  Bremen,  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  Hamburg,  Liibeck, 
and  Nuremberg.  By  these  changes  the  constitution  of  the 
Empire  was  entirely  altered ;  but  still  more  notable  was  the 
change  in  the  position  of  the  various  princes  in  Germany, 
for  the  tendency  of  the  secularisation  of  the  ecclesiastical 
states  was  to  diminish  the  number  of  ruling  princes  and  to 
increase  the  extent  of  their  dominions. 

The  great  war  with  France  had  shown  the  weakness  of  the 

Empire  as  an  organisation,  and  had  also  proved  the  advantages 

to  the  inhabitants  of  the  existence  of  large  and  powerful  states. 

.    „      ,       It  was,  therefore,  the  already  existing  kingdoms 

The  Secular-  .  .  . 

isations  in  wliich  rcceivcd  the  greatest  addition  of  territory 
Germany.  under  the  ncw  arrangements.  Nominally,  the 
secularised  bishoprics  were  intended  to  compensate  those 
German  princes  whose  territories  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine  Ijad  been  ceded  to  France ;  practically,  the  powerful 
states  only  were  increased.  Austria,  whose  new  possession  of 
Venice  in  place  of  the  Milanese  had  been  reafiirmed  by  the 
Treaty  of  Luneville,  only  acquired  in  Germany  the  Bishoprics 
of  Brixen  and  Trent,  but  two  Austrian  princes  received  inde- 
pendent states,  namely,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  Fer- 
dinand, who,  as  has  been  said,  was  given  the  Archbishopric  of 
Salzburg,  with  the  title  of  Elector,  and  the  Duke  of  Modena, 
who  received  the  Breisgau.  Nevertheless,  the  power  of 
Austria  was  greatly  weakened,  for  under  the  old  arrangement 
the  ecclesiastical  electors  and  the  Catholic  bishops  had  always 


Rcconstitution  of  Germany  227 

been  partisans  of  Austria.  Prussia  was  the  country  which 
profited  the  most,  though  she  had  suffered  the  least  in  the  war 
against  France.  In  exchange  for  part  of  the  Duchy  of  Cleves, 
the  Duchy  of  Guelders,  and  the  County  of  Moers,  Prussia  re- 
ceived the  large  and  wealthy  Bishoprics  of  Hildesheim,  Pader- 
born,  Erfurt,  and  part  of  Miinster,  together  with  a  number 
of  abbeys,  of  which  the  largest  were  Herford,  Quedlinburg, 
Elten,  Essen,  and  Werden,  and  several  free  cities.  Hanover 
received  the  Bishopric  of  Osnabriick,  to  which  the  King 
of  England,  as  Elector  of  Hanover,  had  previously  possessed 
the  alternate  nomination.  Bavaria  was  made  into  a  powerful 
and  concentrated  state.  In  exchange  for  the  Palatinate,  the 
Duchy  of  Deux-Ponts  (Zwei-Briicken),  the  Principalities  of 
Julicrs,  Simmern  and  Lautern,  she  received  the  Bishoprics  of 
Wiirtzburg,  Bamberg,  Augsburg,  Freisingen,  and  part  of  Passau, 
together  with  a  large  number  of  abbeys  and  free  cities.  Baden 
received  the  portion  of  the  Bishoprics  of  Spires,  Strasbourg,  and 
Basle,  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  the  Bishopric 
of  Constance,  the  cities  of  Heidelberg  and  Mannheim,  and 
many  abbeys  and  free  cities.  Finally,  the  Duchy  of  Wiirtem- 
burg,  in  exchange  for  the  Principality  of  Montbeliard,  received 
abbeys  and  free  towns,  which  increased  its  population  by  a 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants.  It  is  not  necessary  to  describe 
tlie  various  accessions  granted  to  the  Princes  of  Hesse-Cassel, 
Hesse-Darmstadt,  Nassau,  and  the  rest ;  but,  it  may  be  noted 
that  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the  former  Stadtholder  of  Holland, 
received  the  Bishopric  of  Fulda.  These  changes  remodelled 
Germany,  and  in  the  result  were  most  prejudicial  to  France ; 
for  instead  of  there  existing  a  series  of  buffers  in  the  shape  of 
small  and  weak  states,  France  was  brought  almost  directly 
into  contact  with  Prussia  and  Austria. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  ancient  federal   Holy   Roman 
Empire    was    reconstituted,   the   ancient   federal  ^,    „ 

'■        .  ,  The  Recon- 

Republic  of  Switzerland  was  likewise  reorganised,  stitution  of 
The  reasons  which  had  induced  the  Directory  to  Switzerland, 
intervene  in  Swiss  affairs  still  existed ;  the  revolutionary  party 


228  European  History,  1799- 1804 

which  opposed  the  federal  idea,  and  desired  to  form  a  united 
Switzerland,  remained  in  direct  opposition  to  the  supporters 
of  the  former  government  of  the  cantons.  It  was  essentially 
the  question  of  government  which  divided  the  two  parties, 
and  there  was  no  suggestion  of  restoring  the  feudal  system, 
or  the  privileges  of  certain  towns  and  certain  cantons  over 
others.  The  breath  of  the  French  Revolution  had  swept  away 
political  inequalities  as  completely  in  Switzerland  as  in  France. 
Soon  after  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  Bonaparte  withdrew  the 
French  troops  from  the  new  Helvetic  Republic.  Civil  war, 
as  he  expected,  recommenced,  and  the  Helvetic  Government 
was  driven  from  Berne  by  the  federalists.  Bonaparte  there- 
fore despatched  an  army  to  restore  order,  and  summoned 
the  leading  Swiss  statesmen  to  Paris.  To  them  he  pro- 
pounded a  new  scheme  of  federal  government,  which  was 
accepted,  and  the  Act  of  Mediation,  which  was  promulgated 
on  the  19th  of  February  1803,  established  the  new  Constitu- 
tion, and  recognised  the  First  Consul  as  Mediator.  By  the 
Act  of  Mediation  Switzerland  was  divided  into  nineteen  can- 
tons, each  of  which  had  its  own  local  government  and 
special  laws  and  taxes.  The  thirteen  old  cantons  were  main- 
tained ;  six  of  them  were  democratic — Appenzell,  Glarus, 
Schwyz,  Unterwalden,  Uri,  and  Zug;  seven  were  oligarchical 
— Basle,  Berne,  Friburg,  Lucerne,  Schaffhausen,  Soleure, 
and  Ziirich.  The  six  new  cantons  added  by  Bonaparte  com- 
prised five  territories  which  had  formerly  been  subject ;  the 
Pays  de  Vaud  and  Aargau  were  made  independent  of  Berne ; 
Thurgau  was  separated  from  Schaffhausen,  and  Ticino  from 
Uri  and  Unterwalden,  and  the  canton  of  Saint-Gall  was  formed 
out  of  certain  districts  formerly  belonging  to  Appenzell, 
Glarus,  and  Schwyz;  finally,  the  Grisons,  which  had  hitherto 
been  an  independent  mountain  republic,  was  declared  a  can- 
ton of  Switzerland.  Geneva  had  some  years  before  been  added 
to  France  as  the  Department  of  the  Leman,  and  the  Valais 
was  now  declared  independent — ^a  preliminary  step  to  its  ulti- 
mate annexation  by  France.    The  Federal  Diet  was  to  consist 


The  Concordat  229 

of  twenty-five  deputies,  two  from  the  six  largest  cantons,^ 
Aargau,  Berne,  the  Grisons,  Saint-Gall,  the  Pays  de  Vaud.j 
and  Zurich,  and  one  from  each  of  the  others.  The  Diet  was: 
to  meet  every  year  in  the  capital  of  a  different  canton,  and} 
the  Landamman  of  that  canton  was  for  that  year  the  President 
of  the  Confederation.  The  Federal  Act  once  more  declared' 
the  entire  abolition  of  feudalism,  and  of  all  privileges  of  birth,  j 
etc.,  and  forbade  for  the  future  all  internal  customs-duties. 
Bonaparte  frankly  acknowledged  that  he  would  not  allow  the 
interference  of  any  other  power  in  Switzerland,  and  took  the 
title  of  Mediator  of  the  Confederation  of  Switzerland. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  Bonaparte  desired  to  stand 
well  with  the  Catholic  Church,  and  had  recognised  the  ad- 
vantages of  a  state  religion.  One  of  his  most  The  con- 
important  measures  during  the  Consulate  Avas  to  '=°'''^^t.  1801-2. 
put  an  end  to  the  schism  which  had  lasted  since  the  promul- 
gation of  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy  in  1790,  with 
the  assistance  of  the  Pope,  Pius  vii.  All  the  bishops  elected 
under  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy,  and  most  of  those 
who  had  emigrated,  sooner  than  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to 
it,  resigned,  and  the  leaders  of  both  sections  were  nominated 
and  instituted  to  different  dioceses.  A  new  circumscription  of 
sees  was  agreed  to,  and  France  was  divided  into  fifty  bishoprics 
and  ten  archbishoprics.  It  was  agreed  by  the  Concordat, 
which  was  signed  between  the  Pope  and  the  First  Consul  on 
the  15th  of  July  1801,  and  solemnly  proclaimed  on  the  i8th 
of  April  1802,  after  being  sanctioned  by  the  Legislative  Body, 
that  the  First  Consul  should  nominate  all  bishops,  and  the 
Pope  should  institute.  The  government  of  the  Consulate 
recognised  the  Catholic,  Apostolic  and  Roman  religion  as  that 
of  the  majority  of  the  French  people,  and  ordained  that  its 
public  worshi[)  should  be  carried  on  freely  so  long  as  the 
police  regulations  were  observed.  All  ecclesiastics  were  to 
swear  fidelity  to  the  government,  which  promised  to  pay  a 
suitable  salary  to  all  bishops  and  cures.  In  return,  the  I'ope 
promised  that  neither   he   nor  his  successors  would  lay  any 


230  European  History,  1799-1804 

claim  to  the  ecclesiastical  estates  which  had  been  alienated, 
and  that  all  such  property  should  be  held  the  indisputable 
I  possession  of  its  purchaser. 

The  recognition  of  the  frontier  of  the  Rhine  by  the  Treaty 
of  Luneville  and  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon  largely  increased  the 

Internal  territory  of  France.  The  First  Consul  proceeded 
Organisation,  j.^  organise  the  additions  on  the  bases  laid  down 
by  the  Constituent  Assembly,  Convention,  and  Directory. 
Belgium  was  divided  into  nine  departments.  The  Rhenish 
territories,  including  the  Palatinate,  the  Diocese  of  Treves,  etc., 
were  divided  into  four  departments,  of  which  the  headquarters 
were  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Coblentz,  Mayence,  and  Treves.  Further 
south,  the  Department  of  the  Mont-Terrible,  which  had  been 
formed  by  the  Convention  out  of  the  Republic  of  Mulhouse 
and  the  District  of  Porentruy,  was  merged  into  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Haut-Rhin,  and  the  Principality  of  Montbeliard 
was  united  to  the  Department  of  the  Doubs.  The  Republic 
of  Geneva,  as  has  been  said,  formed  the  Department  of  the 
Leman.  Savoy  was  constituted  as  the  Department  of  Mont- 
Blanc,  and  the  County  of  Nice  that  of  the  Alpes-Maritimes. 
These  were  the  recognised  limits  of  France  in  1801,  and  were 
defensible  on  geographical  grounds  ;  but,  on  the  nth  of  Sep- 
tember 1802,  Bonaparte  went  further,  and  declared  the  union 
of  Piedmont  with  France.  Instead  of  being  amalgamated 
with  the  Cisalpine  Republic,  Piedmont  was  divided  into  six 
departments,  and  the  island  of  Elba  was  detached  from 
Tuscany  and  declared,  like  Corsica,  to  be  a  French  island. 

The  Pre-     At  the  head  of  each  department  a  Prefet  was  ap- 

fectures.  pointed,  to  take  the  place  of  the  national  agents 
maintained  by  the  Directory.  At  the  head  of  each  subdivision, 
now  called  an  arrondissement  instead  of  a  district,  was  placed 
a  Sous-Prefet,  also  nominated  by  the  supreme  executive,  and 
at  the  head  of  each  commune  was  the  Maire,  who  was  also 
nominated  and  not  elected.  Prefets,  Sous-Prefets,  and  Maires 
were  assisted  by  nominated  councils  in  administrative  matters, 
and  appeals  from  their  decisions  lay  to  the  Council  of  State. 


Boiiapaytc  Consul  for  Life  231 

Just  as  Bonaparte  had  built  up  the  new  Code  of  Law  on 
the  bases  laid  by  the  Legislative  Committee  of  the  Convention, 
so,  too,  he  made  use  of  the  labours  of  its  Com- 

Kducation. 

mittee  of  Public  Listruction  to  establish  a  scheme  ^ 

of  national  education.    In  every  commune  which  could  afford    ' 
the  expense,  he  maintained   the  primary  school  established 
by  the  Convention  ;  but  he  feared  to   burden  the  National 
Treasury  with  the  expense  of  schools  in  the  poorer  communes, 
and  preferred  to  leave  their  establishment  to  local  endeavour. 
In  secondary  education,  he  suppressed  the  central  schools  of 
the  Convention,  and  replaced  them  by  twenty-nine  lycees, 
specially  intended  for  the  education  of  the  middle  classes.  ' 
For  higher  education,  he  founded  ten  schools  of  law  and  six 
of  medicine ;    he    improved   the    Polytechnic    School,    and 
started  a  school  of  mechanics,  which  became  later  the  famous  | 
Ecole  des  Arts  et  Metiers.     The  key-stone  of  the  whole  edu- 
cational system,  the  foundation  of  the  University,  was,  how- 
ever, not  laid  till  some  years  later. 

The  great  administrative  reforms  of  Bonaparte  made  him  as 
popular  among  all  classes  of  the  population  as  his  victories 
had  made  him  in  the  army.  Not  only  in  France, 
but  throughout  Europe,  he  was  looked  upon  as  tionai 
the  restorer  of  order  and  good  government.  This  Changes, 
sentiment  appeared  most  vividly  at  the  time  when  a  plot 
against  his  life  was  discovered  on  the  24th  of  September  1800. 
This  plot,  which  is  known  as  the  Conspiracy  of  the  Infernal 
Machine,  is  said  to  have  been  the  work  of  the  Jacobin  party ; 
the  explosion  took  place  in  the  Rue  Sainte-Nigaise,  too  late  to 
do  him  any  harm,  but  it  was  used  as  a  pretext  to  exile  the 
most  vigorous  republicans.  So  great  was  his  popularity, 
that  rumours  were  already  heard  of  making  him  mmiarch. 
The  first  step  in  this  direction  was  taken  in  1802,  when 
the  Council  of  State  proposed  that  the  primary  assemblies 
shouH  be  summoned  to  decide  whether  Bonai)arte  should 
not  be  made  FirsTTTonsul  for  life.  In  May  1802  this  proposal 
was  laid  before  the  people,  and  was  carried  by  more  than 


232  Ettropean  History,  1799-1804 

3,500,000  votes  to  8000.  Some  slight  changes  were  made  at 
the  same  time,  of  which  the  most  imi)ortant  were  that  the  First 
Consul  was  enabled  to  nominate  his  successor,  that  the  lists 
of  candidates  for  public  functions  were  replaced  by  electoral 
colleges  appointed  for  life,  and  that  the  Senate  was  given  the 
right  to  dissolve  the  Tribunate  and  the  Legislative  Body. 

The  First  Consul  clearly  understood  that  the  Peace  of 
Amiens  was  not  likely  to  last,  and  that  war  would  soon  break 
„  ^  ,      out  again  with  England.     He  knew  that  England 

Bonaparte  s  &  &  o 

Colonial  derived  much  of  her  influence  from  her  navy  and 

Policy.  i^gj.  colonies ;   he  therefore  spared  no  efforts   to 

restore  the  French  navy,  and  to  make  France  once  more  a 
colonial  power.  His  first  essays  in  this  direction  were  to  obtain 
Louisiana  from  Spain  in  exchange  for  the  kingdom  of  Etruria, 
formed  in  Italy  for  Prince  Louis  of  Parma,  and  the  extension 
of  the  limits  of  French  Guiana  to  the  Amazon  extorted  from 
Portugal.  But  his  main  project  was  to  restore  the  Freiich 
power  in  the  West  IndiesT  Guadeloupe  and  Martinique  and 
the^Erencb  Antilles  had  been  restored  to  F'rance  by  the 
Treaty  of  Amiens,  and  the  First  Consul  resolved  to  make 
them  the  starting-point  for  the  reconquest  of  San  Domingo. 
This  island  had,  as  a  result  of  the  policy  of  Sonthonax  and 
Polverel,  the  proconsuls  of  the  Convention,  been  entirely  lost 
to  France ;  the  planters  and  other  whites  had  fled ;  and  the 
revolted  slaves  and  mulattoes  were  masters  of  the  island. 
Toussaint  Louverture,  the  leader  of  the  negroes,  refused  to 
hold  any  communications  with  Bonaparte,  and  the  First 
Consul  therefore,  as  soon  as  the  Peace  of  Amiens  had  opened 
the  sea,  sent  an  expedition  of  20,000  men  against  him,  com- 
manded by  his  brother-in-law.  General  Leclerc.  The  island 
was  reconquered  by  May  1802  ;  but  the  victorious  army  was 
practically  destroyed  by  yellow  fever.  Toussaint  Louverture 
was  taken  prisoner  and  sent  to  France  :  but  nevertheless,  as 
soon  as  war  with  England  again  broke  out,  and  the  arrival 
of  reinforcements  was  prevented  by  English  cruisers,  the 
negroes__xQSfi__afres]3_Jinder   new   leaders  and  destroyed   the 


War  hctiveen  England  and  France  233 

remnant  of  the  garrison.     It  may  be  added  that  the  French 
Antilles  were  recaptured  by  the  English  in  1809  and  1810. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Treaty  of  Amiens  was  practically 
only  a  truce,  and  that  many  points  of  interest  to  the  two 
nations  were  left  undecided.  Of  these  the  most  Recom- 
important  regarded  Malta;_  The  English  ministry  ^^t"i"^a" 
positively  refused  to  surrender  this  island  to  the  between 
Kn1ghts-of -Saint  John'; under  tlie  protectorate  of  p"/^'^"'^  ^"'^ 
the  Emperor  Alexander,  which  would  leave  it  at  18th  May  1803. 
the  mercy  of  France.  Bonaparte  demanded  the  evacuation  of 
Malta  with  much  insistance~as  one  of  tlie  conditions  of  the 
Treaty  of  Amiens;  but  the  English  government  in  reply 
pointed  to  the  annexation  of  Elba,  Parma  and  Piacenza,  and 
Piedmont,  and  the  interference  in  Switzerland,  as  also  being 
breaches  of  the  treaty.  The  First  Consul  was  also  very  exas- 
perated at  the  personal  attacks  made  on  him  in  the  irrespon- 
sible English  press.  He  failed  to  understand  that  by  the 
Englisii  law  the  government  could  not  i)revent  the  publication 
of  libels  against  him,  and  regarded  their  refusal  to  punish  the 
libellers  as  personal  insults  to  himself.  The  French  ambassa- 
dor in  London  prosecuted  Peltier,  the  chief  libeller,  before 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench.  He  was  brilliantly  defended  by 
Sir  J.  Mackintosh,  and  only  ordered  to  pay  a  small  fine.  A 
public  subscription  was  raised  to  pay  his  fine  and  costs,  and 
the  First  Consul  regarded  this  as  adding  a  further  insult  to 
the  injuries  he  had  received.  In  truth,  both  governments  felt 
that  war  was  inevitable,  and  in  May  1803  the  rupture  was 
complete.  The  English  navy  began  to  seize  the  French 
tradrrrg  vessels, lind  the  First  Consul,  as  a  jjgprisal,  arrested  all 
the  English  travellers  he  could  find  in  France,  and  ordered 
MortierT<5""occupy  Hanover. 

The  First  Consul  entered  upon  a  fresh  war  with  England 
with  a  light  heart,  for  he  believed  that  she  would  „    .,.       . 

°  '  Position  of 

be  unable  to  obtain  any  allies.  Aiistm  jwas  ex-  Foreign 
hausted  by  The  terrible  wars  she  had  undergone,  ^'^'*"'^- 
and  tlie  State  Chancellor,  Cobenzl,  held  tluil  she  needed  time 


234  European  History,  1799- 1804 

to  recuperate.  Prussia  persisted  in  her  altitude  of  strict 
neutrality ;  Haugwitz  was  dismissed  from  tlie  Secretarysliip  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs  as  being  too  French  in  his  sympathies, 
after  the  occupation  of  Hanover,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Hardenberg,  the  maker  of  the  Treaty  of  Basle.  Spain  was 
Bonaparte's  faithful  and  hopeful  ally ;  and  Russia,  the  most 
formidable  of  the  continental  powers,  inclined  to  his  side. 
The  attitude  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  at  this  period  was  of 
the  greatest  importance.  Educated  by  a  Swiss  publicist  who 
sincerely  loved  France,  La  Harpe,  the  Emperor  of  Russia 
was  inclined  to  admire  the  results  of  the  French  Revolution 
and  the  French  people.  His  sentiments  for  the  person  of 
Bonaparte  were  nearly  as  full  of  enthusiastic  admiration  as 
those  of  his  father,  the  Emperor  Paul.  He  made  the  French 
ambassadors  at  St.  Petersburg,  Duroc  and  Caulaincourt,  his 
personal  friends,  and  wrote  letters  to  Bonaparte  expressing 
his  feelings.  But  the  Emperor's  relatives,  especially  his 
mother,  with  his  ministers  and  his  courtiers,  were  opposed  to 
France  and  in  favour  of  a  close  alliance  with  England,  or  at 
the  very  least  of  the  maintenance  of  strict  neutrality.  England 
practically  commanded  the  Russian  trade,  and  war  with  Eng- 
land meant  the  loss  of  the  only  market  for  Russian  raw  material, 
the  consequent  impoverishment  of  the  Russian  people,  and 
the  ruin  of  the  Russian  capitalists.  Nevertheless  the  Emperor 
Alexander  was  an  autocrat,  and  Bonaparte  counted  upon  his 
friendship  even  though  he  could  not  secure  his  alliance. 

On    the   outbreak  of  war  the  numerous  French  exiles  in 
„.„,,.     England   offered   their    services   to    the   English 

1  he  Plot  01  o  ^ 

Pichegru  and  Government.  It  is  significant  of  the  change 
Cadoudai.  which  had  come  over  the  state  of  affairs  that, 
instead  of  endeavouring  to  raise  a  counter-revolution,  they 
proposed  to  attack  the  person  of  the;  Fjrst. Consul.  The  leaders 
of  the  new  plot  were  Pichegru,  now  a  declared  royalist  and 
partisan  of  the  Bourbons,  and  Georges  Cadoudai,  the  celebrated 
Chouan  leader.  Both  had  the  audacity  to  come  to  Paris  and 
entered  into  relations  with  General  Moreau.     Moreau,  though 


Execution  of  tlic  Due  iVEngJiien  235 

he  resented  the  lofty  position  of  Bonaparte  and  refused  to 
serve  him,  would  be  no  party  to  an  assassination,  more 
especially  an  assassination  which  would  restore  the  Bourbons, 
and  Cadoudal  and  Pichegru  had  to  act  with  the  assistance  of 
certain  French  noblemen  and  some  former  Chouans.  A  plot 
was  formed  to  murder  the  First  Consul  on  the  road  from 
Malmaison  to  Paris,  but  it  was  discovered  by  the  French 
police,  and  Bonaparte  in  terror  ordered  the  gates  of  Paris  to 
be  closed  as  in  the  most  terrible  days  of  the  Revolution,  and 
proclaimed  the  pain  of  death  against  all  who  sheltered  the 
conspirators.  After  some  daring  adventures  the  leaders  were 
seized ;  Georges  Cadoudal  was  executed ;  Pichegru  was 
strangled  in  prison ;  and  Moreau,  who  was  condemned  lo^two 
years'  imprisonment,  was  allowed  to  go  into  exile  in  the 
United  States.  The  French  noblemen  implicated  were  treated 
with  more  leniency,  and  the  lives  of  their  two  chiefs,  Armand 
de  Polignac  and  Charles  de  Riviere,  were  spared. 

The  discovery  of  this  plot  against  his  life,  which  was  un- 
doubtedly fostered  by  the  Bourbon  princes,  made  Execution  of 
the  First  Consul  determined  to  wreak  his  vengeance  ^"^^  ^"'^ 

1  c         '~  r        --i  T>    •  11  d'Enghien. 

agamst  that  unfortunate  family.  Being  unable  to  21st  March 
seize  the  persons  of  the  pretender,  Louis  xviii.,  ^^04. 
and  his  brother,  the  Comte  d'Artois,  who  resided  in  England, 
he  carried  off  a  young  Bourbon  prince,  the  eldest  son  of  the 
Prince  de  Conde,  who  was  quite  innocent  of  the  conspiracy 
of  Pichegru.  The  Due  d'Enghien  was  at  this  time  living  at 
Eltenheim  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden.  He  was  arrested 
tiicre  by  French  soldiers,  contrary  to  all  international  law,  and 
taken  to  Vincennes.  He  was  at  once  tried  by  a  military  com- 
mission as  an  emigre  who  had  borne  arms  against  France,  and 
was  condemned  to  death.  The  sentence  waa.iiaim^diately 
carried  out  in  spite  of  the  demands  of  the  young  prince  for 
an  interview  with  the  First  Consul.  This  execution  was  a 
great  political  mistake.  Bonaparte  expected  that  it  would 
terrify  the  Bourbon  princes,  but  it  reacted  to  his  own  prejudice. 
The  Court  of  Saint  Petersburg  went  into  muuniing  ;  the  King 


236  European  History,  1799- 1804 

of  Prussia,  who  had  at  last  almost  resolved  to  make  an  alliance 
with  France,  began  to  negotiate  with  Russia  ;  the  royal  family 
of  Austria  looked  upon  the  execution  as  a  pendant  to  that  of 
Marie  Antoinette  \  and  the  English  Government  made  use  of 
the  horror  caused  by  it  to  endeavour  to  form  a  fresh  coalition 
against  France. 

Directly  after  this  tragedy,  which  proved  that  Bonaparte  was 
Bonaparte  practically  an  absolute  monarch,  he  decided  to  take 
becomes  upon  liTmself  the  rank  of  Emperor  of  the  French. 

thTrre°nch.  The'~Senafe  offered  this  title  to  the  First  Consul 
i8th  May  1804.  ^^  Saint-Cloud  on  the  i8th  of  May  1804,  and  the 
people  ratified  it  by  a  majority  of  more  than  3,500,000  votes. 
By  the  senatus  consiilttim  which  made  him  Emperor  the  office 
was  made  hereditary  to  his  direct  descendants.  As  he  had  no 
children  he  was  given  the  power  to  adopt,  a  power  which  it  was 
undoubtedly  expected  would  be  used  in  favour  of  his  stepson, 
Eugene  de  Beauharnais.  A  few  months  after  the  Corsican 
soldier  of  fortune  was  declared  Emperor  of  the  French,  the 
last  Holy  Roman  Emperor,  Francis  11.,  resolved  to  rid  himself 
of  what  was  now  but  an  empty  title.  The  new  Constitution 
of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  had  destroyed  the  imperial  author- 
ity by  depriving  it  of  the  votes  of  the  ecclesiastical  members 
in  the  Diet,  and  increasing  or  consolidating  the  dominions  of 
the  principal  German  states.  Francis  11.  acknowledged  the 
rtew  order  of  things.  On  the  nth  of  August  1804,  he  erected 
Francis  II.  the  Austrian  dominions  into  an  hereditary  empire, 
becomes  and  oiY  the '7th  of  December  following,  fivc  days 

Emperor  of  ' 

Austria.  after  the  coronation  of  Bonaparte  as  the  Emperor 

Napoleon  by  the  Pope  at  Paris,  the  last  Holy  Roman  Emperor 
proclaimed  himself  Emperor  of  Austria.  This  then  was  the 
result  of  fifteen  years  of  revolution,  the  disappearance  of  the 
ancient  figurehead  of  Europe,  and  the  creation  of  a  new 
Empire  founded  on  the  power  of  the  sword. 


CHAPTER    VIII 

1804-1808 

Napoleon,  Emperor  of  the  French — His  Coronation  as  Emperor  and  as  King 
of  Italy^The  Imperial  Court — The  Grand  Dignitaries,  Marshals,  and 
Imperial  Household — Institutions  of  the  Empire — Ministers  and  Govern- 
ment—The Camp  at  Boulogne — Pitt's  last  coalition — Campaign  of  1805^ 
Capitulation  of  Ulm — Battles  of  Austerlitz  and  Caldiero  — Battle  of 
Trafalgar — Treaty  of  Pressburg — Death  of  Pitt — Prussia  declares  War — 
Campaign  of  Jena — Campaign  of  Eylau — Campaign  of  Fricciland — Inter- 
view and  Peace  of  Tilsit — The  Continental  Blockade — Capture  of  the 
Danish  Fleet  by  England — French  Invasion  and  Conquest  of  Portugal — 
State  of  Sweden — The  Rearrangement  of  Europe — Louis  Bonaparte  King 
of  Holland — Italy — Joseph  Bonaparte  King  of  Naples-Battle  of  Maida 
— Rearrangement  of  Germany — Bavaria — Wiirtcmburg — Baden — Jerome 
Bonaparte  King  of  Westphalia — Murat  Grand  Duke  of  Berg — Saxony — 
Smaller  States  of  Germany — Mediatisation  of  Petty  Princes — Confedera- 
tion of  the  Rhine — Poland — The  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw — Conference 
of  Erfurt. 

Napoleon's  elevation  to  the  rank  of  Emperor  of  the  French 
only   legalised   in   a   more    striking   fashion    the 
possession  of    power  wliich  he   had   long   held.  ^"^^' 

It  did  not  make  his  authority  any  greater,  for  he  had  been 
practically  the  absolute  monarch  of  France  ever  since  1799, 
but  it  gave  promise  of  permanency,  and  that  was  what  the 
French  people  most  "needed  aftef  the  series  of  successive 
governments  which  had  run  their  course  since  1789.  It  is  a 
mistake  to  regard  Napoleon  as  having 'been  made  supreme 
ruler  of  France  by  the  army  alone;  the  legalisation  of  his 
power  was  even  more  enthusiastically  received  by  the  peace- 
ful part  of  the  population.  The  few  ardent  republicans  who 
were  left  had  been  terrified  out  of  resistance  by  the  wholesale 


238  European  History,  1804-1808 

deportation  of  the  principal  Jacobins  after  the  affair  of  the 
Infernal  Machine.  The  adherents  of  the  Bourbons  were 
equally  discouraged  by  the  severe  punishment  dealt  out  to 
Pichegru  and  Georges  Cadoudal.  Every  section  of  both  the 
military  and  civil  communities  was  ready  to  hail  Napoleon  as 
Emperor.  But  in  the  institution  of  the  Empire  he  appealed  to 
more  than  men's  interests,  he  appealed  to  their  imaginations. 
This  he  did  in  two  ways.  He  created  a  Court,  with  all  the 
magnificent  apparatus  of  the  great  officers  of  "the  household, 
stately  ceremonies  and  ancient  customs,  which  gave  to  the 
people  of  Paris  the  spectacle  of  royal  pomp  which  they  had 
long  regretted.  On  the  other  hand,  he  called  to  his  assistance 
the  most  powerful  engine  for  influencing  the  imagination  of 
men,  namely,  religion.  He  determined  to  be  consecrated 
with  a  ceremony  which  should  exceed  in  splendour  all  the 
coronation  ceremonies  of  the  Bourbons.  He  summoned  the 
Pope  to  France,  and  instead  of  being  crowned  at  Rheims  by  the 
Archbishop  and  Primate,  he  received  his  crown  at  Paris  from 
the  hands  of  the  Holy  Father  himself.  At  the  very  moment  of 
his  coronation  he  showed  a  pride  of  bearing  at  least  equal  to  that 
of  any  of  his  predecessors  upon  the  throne  of  France.  After 
the  Pope  had  anointed  him,  girded  the  sword  of  empire  about 
him,  and  given  him  the  sceptre,  he  prepared  to  place  the  crown 
upon  the  head  of  the  new  Caesar.  But  Napoleon  gently  took 
the  crown  from  the  hands  of  Pius  vii.,  and  after  replacing  it 
on  the  altar,  raised  it  and  crowned  himself.  The  presence  of 
the  Pope  in  Paris  for  this  great  ceremony  following  upon  the 
Concordat,  caused  Napoleon  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  restorer 
of  the  Cathohc  religion,  and  greatly  strengthened  his  position. 
Not  satisfied  with  the  crown  of  France,  he  accepted  that  of 
Italy  also  on  the  20th  of  May  1805,  and  proceeded  to  Milan, 
where  he  placed  upon  his  head  the  Iron  Crown  of  the  old 
Lombard  Kings.  He  at  once  declared  his  intention  of  not 
personally  administering  his  Italian  kingdom,  and  appointed 
his  stepson,  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  to  be  Viceroy  of  Italy. 
It  has  been  said  that  Napoleon  created  a  new  Court,  which 


The  Court  of  Napoleon  239 

was  intended  to  efface  the  recollection  of  the  magnificence 
of  the  old  Court  of  Versailles.  At  the  head  of  The  imperial 
this  Court  he  creat^dji  hierarchy  of  Grand  Digni-  Court, 
taries  of  the  Empire,  who  were  designed  to  form  a  Council 
of  Regency  in  case  of  ne^cssit3^  The  chief  of  them  was  the 
Gra~n  J TEIectbr^  whose  duty  was  to  convoke  the  Senate,  the 
Legislative  Body,  and  the  Electoral  Colleges, —  this  post  was 
conferred  on  the  Emperor's  elder  brother,  Joseph  l]nnapprte. 
Next  ranked  the  Arch-Chancellor  of  the  Empire,  who  was 
the  chief  of  the  judicial  body, — this  post  was  conferred  on 
Cambaceres,  fFTe  forrner  Second  Consul.  Third  came  the 
Arch-Chancellor  of  State,  whose  business  it  was  to  rec_eive 
foreign  aml5assadors  and  ratify  trejlies — this  post  was  con- 
ferred upon  Eugene  de  Beauharnais.  Next  came  the  Arch- 
Treasurer  of  the  Empire,  which  post  was  first  filled  by  Le  Brun, 
the  former  Third  Consul,  and  the  remaining  Grand  Dignitaries 
were  the  Constable  of  the  Empire,  Louis  Bonaparte,  the 
Grand  Admiral,  Marshal  Murat,  and  the  Grand  Judge,  Regnier. 
In  the  same  way  as  the  Grand  Dignitaries  were  at  the  head 
of  the  civil  administration  of  the  Empire,  Napoleon  created 
Marshals  of  France  to  be  the  representatives  of_the_army. 
The  first  marshals  were  eighteen  in  number,  and  included  all 
the  most  famous  generals  of  the  revolutionary  period  except 
Pichegru  and  Moreau,  whose  fate  has  been  related.  It  was 
indispensable  for  the  rank  of  Marshal  of  France  to  have 
commanded  an  army  in  the  field,  or  at  least  a  detached  corps, 
and  the  office  was  surrounded  with  so  many  privileges  as  to 
make  it  the  object  of  ambition  to  every  colonel  of  a  French 
regiment.  The  third  hierarchy  consisted  of  the  great  ofificers 
of  the  Emperor's  household,  who  comprised  a  Grand  Marshal, 
Duroc;  a  Grand  Almoner,  his  uncle,  Joseph  Fesch,  whom  he 
had  induced  the  Pope  to  make  a  cardinal ;  a  Grand  Chamber- 
lain, Talleyrand  ;  a  Grand  Huntsman,  Marshal  Berthier ;  and 
a  Grand  Equerry,  Caulaincourt;  and  most  of  the  first  occupants 
of  these  offices  were  personal  friends  and  former  comrades  in 
arms  of  the  Emperor, 


240  European  History,  1804- 1808 

The  5enaXc  remained  under  the  Constitution  of  the  Empire, 

as  under  that  of  the  Consulate,  the  most  iiiiportant  and  digni- 

.     .  fied  poHtical  body.  It  was  extende3"by  the  addition 

Institutions  ^  -^  ■' 

ofthe  of  thTe  Grand  Dignitaries,  of  the  members  of  the 

Empire.  Empcror's  family,  and  of  those  whom  he  specially 

wished  to  reward ;  its  seats  were  conferred  for  life  ;  but  it  did 
little  but  rnngratulate  the  Emperor  on  all  his  proceedings. 
The  Tribuiijt.-  wj,^  nduicd  to  fifty  members,  and  the  Legis- 
lative Body  was  allowed  to  discuss  laws,  but  only  in  closed 
committees.  These  institutions,  carefully  devised  though  they 
were  to  maintain  a  semblance  of  free  discussion,  were  really 
reduced  to  impotence  by  the  autocratic  power  of  the  Emperor. 
The  Council  pf_  State  became  more  and  more  the  real  key- 
stone of  the  administration  of  France.  It  was  the  one  institu- 
tion of  the  Consulate  which  developed  under  the  Empire. 
But  it  did  not  develop  collectively,  but  rather  as  a  convenient 
administrative  centre  and  a  court  of  appeal  for  administrators 
in  every  branch  of  the  government.  Though  the  ministries 
were  maintained,  they  were,  as  the  governmmi  became  more 
bureaucratic  in  its  form,  and  more  conccntrakd  into  the 
hand  of  Napoleon,  infinitely  subdivided,~and  the  head  of  each 
,"~T~~'     "subdivision   had  a  seat  in  the  Council  of  State. 

Administra- 
tive System  of  By  this jarrangcment  the  Emperor  was  able  to 
the  Empire,  j-ggp  j^  chcck  on  his  ministers,  and  to  prevent  the 
administration  from  being'thrown  "out  of  gear  by  the  death  or 
retirement  of  a  single  man.  Nevertheless,  the  ministries,  as  in 
all  highly  organised  states,  were  of  vast  importance,  and 
Napoleon  was  fortunate  in  the  men  he  placed  at  their  head. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  three  of  the  ministers  who  had  served 
Napoleon's  '^'"^  during  the  Consulate  remained  in  office 
Ministers.  throuj^hout.the  Empire,  namely,  Gaudin,  after- 
wards created  Duke  of  Gaeta,  Minister  of  Finance,  who  had 
several  assistants  in  the  Council  of  State,  of  whom  the  most 
notable  were  Defermon,  a  former  deputy  in  the  Constituent 
Assembly  and  the  Convention,  and  Louis ;  Decres,  also 
created  a  duke,  Minister  of  the  Marine ;  and  Regnier,  Duke 


The  Camp  at  Boulogne  241 

of  Massa  and  Grand  Judge,  Minister  of  Justice.  At  the  War 
Oftice,  the  Emperor  retained  his  chief  of  the  staff,  Marshal 
Berthier,  until  1807,  when  he  was  succeeded  ijy  General 
Clarke,  Duke  of  Feltre;  and  the  various  sections  were  pre- 
sided over  by  able  administrators,  of  whom  the  best  were 
perhaps  Lacuee  de  Cessac  and  Daru.  At  the  Foreign  Office, 
Talleyrand  remained  supreme  until  after  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit, 
in  1807,  when  he  was  replaced  by  Champagny,  Duke  of 
Cadore,  who  in  his  turn  gave  way  to  Maret,  Duke  of  Bassano. 
At  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior  a  change  was  made  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Empire  by  the  retirement  of  Chaptal,  who  had 
held  that  post  with  singular  distinction  throughout  the  Con- 
sulate, and  the  appointment  of  Champagny.  But  this  depart- 
ment was  overshadowed  by  the  existence  of  the  Ministry  of 
General  Police.  Napoleon  abolished  this  ofitice  in  1803,  in 
the  hope,  doubtless,  of  dispensing  with  the  services  of  Fouche  ; 
but  that  astute  minister  was  a  necessity,  and  in  1804  he  was 
again  appointed  to  his  old  office,  which  he  held  until  1810. 

In  the  midst  of  the  fetes  which  accompanied  his  accept- 
ance of  the  Empire,  Napoleon  did  not  forget  that  he  was  en- 
gaged in  war  with  England.  He  declared  that  as  he  had 
crcjssed  the  Alps,  so,  too,  he  could  cross  the  xhe  Camp  at 
Channel.  For  this  purpose  he  collected  a  flo-  Boulogne, 
tilla  of  flat-bottomed  boats  at  Boulogne,  and  encamped 
picked  soldiers  from  the  Armies  of  the  Rhine  and  of  Italy 
upon  the  coast.  But  he  felt  that  it  would  be  impossible  for 
his  flotilla  to  cross  the  Channel  while  the  English  fleets  were 
masters  of  the  sea.  He  therefore  determined  to  create  a  new 
French  navy,  whichj^e  concentrated  in  the  port  of  Brest,  and 
summoned  his  allies,  the  Dutch  and  the  Spaniards,  to  prepare 
fleets  also.  He  kept  120,000  veterans  continually  at  work 
practising  embarkation  and  disembarkation,  and  it  was  com- 
monly believed,  not  only  in  Europe,  but  in  England  itself, 
that  tKeTrvvasTon  would  Ijc  carried  into  effect.  The  army  was 
cquip[)cd  in  a  very  thorougli  fashion,  and  carefully  organised 
as  the  (jrand  Army  under  the  most  experienccKl  generals  in 

I'KRIOIJ  VII.  Q 


242  European  History,  1804- 1808 

France,  and  it  became  one  of  the  most  efficient  fighting 
machines  ever  known  in  the  history  of  the  world,  its  discipline 
being  perfect  and  its  enthusiasm  unbounded. 

While  making  these  preparations  for  the  invasion  of  Eng- 
land, Napoleon  struck  at  other  more  accessible  branches  of  the 
British  power.  In  1803  he  occupied  Hanover,  the  hereditary 
dominion  of  George  iii.,  in  spite  of  its  being  covered  by  the 
Prussian  line  of  demarcation.  In  1804  he  sent  a  division 
into  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  in  order  to  close  the  Neapolitan 
ports  to  English  trade ;  and  once  more  he  threatened  Portu- 
gal. He  also  endeavoured  to  stir  up  a  maritime  foe  to  the 
English  in  the  Americans.  For  this  purpose  he  sold  to  the 
United  States  the  province  of  Louisiana,  which  he  had 
annexed  from  Spain,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  their  alliance. 
I  At  the  beginning  of  1805  his  scheme  for  the  invasion  of 
England  was  ready.  The  English  fire-ships  failed  to  destroy 
the  twelve  hundred  flat-bottomed  boats  at  Boulogne.  It  was 
only  necessary  for  Napoleon  to  be  master  of  the  Channel  for 
a  few  hours,  and  to  have  a  fine  day,  for  his  project  to  succeed. 
Admiral  Villeneuve  sailed  from  Brest  to  sweep  the  English 
fleet  from  the  Channel.  But  he  was  checked  by  bad  weather, 
and  then  by  an  action  with  an  English  squadron  under  Sir 
Robert  Calder.  The  English  did  not  win  a  great  victory,  but 
Villeneuve,  fortunately  for  them,  instead  of  returning  to  Brest, 
went  to  Cadiz  to  repair  his  losses,  and  to  join  the  Spanish 
fleet.  In  that  port  he  was  promptly  blockaded,  and,  with 
Nelson  master  of  the  English  Channel,  Napoleon  dared  not 
set  sail  from  Boulogne. 

While  threatened   by   the    Boulogne   flotilla,  the   English 

Government   did  all  in  its   power  to  raise   enemies  on  the 

Continent  against  Napoleon,     Prussia,  as  usual,  insisted  on 

Pitt's  New  her  neutrality;  but  Russia  and  Austria  werejiot  un- 

Coaiition.    wiUingJo  try  their  strengtlTonce  more  with-JBia4ice. 

'  °^"        The  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia  was  personally 

inclined   to   admire   Napoleon,  but   he  was  induced  by  his 

Court,  his  family,  and  his  ministry,  who  pointed  out  to  him 


Outbreak  of  War  243 

the  importance  of  remaining  on  good  terms  with  England,  to 
sign  an  aUiance  with  Pitt ;  he  was  further  profoundly  irritated 
by  the  violent  scene  which  Napoleon,  as  First  Consul,  had  had 
with  his  ambassador,  Count  Morkov,  and  was  horrified  at  the 
execution  of  the  Due  d'Enghien.  The  Emperor  Francis  of 
Austria  was  even  more  willing  to  fight  Napoleon.  He  had 
spent  the  period  of  peace  since  the  Treaty  of  Luneville  in  re- 
organising his  army,  and  believed  that  he  would  be  more  suc- 
cessful now  that  he  was  freed  from  the  incubus  of  his  position 
as  Holy  Roman  Emperor.  The  State  Chancellor,  Cobenzl, 
was  also  keenly  in  favour  of  war,  for  he  was  a  sincere  believer 
in  the  might  of  Russia,  and  had  imbibed  a  desire  to  please 
the  Court  of  St.  Petersburg,  at  which  he  had  long  held  the 
post  of  Austrian  ambassador.  To  induce  these  powerful  allies 
to  attack  in  force,  Pitt,  who  was  once  more  Prime  Minister, 
did  not  grudge  the  wealth  of  England.  Large  subsidies  were 
offered  both  to  Russia  and  Austria,  which  supplied  the  means 
for  commencing  the  campaign ;  and  strenuous  efforts  were 
made  to  win  the  assistance  of  Prussia. 

In  the  second  line,  Pitt  counted  on  the  assistance  of 
Sweden  and  Naples.  Napoleon's  promptitude  in  invading  the 
latter  country  destroyed  any  chance  of  its  effecting  a  diversion 
in  Italy,  and  Gustavus  iv.  of  Sweden,  though,  like  his  father, 
a  violent  enemy  of  France,  was  unable  to  bring  any  active 
assistance,  while  Prussia  remained  neutral.  A  pretext  for  war 
was  found  in  the  annexation  of  Lucca  and  Genoa  to  the  French 
Empire,  and  the  Au.slri;ins  and  Russians  resolved  outbreak 
to  strike  at  once.  General  Mack,  with  a  power-  of  war. 
ful  Austrian  force,  invaded  Bavaria  before  the  declaration 
of  war,  and,  by  the  occupation  of  Ulm,  he  believed  he  had 
secured  the  valley  of  the  Danube.  Meanwhile  the  principal 
Austrian  army  of  120,000  men,  under  the  Archduke  Charles, 
invaded  Italy,  and  a  powerful  force  of  Russians  kept  close 
to  the  Prussian  frontier,  in  the  hope  of  inducing  Prussia  to 
declare  war  against  France. 

Napoleon,  despairing  of  success  in  his  i)rojected  invasion  of 


244  European  History,  1804- 1808 

England,  resolved  to  turn  promptly  upon  England's  principal 
Campaign    ally,  and  directed  the  Grand  Army  to  break  up 
of  1805.       from  Boulogne  and  enter  Germany.      Mack  re- 
garded it  as  certain  that  the  French,  as  in  the  campaigns  of 
Moreau,  would  advance  through  the  Black  Forest.    Napoleon 
encouraged  his  illusion  by  showing  him  a  few  French  troops 
in   that  quarter.     Meanwhile,  the  Grand  Army  advanced  in 
two  portions  through  Wiirtemburg  and  Franconia,    and,    on 
reaching  the  Danube,  after  violating  the  Prussian  neutrality 
by  marching   through   Anspach,   cut   off  Mack's   retreat   on 
Vienna.      The    Austrian   general  made   an   effort   to   break 
through  the  French  army,  but  he   was.  defeated  by  Ney  at 
Elchingen,  and  surrendered  on  the  20th  of  October  1805  with 
3^,000  men.     The  capitulation  of  Ulm  did  more 

Surrender  >-'^'  ^ 

of  Ulm.  than  deprive  Austria  of  a  serviceable  army, — it  left 

20U1  Oct.  1805.  Qpgj^  ^j^g  j.Q^^|  ^Q  Vienna.  Napoleon  rapidly  fol- 
lowed up  his  success.  He  marched  past  a  united  Russian 
and  Austrian  army,  which  was  quartered  in  IMoravia,  to  influ- 
ence Prussia,  occupied  Vienna,  crossed  the  Danube,  and 
Battle  of  eventually  faced  the  army  of  the  two  emperors  at 
Austeriitz.  Austcrlitz.  On  the  2d  of  December  1805,  the 
2d  Dec.  I  05.  anniversary  of  his  coronation,  the  Grand  Army 
utterly  defeated  the  Austrians  and  Russians.  The  allies  lost 
15,000  men  killed  and  wounded,  20,000  prisoners,  and  189 
guns  ;  and  the  Emperor  Francis  found  himself  defenceless, 
for  his  only  other  army,  that  in  Italy,  had  been  defeated  at 
Caldiero  by  Eugene  de  Beauharnais  and  Massena  on  the  30th 
of  October.  While  the  rapid  campaign  of  Austeriitz, — perhaps 
,  the  most  glorious  of  Napoleon's  military  career, — 
Trafalgar,  was  taking  place,  he  lost_the  navy  which  he  had 
2ist  Oct.  1805.  pj-eparedjvith  so  much  care,  and  which  had  been 
intended  to  cover  his  invasioTT  of  England.  The  French 
admiral,  Villeneuve,  left  Cadiz  at  the  head  of  the  united  French 
and  Spanish  fleet,  consisting  of  thirty-three  ships  of  the  line 
and  five  frigates.  He  had  not  gone  far  when  he  was  met  by 
Nelson  at  the  head  of  the  English  squadron  of  twenty-seven 


The  Treaty  of  Pressbnrg  245 

ships  off  Cape  Trafalgar.  The  victory  of  Trafalgar,  which  was 
won  on  the  21st  of  October,  was  as  complete  as  that  of 
Austerlitz.  The  French  and  Spanish  fleet  was  as"^ntirely 
destroyed  as  the  Austrian  and  Russian  army.  The  allies  at 
Trafalgar  lost  7000  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  Eng- 
lish only  3000,  among  whom,  however,  was  Nelson  himself. 

The  result_£!Lthe_^  b_attle  of  Austerlitz  was  the  Treaty  of 
Pressburg,  which  was  signed  by  Austria  and  France  on  the 
26th  of  December  1865.  The  Russians  had  only  treaty  of 
lost  one  army,  and  their  territory  had  not  been  in-  Pressburg. 
vaded,  so  that  they  were  still  enabled  to  remain  '^^^^  ^^'^"  '^°^' 
in  arms.  But  Austria  was  completely  crushed.  By  the 
Treaty  of  Pressburg^l/enice,  Istria,  and  Dalmatia  were  ceded 
to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  ;  but  Napoleon  kept  the  two  latter 
provinces  under  his  direct  rule,  and  gave  the  command  of 
them  to  General  Marmont.  The  Tyrol  and  part  of  Swabia  were 
ceded  to  Bavaria,  and  the  Elector  of  that  State  took  the  title 
of  King.  The  same  title  was  conferred  on  the  Duke  of  Wiir- 
temburg ;  the  Duke  of  Baden  became  a  Grand  Duke ;  many 
small  German  principalities  were  suppressed,  and,  on  12th  of 
July  1806,  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  was  formed  under 
the  protectorate  of  the  French  Emperor.  England  could  not 
blame  Austria  for  making  a  separate  treaty  with  France,  for 
she  herself  had  been  saved  from  invasion  by  the  departure  of 
the  Grand  Army  from  Boulogne,  not  less  than  by  the  victory 
of  Trafalgar.  The  news  of  Austerlitz  was  followed  on  the 
23(1  of  January  1806  by  the  death  of  Pitt,  and  the  new  English 
mini.str^f_Fox  and_Grcp.viJle,  now  that  the  fear  of  invasion 
was  over,  desiredjo  enter  into  negotiations  with  Napoleon. 

The  overthrow  of  Austria  was  followed  by  the  overthrow  of 
T'russia.  Frederick  William  iii.  had  prided  himself  overthrow 
on  the  manner  in  which,  in  spite  of  many  tempta-  of  Prussia, 
tions,  he  had  maintained  his  attitude  of  strict  neutrality. 
Neither  the  offers  of  the  Directory  or  of  Napoleon,  nor  the 
subsidies  lavishly  promised  by  England,  had  been  able  to 
disturb  his  determination.      The   Prussian    ministry  proudly 


246  European  History,  1804- 1808 

pointed  to  the  fact  that,  while  the  rest  of  Europe  had  been 
torn  by  disastrous  wars,  Prussia  had  remained  at  peace  ever 
since  the  Treaty  of  Basle  in  1795.  She  had  profited  by  her 
peace  policy  as  much  as  France  and  Austria  by  their  war 
policy.  The  rearrangement  of  Germany  in  1 803  had  converted 
Prussia  from  a  collection  of  scattered  states  into  a  united 
kingdom.  She  had  even,  up  to  the  year  1803,  maintained  the 
freedom  of  the  whole  of  the  north  of  Germany  from  the  terrible 
French  invaders  by  the  observation  of  the  line  of  demarcation 
settled  in  1795.  The  northern  states  of  Germany  looked  to 
Prussia  as  their  leader,  and  since  the  destruction  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire  the  Prussian  policy  had  been  completely 
victorious  over  the  Austrian.  The  maintenance  of  the  line 
of  demarcation  was  the  favourite  scheme  of  the  Prussian  King, 
and  as  long  as  it  was  observed,  nothing  short  of  invasion 
would  have  disturbed  his  neutrality.  But  the  occupation  of 
Hanover  in  1803,  as  one  of  the  measures  taken  by  Napoleon 
against  England,  had  infringed  the  line  of  demarcation,  and 
from  that  moment  Frederick  William  in.  inclined  towards  war. 
In  this  warlike  attitude  he  was  encouraged  by  Russia 
and  England,  and  still  more  by  his  own  army.  The  Prussian 
army,  the  creation  of  Frederick  the  Great,  represented  in  more 
than  an  ordinary  fashion  the  Prussian  nation.  Relying  on  the 
recollections  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  and  confident  in  the 
proverbial  discipline  of  their  soldiers,  the  Prussian  generals 
believed  that  they  would  be  able  to  defeat  the  conquerors  of 
the  rest  of  Europe.  With  the  utmost  ardour  the  young 
Prussian  noblemen  shouted  for  war ;  they  resented  the  long 
peace,  and  applauded  the  new  attitude  of  the  king.  He 
was  stimulated  likewise  by  the  hatred  for  France,  which  was 
openly  encouraged  by  his  beautiful  Queen  Louisa,  and  he 
met  with  opposition  only  from  a  few  of  his  more  experienced 
ministers,  and  from  the  old  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who  well 
knew  the  excellence  of  the  French  troops.  Undecided  and 
hesitating,  Frederick  William  refused  to  join  the  coalition  of 
Austria  and  Russia  in   1805,  when  his  assistance  would  have 


Overthrozv  of  Prussia  247 

been  of  the  greatest  service.  He  signed,  indeed,  the  Treaty 
of  Potsdam  on  3d  November  1805,  undertaking  to  mediate, 
and  to  join  the  coalition  with  180,000  men  if  Napoleon 
refused  the  terms  he  offered.  But  the  proposed  intervention 
came  to  nothing.  Haugwitz,  the  Prussian  minister,  awaited 
at  Napoleon's  headquarters  the  result  of  the  battle  of  Auster- 
litz,  and  on  December  15  he  signed  the  Treaty  of  Schon- 
brunn,  by  which  Prussia  ceded  Cleves  to  France  and  Anspach 
to  Bavaria,  and  received  provisional  possession  of  Hanover. 
Two  months  later,  on  February  15,  Prussia  was  compelled 
by  a  supplementary  treaty  to  definitely  accept  Hanover  from 
Napoleon,  an  arrangement  which  was  tantamount  to  declar- 
ing war  with  England. 

The  long  neutrality  of  Frederick  William  iii.  was  thus 
broken,  and,  as  it  soon  appeared,  in  vain.  For  Napoleon 
almost  immediately  offered  to  restore  Hanover  to  England, 
with  which'country  he  was  induced  to  enter  into  negotiations 
for  peace  by  the  accession  of  Fox  to  office.  At  this  news 
Frederick  William  mobilised  his  troops  and  prepared  for  war 
with  France.  In  October  1806  he  ordered  the  victor  of 
Austerlitz  to  at  once  retire  behind  the  Rhine,  and  slowly  con- 
centrated his  army  in  Thuringia  without  waiting  for  the  succour 
promised  by  the  Russians.  The  Prussian  officers  applauded 
their  king's  conduct,  for  they  desired  to  have  the  glory  of  defeat- 
ing the  French  entirely  to  themselves.  On  the  14th  of  October 
1806  the  two  corps  of  the  Prussian  army,  which  campaign 
were  advancing  along  the  river  Saale,  were  defeated  of  jena. 
by  Napoleon  himself  at  Jena,  and  by  Marshal 
Davout  at  Auerstadt.  The  triumph  was  as  complete  as  that  of 
Austerlitz  ;  and  on  the  25th  the  French  army  entered  Berlin. 

It  was  now  necessary  for  the  Grand  Army  to  attack  the 
Russians.      Napoleon,  after  occupying  nearly  the     campaign 
whole   of  Prussia   and   laying  siege   to    Dantzic,        Eyiau. 
entered    Poland.      He    was   received   with    an    enthusiastic 
welcome  by  the  Poles,   whose  independence   he    hinted   at 
restojjjag, Polish    troops   had   long   served   in    his  armies, 


248  Eitrofcau  History,  T804-1808 

and  the  sympathy  of  the  French  people  for  the  oppressed 
Poles  was  known  throughout  Poland.  On  the  15th  of  De- 
cember 1806  Napoleon  occupied  Warsaw  and  sent  his  army 
into  winter  quarters  upon  the  Russian  frontier.  The  Russian 
general,  Benningsen,  one  of  the  murderers  of  the  Emperor  Paul, 
conceived  the  idea  of  surprising  part  of  the  French  army  in  its 
winter  quarters.  He  drove  back  the  division  of  Bernadotte  ; 
but  when  he  reached  the  neighbourhood  of  Konigsberg  he 
found  that  Napoleon  had  received  information  of  his  move- 
ment and  had  collected  the  bulk  of  his  army.  It  was  now 
Napoleon's  turn  to  pursue  the  Russians.  At  the  head  of 
60,000  men  he  found  So, 000  Russians  intrenched  in  the  village 
of  Eylau,  and  attacked  them  during  a  snowstorm  on  the  8th  of 
February  1807.  The  battle  was  long  disputed.  The  Russians 
had  to  retire,  but  it  was  estimated  that  the  loss  of  both  armies 
was  about  the  same,  namely,  35,000  men.  This  loss  was  far 
more  severe  to  the  French  than  to  the  Russians,  for  the  Frencli 
soldiers  slain  at  Eylau  were  veterans  of  the  Grand  Army,  and 
their  place  could  only  be  taken  by  raw  conscripts. 

The  result  of  the  battle  of  Eylau  was  to  allow  the  French 
Battle  of  army  to  remain  undisturbed  in  its  winter  quarters. 
Friediand.  In  the  Russian  camp,  meanwhile,  important 
i4t  June  I  07.  (^ipiQj-jiatic  negotiations  had  been  going  on. 
Frederick  William  cemented  his  friendship  with  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  and  appointed  the  most  able  of  his  servants, 
Hardenberg,  to  be  State  Chancellor  in  the  place  of  Haugwitz. 
Prussia  could  indeed  give  but  little  real  help,  for  her  army  was 
destroyed,  and  her  country  almost  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
French  ;  but  Alexander,  nevertheless,  consented  in  April  1807 
to  sign  the  Treaty  of  Bartenstein  with  Frederick  William,  by 
which  they  formed  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance.  But 
the  hopes  of  the  diplomatists,  founded  on  the  drawn  battle  of 
Eylau,  were  soon  to  be  frustrated  by  the  military  successes  of 
Napoleon.  On  the  24th  of  May  1807  Dantzic,  which  had 
withstood  a  desperate  siege,  surrendered  to  General  Lefebvre, 
and  the  besieging  troops  were  able  to  join  the  main  army. 


TJic  Intervic'iv  at  Tilsit  249 

The  summer  campaign  of  1S07  was  very  short.  Bennmgsen, 
accompanied  by  the  Emperor  Alexander  in  person,  advanced 
to  attack  the  French  army  on  the  14th  of  June.  The  Russians 
foohshly  crossed  the  AUe  at  Friedland,  and  with  the  river  at 
their  back  were  completely  defeated  with  a  loss  of  25,000 
men.  The  victory  of  Friedland  was  decisive;  it  did  not 
destroy  the  Russian  Empire,  as  the  victories  of  Austerlitz  and 
Jena  had  destroyed  the  Austrian  Empire  and  the  Prussian 
Kingdom  ;  it  did  not  extinguish  the  fighting  power  of  Russia ; 
it  did  not  diminish  the  morale  of  the  Russian  army,  which 
proudly  boasted  that  it  had  made  a  better  stand  against  the 
French  than  either  the  Austrians  or  the  Prussians.  It  was  not 
positively  necessary  for  the  very  existence  of  his  monarchy 
that  the  Emperor  Alexander  should  treat  with  Napoleon, 
but  his  successive  defeats  justified  him  before  his  Court  and 
his  ministers  in  demanding  peace.  He  could  reply  to  their 
arguments  in  favour  of  an  English  alliance  for  Russia  that  he 
had  loyally  tried  to  carry  out  the  terms  of  that  alliance,  but 
that  under  the  circumstances  he  could  maintain  it  no  longer. 
He  had  always  wished  for  peace  with  France  and  the  friend- 
ship of  Napoleon ;  he  now  considered  himself  free  to  follow 
his  personal  inclinations. 

On  the  25th  of  June  1807  the  Emperor  of  the  French  and 
the  Czar  of  Russia  had  their  fanious  interview  at  interview  at 
Tilsit  on  a  raft  moored   in  the  middle  of  the  Tilsit,  25th 

• Tt-  rr^i  1  •  ,  June  1807. 

river  Niemen.  The  personal  magnetism  ot 
Napoleon  and  his  glory  as  a  great  conqueror  powerfully 
impressed  the  vivid  imagination  of  Alexander,  who  had  always 
felt  the  warmest  admiration  for  him.  During  this  interview 
Napoleon  spread  before  the  eyes  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia 
his  favourite  conception  of  the  re-establishment  of  the  old 
Empires  of  the  East  and  of  the  West.  They  were  to  be  faithful 
allies.  France  was  to  be  the  supreme  power  over  the  Latin 
races  and  in  the  centre  of  Europe  ;  Russia  was  to  represent  the 
Greek  Empire  and  to  ex[)and  into  Asia.  These  grandiose 
views  charmed  the  Emperor  Alexander,  who  believed  tiiat  in 


250  European  History,  1804-1808 

adopting  them  he  was  following  out  the  policy  of  Peter  the 
Great  and  of  the  Empress  Catherine.  The  one  enemy  to  be 
feared  and  to  be  crushed  according  to  Napoleon  was  England. 
And  Alexander,  in  spite  of  the  loss  which  his  subjects  would 
suffer,  promised  to  enter  into  Napoleon's  policy  for  the  exclu- 
sion of  England's  commerce  from  the  Continent,  and  to 
accept  the  doctrine  of  the  Continental  Blockade.  But,  at  the 
same  time,  Alexander  did  not  dare  to  go  so  far  as  to  promise 
to  declare  war  against  England,  in  spite  of  the  pressure  put 
upon  him  by  Napoleon.  The  first  interview  at  Tilsit  was 
followed  by  others,  and  eventually  by  the  Peace  of  Tilsit. 
Peace  of  Tilsit,  By  this  treaty  Russia  ceded  the  Ionian  Islands 
7th  July  1807.  ^^^  thg  mouths  of  the  river  Cattaro  in  the  south 
of  Dalmatia,  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  Russians  since 
1799,  to  France.  Napoleon,  on  his  part,  promised  that  he 
would  not  restore  the  independence  of  Poland,  and  advised 
Alexander  to  obtain  compensation  for  the  growth  of  the 
power  of  France  from  Sweden  and  from  Turkey.  In  pursu- 
ance of  this  policy  a  division  of  the  French  army  invaded 
Swedish  Pomerania  and  took  Stralsund,  while  the  Russians 
occupied  Finland.  Alexander  was  pressed  by  Napoleon  to 
invade  Turkey,  and  was  promised  the  assistance  of  France  in 
obtaining  the  cession  of  the  Danubian  principalities.  The 
Emperor  of  Russia  made  loyal  efforts  to  obtain  a  favourable 
peace  for  his  ally,  the  King  of  Prussia.  But  Napoleon,  though 
willing  to  humour  Alexander,  and  desirous  of  making  Russia 
his  firm  ally,  did  not  hesitate  to  show  his  contempt  for 
Frederick  William  iii.  He  thought  for  a  time  of  entirely 
extinguishing  Prussia,  but  on  the  representations  of  Alexander 
he  contented  himself  by  taking  possession  of  the  Rhenish  and 
Westphalian  provinces  of  Prussia,  and  forming  them  with  the 
principality  of  Hesse-Cassel  into  the  kingdom  of  Westphalia. 
He  also  included  Prussian  Poland  in  his  new  Grand  Duchy 
of  Warsaw. 

The  Peace  of  Tilsit  left  Napoleon  face  to  face  with  only 
one  enemy,  and  that  was  England.     The  destruction  of  the 


The  Continental  Blockade  251 

French  fleet  at  Trafalgar  and  the  diminution  of  the  strength 
of  the  Grand  Army  from  the  losses  suffered  The  continen- 
at  Austerlitz,  Jena,  and  Eylau,  proved  to  the  ^^^  Blockade. 
Emperor  of  the  French  that  he  had  better  abandon  his  pro- 
ject of  invading  England.  But  if  he  could  not  cross  the 
Channel  in  force  or  meet  the  English  fleets  at  sea,  he  believed 
he  could  ruin  England  by  excluding  her  from  the  markets  of 
the  Continent.  The  English  ministry,  in  pursuance  of  its 
reading  of  international  law,  had  closed  all  neutral  seaborne 
commerce  from  the  mouth  of  the  Elbe  to  the  extremity  of  the 
French  coast.  Napoleon  answered  this  measure  by  his  Berlin 
Decree,  which  wasTssued'  in  that  city  on  the"2ist  of  Novem- 
ber 1806,  and  declared  the  British  Islands  to  be  in  a  state 
of  blockade.  All  English  merchandise  was  to  be  confiscated, 
as  well  as  all  ships  which  had  touched  either  at  a  British  port 
or  at  a  port  in  the  British  Colonies.  He  followed  up  this 
measure  by  the  Milan  Decree  of  the  17th  of  December  1807, 
by  which  he  declared  that  any  ship  of  any  country  which  had 
touched  at  a  British  port  was  liable  to  be  seized  and  treated 
as  prize.  The  entry  of  Russia  into  the  scheme  of  the  Conti- 
nental Blockade  would,  Napoleon  hoped,  entirely  ruin  the 
English  trade.  But,  in  reality,  it  did  nothing  of  the  sort. 
English  commerce  was  as  active  and  enterprising  as  ever,  and 
the  risks  it  encountered  in  running  the  Continental  Blockade 
only  increased  the  profits  of  the  English  merchants.  The  real 
sufferers  were  the  inhabitants  of  the  Continent,  who  had  to  pay 
enhanced  prices  for  such  articles  of  prime  necessity  as  sugar. 
Napoleon's  expectation  that  the  carrying  trade  of  the  world 
would  desert  England  and  fall  into  the  hands  of  France  and 
her  allies  was  not  fulfilled,  because  the  English  war  fleets 
remained  complete  masters  of  the  sea,  and  effectually  pre- 
vented the  rise  of  any  other  commercial  power.  The  result 
of  the  Continental  Blockade  was  therefore  the  impoverish- 
ment of  the  allies  of  France  and  their  con.se<iuent  hatred  of 
Napoleon,  while  it  increased  rather  than  diminished  the 
commercial  prosperity  of  England. 


252  European  History,  1804- 1808 

The  English  ministers  were  not  afraid  of  Napoleon's  Conti- 
Bombardment  ncntal  Blockadc.  But  his  occupation  of  Northern 
hagen  ^""  Germany  made  them  fear  that  his  next  step  would 

Sept.  1807.  be  to  seize  the  Danish  fleet  as  the  Directory  had 
in  former  days  appropriated  the  Dutch  fleet.  Secret  stipula- 
tions were  indeed  made  at  Tilsit,  by  virtue  of  which  the 
Danish  fleet  was  to  be  seized  by  France.  Information  of 
this  scheme  was  given  to  the  English  ministers,  and  a  secret 
expedition  was  planned  to  prevent  its  being  carried  into  effect. 
Denmark  was  a  neutral  nation,  and  had  given  no  pretext  for 
war  to  either  France  or  England.  But  Denmark  was  a  weak 
nation  and  unable  to  defend  itself.  Under  these  circum- 
stances the  English  struck  first.  A  powerful  expedition 
ancHore^  before  Copenhagen  in  September  1807  ;  the  city 
was  bombarded  j  the  small  Danish  army  was  defeated  at 
Kioge  by  a  division  under  the  command  of  Sir  Arthur 
Wellesley ;  and  the  whole  Danish  fleet  was  appropriated  or 
destroyed  by  England.  By  this  rapid  blow  one  of  Napoleon's 
most  cherished  schemes  came  to  nought,  and  his  hope  of 
getting  another  serviceable  navy  effectually  extinguished. 
The  two  most  faithful  allies  of  England  were  the  small 
French  In-  kingdoms  of  Portugal  and  Sweden.  The  Russians 
pq^j.j°"°j  were  left  to  deal  with  the  latter;  Napoleon  re- 
1807.  solved  to  attack  the  former  himself.     The  French 

Emperor,  like  the  Directory  before  him,  insisted  on  regarding 
Portugal  as  an  outlying  province  of  England,  and,  indeed, 
there  was  some  ground  for  this  view,  as  owing  to  the  Methuen 
Treaty  the  relations  between  the  two  countries  were  very 
close.  Yet  the  Prince  Regent  of  Portugal  in  1806  had 
declined  to  declare  himself  the  open  ally  of  England,  and 
insisted  on  the  maintenance  of  his  position  of  neutrality. 
Nevertheless,  Napoleon  resolved  to  ruin  Portugal  because,  the 
Prin^  Regent  declined  to  become  a  party  to  the  Continental 
Blockade.  He  at  first  resolved  to  act  with  Spain  as  he  had 
done  in  1801,  and  on  the  29th  of  October  1807  the  Treaty 
of  Fontainebleau  was  signed,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that 


French  Conquest  of  Portugal  253 

the  combined  armies  of  France  and  Spain  should  conquer 
Portugal.  The  little  kingdom  was  then  to  be  divided  into 
three  parts ;  the  northern  provinces  were  to  be  given  to  the 
King  of  Etruria  in  exchange  for  his  dominions  in  Italy  which 
Napoleon  desired  to  annex ;  the  southern  districts  were  to  be 
formed  into  an  independent  kingdom  for  Godoy,  the  Prince 
of  the  Peace,  the  lover  of  the  Queen  of  Spain,  and  the  most 
powerful  man  in  that  kingdom ;  and  the  central  portion  was 
to  be  temporarily  held  by  France.  In  pursuance  of  this 
secret  treaty  a  French  army  under  General  Junot  marched 
rapidly  across  the  Peninsula,  and  on  the  news  that  it  was 
close  to  Lisbon,  the  Prince  Regent,  with  his  mother,  the  mad 
queen,  Maria  i.,  and  his  two  sons  sailed  for  Brazil  with  an 
English  squadron.  Hardly  had  the  Regent  left  the  Tagus 
when  Junot  entered  Lisbon  on  the  20th  of  November  1807. 
The  French  were  favourably  received  in  Portugal.  The 
Portuguese  resented  tlie  departure  of  the  Prince  Regent  ; 
democratic  principle^  had  made  considerable  progress ;  and 
no  idea  was  entertained  that  there  was  a  secret  design  to 
dismember  the  kingdom.  Junot  had  little  difficulty  in  occu- 
pying almost  the  whole  of  Portugal;  he  sent  the  picked  troops 
of  the  Portuguese  army  under  the  name  of  the  Portuguese 
Legion  to  join  the  Grand  Army  in  Germany ;  and  he  promised 
a  Constitution  to  the  country.  On  the  ist  of  February  1808 
he  issued  a  proclamation  that  the  House  of  Braganza  had 
ceased  to  reign,  and  after  the  fortresses  had  been  surrendered 
he  proceeded  to  administer  Portugal  as  a  conquered  country, 
(iustavus  IV.  of  Sweden,  who  had  taken  the  power  into  his 
own  hands  from  his  uncle  the  Regent  Duke  of 

,,      ,  .  Til  •     1     ,  ■  •      1  r        Sweden. 

budermania  and  had  married  the  sister-in-law  of 
the  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  in  1797,  had  inherited  the 
hatred  for  France,  which  had  been,  after  1789,  one  of  the 
guiding  principles  of  his  father,  Gustavus  in.  He  had  been 
the  ready  ally  of  England  in  all  the  coalitions  against  both  the 
French  Directory  and  Napoleon,  and  after  the  rupture  of  the 
Peace  of  Amiens  in   1803,  he  became   the  key-.sLune  of  the 


254  European  History,  1804-1808 

Anglo-Russian  alliance.  In  1S05  he  promised  to  place  him- 
self at  the  head  of  an  English,  Russian,  and  Swedish  army 
which  was  to  invade  Hanover,  and  occupy  Holland ;  but  he 
failed  to  set  sail  on  the  appointed  day,  and  caused  the  expedi- 
tion to  lead  to  no  result.  Nevertheless,  he  remained  faithful 
to  England,  and  at  the  time  of  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit  refused  to 
abandon  the  English  alliance.  As  has  been  already  said, 
Swedish  Pomerania  was  occupied  by  a  division  of  the  Grand 
Army,  under  Marshal  Brune,  and  Sweden  never  recovered  the 
ancient  conquest  of  Gustavus  Adolphus.  In  1808,  on  the 
obstinate  refusal  of  the  Swedish  King  to  accede  to  the  Conti- 
nental Blockade,  the  Emperor  Alexander,  as  had  been  agreed 
at  Tilsit,  invaded  Finland.  England  was  ready  to  assist 
Sweden,  and  a  powerful  army,  under  Sir  John  Moore,  was 
sent  to  Stockholm.  At  this  crisis  the  King  showed  signs  of 
insanity.  The  English  expedition  retired,  and  at  the  begin- 
ning of  i8og  Gustavus  iv.  was  dethroned. 

After  he  had  made  himself  Emperor,  and  still  more  after 
The  Re-  ^''^  victorics  ovcr  Austria  and  Prussia  and  his 

arrangement  alliance  with  Russia,  Napoleon  began  to  assure 
of  Europe.  j^j^  power  OH  the  Continent  by  establishing  vassal 
kings  in  the  neighbourhood  of  France.  Just  as  the  French 
Directory  had  surrounded  the  French  Republic  with  smaller 
republics  governed  after  its  own  model,  so  Napoleon  sur- 
rounded his  frontiers  with  subject  kingdoms.  The  Batavian, 
the  Cisalpine,  and  the  Parthenopean  Republics  were  suc- 
ceeded by  the  kingdoms  of  Holland  and  of  Naples  and  the 
,,  ..  vice-royalty  of  Italy.     The  form  of  the  Batavian 

Holland.  •'        •'  •'        . 

Republic  had  altered  with  every  change  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  France.  From  a  democratic  Republic  in  the  time 
of  the  Convention  it  had  become  a  Directory  and  a  Consulate, 
and  in  1805,  after  the  French  Empire  had  been  established, 
it  received  a  new  Constitution.  By  this  arrangement  Count 
Schimmelpenninck,  a  distinguished  Dutch  statesman,  was 
appointed  Grand  Pensionary  for  life,  but  in  June  1806  he  was 
induced  to  resign,  and  Louis  Bonaparte,  the  favourite  brother 


Holland  and  Italy  255 

of  the  French  T7nnpprnr^_wa^  mnrjp  Kincr  of  iQolland.  The 
Dutch  peopTFhad  no  objection  to  these  changes.  The  intro- 
duction of  the  French  system  of  administration  consolidated 
the  country  from  a  group  of  federal  states  into  a  united 
nation.  Its  trade  prospered,  though  it  lost  its  fleet  at  Cam- 
perdown  in  1797,  and  in  the  Texel  in  1799,  and  it  became 
more  wealthy  than  ever,  in  spite  of  the  conquest  of  all  its 
colonies  by  England,  by  the  close  communication  established 
with  Paris  and  the  abolition  of  the  vexatious  transit-duties 
in  Belgium.  Louis  Bonaparte,  the  first  King  of  Holland, 
showed  himself  a  sagacious  monarch.  He  caused  the  Civil 
Code  to  be  introducedlnto  his  dominions  in  the  place  of  the 
old  cumbrous  systenijDf  Dutch  law.  He  encouraged  litera- 
ture and  art,  ancThe  moved  the  capital  from  the  Hague 
to  Amsterdam.  But  the  introduction  of  the  Continental 
Blockade  caused  profound  discontent.  The  Dutch  mer- 
chants were  ruined  by  its  rigorous  application;  riots  took 
place  in  many  districts;  and  since  Napoleon  found  the 
Continental  Blockade  was  being  evaded  he  caused  French 
troops  to  enter  Holland  and  occupy  the  mouths  of  the  rivers. 
Louis  Bonaparte  protested  against  this  conduct,  and  in  1810 
he  resigned  the  crown  which  his  brother  had  given  him. 

It  has  been  said  that  when  Napoleon  made  himself  Em- 
[jeror  he  likewise  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  Italy,  ^ 
and  that  he  did  not  undertake  the  government, 
but  conferred  it  upon  his  step-son,  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  as 
Viceroy.  The  original  Kingdom  of  Italy  only  comprehended 
the  dominions  of  the  Cisalpine  Republic, — that  is  to  say, 
Lombardy,  the  Duchies  of  Modena  and  Parma,  and  the  former 
Papal  Legations  of  Bologna  and  Ferrara.  By  the  l^eaty 
of  Pressburg  in  1806  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  was  mcreased  by 
the  addition  of  Venice  and  of  the  former  Venetian  territories 
on  the  mainland.  Genoa,  Lucca,  Piedmont,  and  Tusfany, 
wercTiowc^veiTTlirectly  administered  by  France, 

'  '  -'  •'  Rome. 

and  the  city  of  Rome  and  the  Campagna  was 

added  to  the  French  Empire  in  the  year  1810.     In  the  south 


256  European  History,  1804- 1808 

of  the   Italian  peninsula  Naples  was  erected  into   an   inde- 
pendent kiniidom,  which  was  intended  to  include 

Naples 

the  island  of  Sicily.  This  kingdom  was  conferred 
upon  the  elder  brother  of  Napoleon,  Joseph  Bonaparte,  on 
the  30th  of  March  1806.  Joseph,  like  King  Louis  of  Holland, 
tried  to  act  as  a  good  king.  He  formed  an  able  ministry,  con- 
sisting almost  entirely  of  Neapolitans,  and  containing  but  two 
Frenchmen,— Miot  de  Melito,  Minister  of  War,  and  Saliceti, 
Minister  of  Police.  He  introduced  good  laws,  and  made 
efforts  to  put  down  the  brigandage  which  ravaged  the  southern 
districts  of  his  kingdom.  The  island  of  Sicily  meanwhile  re- 
sisted all  the  attempts  of  the  French.  It  acknowledged  the 
rule  of  Ferdinand,  King  of  the  Two  SiciUes,  who  had  retired 
to  Palermo,  and  was  garrisoned  by  an  English  army.  This 
army  kept  Joseph  in  perpetual  embarrassment.  The  English 
encouraged  the  brigands  of  Calabria,  and  in  the  summer  of 
1806  they  made  a  descent  upon  the  mainland,  and  on  the  3d 
of  July  the  English  general,  Sir  John  Stuart,  defeated  the 
French  general  Reynier  at  Maida.  This  victory,  however, 
was  followed  by  the  capitulation  of  Gaeta  on  the  i8th  of 
July,  after  which  event  the  French  army  in  Calabria  was 
strengthened  to  such  an  extent  that  the  English  were  unable 
to  do  more  than  defend  Sicily.  The  internal  administration 
of  Joseph  Bonaparte  deserves  every  praise;- he  abolished 
feudalism ;  he  endeavoured  to  introduce  honesty  and  up- 
rightness in  the  collection  of  the  taxes;  he  declared  the 
equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law;  and  by  the  suppres- 
sion of  many  monasteries  he  improved  the  finances  of  the 
country  and  largely  increased  the  number  of  peasant  pro- 
prietors.    Lastly,  must  be   noticed  the   Illyrian 

lUyria.  ^  j!,  .  .  ,.,,, 

provmces  of  Dalmatia  and  Istna,  which  had 
been  ceded  by  the  Treaty  of  Pressburg.  They  were  directly 
administered  by  General  Marmont,  who  reported  to  Napoleon 
himself  and  not  to  the  Viceroy  of  Italy.  After  the  Treaty 
of  Tilsit  they  were  augmented  by  the  Ionian  Islands,  and 
Napoleon  kept  a  powerful  army  in  this  quarter  to  threaten 


Genu  any  257 

the  Turks.  It  is  probable,  indeed,  that  he  dreamt  of  restoring 
the  independence  of  Greece,  and  his  Illyrian  army  was  well 
placed  for  carrying  out  such  a  project. 

In  his  re-arrangement  of  the  states  of  Germany  and  of  the 
balance  of  power  in  Central  Europe,  Napoleon,  Napoleon's 
like  the  Directory,  followed  out  the  traditional  JJo°'"^/"'^^' 
policy  of  Richelieu  and  Mazarin.  He  held  it  Germany, 
to  be  an  advantage  for  France  that  there  should  be  a  number 
of  small  German  states  between  the  Rhine  and  the  hereditary; 
dominions  of  the  House  of  Austria,  but  he  considered  that  the 
very  small  size  of  the  states  maintained  by  the  Treaty  of  West- 
phalia in  1648  made  them  inadequate  buffers.  He,  therefore, 
enlarged  the  Western  German  states  and  endeavoured  to  unite 
their  interests  with  those  of  France.  The  reconstitution  of 
Germany  after  the  Peace  of  Luneville  in  1803  destroyed  the 
old  Holy  Roman  Empire.  Napoleon  worked  on  the  same  lines, . 
and  his  measures  have  had  almost  the  same  permanence  as 
the  arrangements  of  1803.  The  changes  took  place  gradually 
in  accordance  with  the  Treaties  of  Pressburg  and  of  Tilsit,  but 
their  final  results  may  be  considered  as  a  whole. 

Maximilian  Joseph,  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  had,  by  heredi- 
tary right,  united  the  Electorates  of  the  Palatinate 
and  of  Bavaria  with  the  Duchy  of  Deux-Ponts.  ^^"3- 
He  had  been  educated  at  the  Court  of  Versailles,  but  never- 
theless he  approved  of  the  doctrines  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion and  became  one  of  the  earliest  allies  of  Napoleon.  The 
arrangements  after  the  Treaty  of  Luneville,  which  had  deprived 
him  of  the  Palatinate  and  of  the  Duchy  of  Deux-Ponts,  had 
given  him  a  powerful  and  concentrated  state.  By  the  Treaty 
of  Pressburg  he  received  in  addition  the  Tyrol  and  the  cities 
of  Nuremberg  and  Ratisl)on  with  the  title  of  King.  In  1809 
he  further  received  the  Principality  of  Salzburg,  which  made 
his  kingdom  one  of  the  most  powerful  in  Germany.  Possess- 
ing the  whole  of  tTie  upper  valley  of.  the  Danube,  and  the 
valleys  of  its  affluents,  Bavaria  formed  a  strong  frontier  state 
against  Austria,  and  to  the  north  marched  with  the  kingdom 

PERIOD  vn.  R 


258  Etiropean  History,  1804- 1808 

of  Saxony.  King  Maximilian  Joseph  felt  that  he  owed  his 
power  to  the  French  Emperor,  and  to  seal  the  friendship  he 
gave  his  daughter,  the  Princess  Augusta,  in  marriage  to 
Napoleon's  step-son,  the  Viceroy  Eugene  de  Beauharnais. 
On  the  western  frontier  of  Bavaria,  in  order  to 

Wiirtemberg.       ,       ,        ,  ....  r  , 

check  that  state  if  it  became  too  powerful, 
Napoleon  erected  the  smaller  kingdom  of  Wiirtemberg. 
Frederick,  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg,  like  Maximilian  Joseph  of 
Bavaria,  had  shown  himself  ready  to  recognise  the  authority 
of  the  French  Republic  and  of  Napoleon.  He  had  received 
considerable  additions  to  his  territories  with  the  title  of 
Elector,  in  1803,  and  after  the  Treaty  of  Pressburg  he 
received  the  whole  of  Austrian  Suabia  except  the  Breisgau 
and  Ortenau  with  the  title  of  King.  He,  too,  like  the  first 
King  of  Bavaria,  entered  into  a  personal  alliance  with 
Napoleon,  and  gave  his  daughter,  the  Princess  Catherine, 
in  marriage  to  Jerome  Bonaparte,  King  of  Westphalia.     The 

third  south  German  state  which  deserves  notice 

Baden. 

is  Baden,  whose  Duke,  Charles  Frederick,  was 
made  an  Elector  in  1803,  and  in  1805  received  the  title  of 
Grand  Duke  with  the  greater  part  of  Ortenau  and  the  Breisgau 
from  Austrian  Suabia.  He,  too,  formed  a  family  alliance 
with  Napoleon  by  the  marriage  of  his  heir  to  Stephanie  de 
Beauharnais,  Napoleon's  step-daughter.  The  kingdom  of 
^  ,.      Westphalia,  which  was  formed  by  Napoleon  for 

Westphalia.         .         ^  '  ■'  ^  .     . 

his  brother  Jerome  after  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit, 
was  an  entirely  new  creation,  not  an  enlargement  of  a  former 
German  state  like  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg.  It  consisted  of 
the  Electorate  of  Hesse-Cassel,  the  Prussian  territories  on  the 
left  of  the  Elbe,  including  the  bishoprics  of  Paderborn  and 
Hildesheim,  the  Old  Mark  of  Brandenburg,  etc.,  the  Duchy 
of  Brunswick,  a  portion  of  Hanover,  and  other  scattered 
districts.  It  thus  contained  the  greater  part  of  the  valleys  of 
the  Ems,  the  Weser,  and  the  Oder,  but  it  did  not  reach  the  sea, 
and  its  only  important  fortress  was  Magdeburg.  Jerome,  who 
was  appointed  its  first  king,  was  not  such  a  capable  monarch 


Germany  259 

as  his  brothers  Joseph  and  Louis,  but  he  formed  an  able 
ministry,  of  which  the  most  conspicuous  members  were 
Simeon,  the  famous  French  jurist,  as  Minister  of  Justice, 
and  the  historian,  Johann  Muller  as  Minister  of  PubHc 
Instruction.  The  WestphaHan  people  did  not  amalgamate 
so  thoroughly  as  Napoleon  had  expected ;  but  this  was  not 
the  fault  of  Jerome's  ministry,  which  abolished  feudalism, 
introduced  the  Civil  Code,  and  regularised  the  administration. 
The  Grand  Duchy  of  Berg,  which  he  granted  to  Grand  Duchy 
his  brother-in-law  Murat  in  1806,  was  another  of  Berg, 
creation  of  Napoleon.  It  was  formed  out  of  the  Duchy  of 
Berg  ceded  by  Bavaria,  the  County  of  the  Mark  and  the 
Bishopric  of  Miinster,  detached  from  Prussia,  and  of  the 
Duchy  of  Nassau.  It  formed  a  compact  little  state  of  a 
million  inhabitants,  commanding  part  of  the  course  of  the 
Rhine,  with  its  capital  at  Diisseldorf.  The  key-stone 
of  Napoleon's  policy  in  Eastern  Germany  was 
Saxony.  The  Elector  of  that  state  had  taken 
part  with  the  Prussians  in  the  campaign  of  Jena,  but  Napoleon 
nevertheless  calculated  that  the  ruler  of  Saxony,  placed  as  he 
was  between  Prussia  and  Austria,  must  naturally  be  an  ally  of 
France.  He,  therefore,  in  spite  of  his  behaviour  in  1806, 
gave  the  Elector  of  Saxony  the  title  of  King  and  the  Circle 
of  Lower  Lusatia.  After  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit  Napoleon  did 
yet  more  for  the  King  of  Saxony,  whom  he  created  likewise 
Grand  Duke  of  Warsaw.  Of  the  smaller  states  smaller 
of  Germany  maintained  by  Napoleon,  the  most  states, 
important  was  Hesse-Darmstadt  which  separated  the  kingdom 
of  Westphalia  from  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Berg.  As  a  faithful 
ally  of  Napoleon,  the  Landgrave  Louis  x.  received  some 
accessions  of  territory  with  the  title  of  Grand  Duke.  The 
fourth  Grand  Duchy  after  Baden,  Berg,  and  Hesse-Darmstadt, 
wa.s  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Frankfort.  This  was  conferred  upon 
the  Archbishop,  Charles  do  Dalbcrg.  This  prelate  had  been 
coadjutor  to  the  Archbishop  Elector  of  Mayence  in  the  time 
of  the  Revolution.     He  had  succeeded  fo  the  Archbishopric 


26o  European  History,  1804- 1808 

in  1802,  and  in  1803,  on  the  re-organisation  of  Germany,  was 
the  only  ecclesiastical  elector  retained.  He  was  then  given 
the  Bishopric  of  Ratisbon,  and  when  that  was  transferred  to 
Bavaria,  was  granted  instead  the  Principalities  of  Fulda  and 
Hanau  and  the  territory  of  Aschaffenburg.  The  last  Grand 
Duchy  was  that  of  Wiirtzburg,  which  was  conferred  on  the 
Archduke  Ferdinand,  the  former  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  in 
exchange  for  the  Principality  of  Salzburg  given  to  Bavaria  in 
1809.  These  territorial  changes  were  supplemented  by  a 
wholesale  destruction  of  the  very  small  states.  The  Knights 
of  the  Empire  lost  their  sovereign  rights  ;  all  the  petty  dukes 
and  princes  whose  territory  was  enclosed  in  the  larger  states 
which  have  been  mentioned,  were  also  mediatised,  that  is  to 
say,  while  retaining  their  rights  as  lords  and  their  titles,  they 
lost  their  immediate  sovereignty  and  became  a  sort  of  privi- 
leged aristocracy.  This  measure,  which  supplemented  the 
arrangements  of  1803,  finally  destroyed  the  ancient  system  of 
Germany.  The  little  courts  with  but  few  exceptions  dis- 
appeared, and  Germany  became  a  collection  of  powerful 
states  instead  of  a  congeries  of  feudal  principalities. 

Napoleon  endeavoured  to  concentrate  the  power  of  the 
Confederation  German  princes  as  a  whole  by  the  formation  of 
of  the  Rhine.  ^\^^  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  of  which  he  was 
officially  recognised  as  Protector.  The  original  Confedera- 
tion of  the  Rhine  established  in  July  1805,  consisted  of  only 
fifteen  princes,  but  after  Tilsit  ii  comprised  thirty-two.  The 
Arch-Chancellor  of  the  new  confederation  was  Charles  de 
Dalberg,  the  Grand  Duke  of  Frankfort,  the  only  ecclesiastic 
who  was  acknowledged  as  a  member.  It  comprised  in  all 
the  four  kingdoms  of  Bavaria,  Wiirtemberg,  Westphalia,  and 
Saxony,  the  five  grand-duchies  and  twenty-three  principalities. 
Its  policy  was  conducted  by  a  Diet  sitting  at  Frankfort  com- 
posed of  two  colleges, — the  College  of  Kings  and  the  College 
of  Princes.  The  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  which  was 
mainly  situated  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe,  contained 
a  population  of  twenty  million  Germans,  and  was  bound  by 


Napoleon's  Polish  Policy  261 

treaty  to  contribute  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  soldiers  to 
the  armies  of  Napoleon. 

In    no  respect  did   Napoleon    prove   how  thoroughly  his 
idea  of  re-establishinj?  the   ancient   Empires  of       „  ,     ^ 

°  ^    .  Poland. 

the  East  and  the  West  had  taken  possession  of 
his  imagination  than  in  his  treatment  of  Poland.  In  order  to 
please  the  Emperor  Alexander  he  did  not  insist  upon  re- 
establishing Polish  independence.  Not  only  did  he  neither 
dare  nor  wish  to  deprive  Russia  of  her  Polish  provinces, 
but  at  Tilsit  he  even  ceded  to  Alexander  the  two  Polish  circles 
of  Salkief  and  Tloczow.  But  though  he  dared  not  establish  a 
powerful  independent  Poland  for  fear  of  offending  Russia,  he 
nevertheless  formed,  in  1807,  a  small  Polish  state  under  the 
name  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw.  By  this  half  measure  he 
failed  to  satisfy  the  Poles,  who  had  looked  to  him  to  be  the  re- 
storer of  Polish  independence,  and  at  the  same  time  offended 
the  Emperor  Alexander,  who  disliked  the  creation  of  a  Polish 
state  of  any  size  or  under  any  form.  The  Grand  Grand  Duchy 
Duchy  of  Warsaw  eventually  contained  the  whole  of  Warsaw, 
of  Prussian  and  the  greater  part  of  Austrian  Poland,  and  was 
placed  under  the  rule  of  the  King  of  Saxony  as  Grand  Duke 
of  Warsaw,  just  as  in  former  days  the  Electors  of  Saxony  had 
been  Kings  of  Poland.  In  this— half-and-half  policy  with 
regard  to  Poland  was  to  be  found  the  greatest  peril  to  the 
newly-formed  alliance. between  Alexander  and  Napoleon. 

For  more  than  a  year  the  alliance  between  Russia  and 
France,  between  Alexander  and  Napoleon,  remained  the  most 
important  fact  of  European  polity ;  but  causes  of  dissension 
soon  arose.  On  the  one  hand,  Alexander  resented  the  exist- 
ence of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  and  felt  that  his  sub- 
jects had  cause  to  grumble  at  the  sufferings  they  endured 
owing  to  the  Continental  Blockade ;  on  the  other,  there  were 
not  wanting  signs  that  Napoleon's  power  had  reached Jts^eight, 
and  was  now  about  to  decline.  The  first  symptoms  of  this 
decline  were  his  quarrel  with  the  Pope  and  his  intervention  in 
the  affairs  of  Spain.     The  first  blows  struck  at  his  military 


262  European  History,  1804-1808 

superiority  were  the  defeat  of  the  French  troops  in  Portugal 
by  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  at  Vimeiro  and  the  capitulation  of 
General  Dupont  to  the  Spaniards.  The  Treaty  of  Tilsit 
marked  the  zenith  of  Napoleon's  power ;  but  in  spile  of  the 
misfortunes  he  suffered  in  1808,  and  his  wanton  intervention  in 
Conference  ^^^  affairs  of  Spain,  he  yet  seemed  the  greatest 
at  Erfurt.  monarch  in  Europe.  Feeling  his  prestige  some- 
^P*-  ^  °  •  what  affected,  and  fearing  the  effect  upon  the  mind 
of  his  imaginative  ally.  Napoleon,  trusting  in  the  magnetism  of 
his  presence  and  his  conversation,  had  recourse  to  a  personal  in- 
terview with  Alexander  at  Erfurt  in  September  1808.  There  the 
two  masters  of  Europe  discussed  the  state  of  affairs  ;  Napoleon 
soothed  Alexander's  discontent,  and  again  promised  him  the 
Danubian  provinces.  But  the  full  confidence  which  had  been 
established  at  Tilsit  was  not  restored  at  Erfurt.  Alexander,  in 
spite  of  his  admiration  for  the  person  of  Napoleon,  felt  dis- 
trustful of  his  policy,  and  Napoleon  deceived  himself  when  he 
thought  he  had  regained  his  ascendency  over  the  mind  of  the 
Russian  Emperor.  The  interviews  between  the  two  Emperors 
formed  the  important  political  side  of  the  Congress  of  Erfurt ; 
but  the  features  which  dazzled  Europe  were  the  grand  fetes, 
the  pit  full  of  kings  which  listened  to  Talma,  the  great  French 
actor,  and  the  obsequiousness  of  the  high-born  German  princes 
to  one  who,  a  few  years  before  but  a  general  of  the  French 
Republic,  was  now  master  of  Europe. 


\ 


CHAPTER     IX 
1808-1812 

Napoleon's  two  reverses  between  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit  and  the  Congress  of 
Erfurt— England  sends  an  army  to  Portugal— Campaign  of  Vimeiro  and 
Convention  of  Cintra— The  Revolution  in  Spain— Joseph  Bonaparte 
King  of  Spain— Victory  of  Medina  del  Rio  Seco  and  Capitulation  of 
Baylen— Napoleon  in  Spain— Sir  John  Moore's  advance— Battle  of 
Corunna— The  Resurrection  of  Austria— Ministry  of  Stadion— Campaign 
of  Wagram— Treaty  of  Vienna— Campaign  of  1809  in  the  Peninsula- 
Battle  of  Talavera — Expedition  to  Walchercn— Napoleon  and  the  Pope 
— Annexation  of  Rome— Revolution  in  Sweden — Revolution  in  Turkey — 
Treaty  of  Bucharest — Greatest  Extension  of  Napoleon's  dominions — 
Internal  Organisation  of  his  Empire — The  new  Nobility — Internal 
reforms  —  Law  —  Finance  —  Education  —  Extension  of  these  reforms 
through  Europe — Disappearance  of  Serfdom — Religious  Toleration — 
Reorganisation  of  Prussia — Reforms  of  Stein  and  Scharnhorst— Revival 
of  German  National  feeling — Marriage  of  Napoleon  to  the  Archduchess 
Marie  Louise— Birth  of  the  King  of  Rome— Steady  opposition  of  Eng- 
land to  Napoleon — Policies  of  Canning  and  Castlereagh— Camj^aigns  of 
1810  and  1811  in  the  Peninsula — Signs  of  the  decline  of  Napoleon's  power 
between  i3o8  and  1812. 

The  Treaty  of  Tilsit  marked  tlie  greatest  height  of  Napoleon's 
power  in  Europe ;  at  the  Congress  of  Erfurt  he  seemed,  indeed, 
to  be  as  powerful  as  at  Tilsit ;  but  during  the  interval  he  had 
experienced  two  serious  mishaps.  The  first  of  which  was 
caused  by  the  fact  that  England,  which  had  hitherto  fought 
the  French  upon  the  sea,  and  had  met  with  only  slight  success 
in  purely  military  expeditions,  began  in  1808  a  serious  effort 
to  break  the  tradition  of  the  invincibility  of  the  French_arniy. 
The  last  "impoftanTcampaign  upon  the  Continent  in  which 
an  English  army  had  taken  part,  was  in  1 793-1 795.  Since 
that  time  many  English  expeditions  had  been  despatched  to 


264  European  History,  1808- 181 2 

carry  out  isolated  plans  ;  some  of  these  expeditions  had  been 
crowned  with  success,  such  as  Abercromby's  and  Hutchinson's 
reconquest  of  Egypt  in  1801,  and  Stuart's  brilliant  little  cam- 
paign of  Maida  in  1806;  others  had  been  egregious  failures, 
notably  the  Duke  of  York's  campaign  in  Holland  in  1799, 
and  Lord  Cathcart's  landing  in  Hanover  in  1S05.  Confident 
in  their  naval  superiority,  the  English  Ministers,  ever  since 
1795,  had  paid  more  attention  to  the  military  occupation  of 
islands  than  to  the  despatch  of  armies  to  the  mainland. 
Acting  on  this  policy,  the  English  had  conquered  the  French 
West  Indies  in  1793  and  1795,  ^"^  again  proceeded  in  1809 
to  reoccupy  those  which  had  been  restored  to  France  at  the 
Peace  of  Amiens.  When  Spain  declared  herself  the  ally  of 
France,  England  occupied  her  chief  West  Indian  possession, 
the  Island  of  Trinidad  ;  when  the  subjection  of  Holland  to 
France  became  manifest,  England  conquered  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  in  1797,  and  again  after  the  Treaty  of  Amiens,  in 
1805.  Nor  did  the  English  ministers  neglect  the  more  distant 
possessions  of  her  various  enemies.  Ceylon  and  Java  were 
taken  from  the  Dutch  in  1796  and  1807  respectively;  the 
Mauritius  was  conquered  from  France  in  1809,  and  an  un- 
successful attempt  was  made  to  conquer  Spanish  South 
America,  Monte  Video  and  Buenos  Ayres,  in  1806.  But 
England  did  not  confine  her  poHcy  of  attacking  islands  to 
distant  seas ;  she  also  established  herself  firmly  in  the  Medi- 
terranean. In  1797  Minorca  was  taken,  in  1801  Malta,  and 
eventually  in  1805  an  English  army,  as  has  been  said,  gar- 
risoned Sicily.  The  policy  of  Fox  was  identical  with  that  of 
Pitt,  and  favoured  small,  detached  expeditions ;  some  of  these 
were  failures,  like  the  expedition  to  South  America  in  1806, 
and  that  to  Egypt  in  1808,  but  others  attained  their  end. 
Now,  however,  a  new  policy  began  to  make  way.  Instead  of 
isolated  expeditions  and  the  occupation  of  islands__wliich 
could  be  defended  by  the  English  fleets,  it  was  resolved  once 
more,  as  in  1793,  to  disembark  a  powerful  English  arniy  on 
the  Continent,  and  to  try  military  conclusions  with  the  Frcncli. 


Campaign  of  Viineiro  265 

In  Older  that  England  should  act  effectively  on  the  Con- 
tinent, it  was  necessary  that  her  army  should  have  campaign  of 
a  friendly  base  of  operations.  The  failure  of  the  vimeiro,  1808. 
expedition  to  Bergen  in  1799,  and  of  many  similar  expedi- 
tions, proved  that  it  was  impossible  to  expect  complete  success 
.when  the  disembarking  army  had  to  fight  from  the  moment  of 
its  landing,  and  had  to  secure  its  communications  with  the 
sea.  An  opportunity  was  afforded  for  obtaining  such  a  base 
of  operations  as  was  necessary,  by  an  insurrection  breaking 
out  in  Portugal  against  the  French  invaders.  It  has  been  said 
that  General  Junot  occupied  the  whole  of  Portugal  without 
much  difficulty,  except  the  northern  and  southern  provinces, 
which  were  held  by  Spanish  armies.  Junot  partitioned  out 
the  country  into  military  governments  under  French  generals, 
whose  oppressive  behaviour  exasperated  the  people.  After 
the  outbreak  of  the  revolution  against  the  French  in  Spain, 
the  Spanish  forces  in  Portugal  retired,  and  Oporto  at  once 
declared  itself  independent  of  France,  and  elected  a  Junta  of 
Government,  headed  by  the  Bishop.  Isolated  risings  took 
place  all  over  the  country.  Many  French  officers  and  soldiers 
were  murdered,  and  the  insurgents  were  punished  with  the 
most  rigorous  cruelty.  The  Junta  of  Oporto  was,  however, 
unable  to  make  head  against  Junot,  for  the  best  regular  troops 
of  the  Portuguese  army  had  been  despatched  to  join  the 
Grand  Army  in  Germany.  The  Junta  had  therefore  to  depend 
upon  undisciplined  militia,  and  feeling  the  impossibility  of  com- 
bating the  French  regular  troops  in  the  field,  applied  for  help 
to  England.  This  gave  the  English  ministers  their  oppor- 
tunity. A  force  which  had  been  collected  at  Cork,  under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant-General  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley, 
for  an  expedition  to  South  America,  was  ordered  instead  to 
proceed  to  Portugal.  He  was  joined  by  some  other  troops, 
and  disembarked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mondego  river.  He 
marched  southwards  towards  Lisbon,  and  defeated  a  French 
division  at  Rori^a  on  the  17  th  of  August  1808.  After  receiving 
further  reinforcements,  he  was  attacked  by  Junot  at  Vimeiro 


266  European  History,  1 808-1 812 

on  the  2ist  of  August,  and  won  a  decisive  victory.  On  the 
field  of  battle  Wellesley  was  superseded  by  Sir  Harry  Burrard, 
and  he  in  his  turn  by  Sir  Hew  Dalrymple.  Instead  of  foUow- 
Conventi  '"^S  '^P  ^^  victory,  the  latter  general  concluded  the 
of  Cintra.  30th  Convention  of  Cintra,  by  which  Junot  agreed  to 
ugust  1803.  gvacuate  Portugal.  From  a  military  point  of  view 
this  was  a  poor  sequel  to  the  victory  of  Vimeiro;  from  a  political 
point  of  view  it  was  a  signal  success.  Portugal  was  freed  from 
the  French  as  speedily  as  she  had  been  conquered  by  them, 
and  England  thus  secured  a  friendly  base  of  operations.  The 
three  generals  were  all  recalled,  and  Sir  John  Moore  took 
command  of  the  English  army.  A  Coiincil  of  Regency  was 
established,  and  an  English  officer.  General  Beresford,  was 
sent  to  organise  a  Portuguese  army,  partly  under  the  command 
of  English  officers,  and  wholly  paid  by  the  English  Government. 
The  loss  of  Portugal  was  the  first  serious  reverse  which 
^i^g  Napoleon  had  met  with  from  a  trained  and  dis- 

Revoiution  ciplincd  army.  But  at  the  same  time  he  was 
in  Spain,  1808.  ^^-^^^^  ^q  fg^j  ^\^q  difficulty  of  Overcoming  even  an 

unorganised  national  rising,  with  the  very  best  of  troops.  It 
has  been  mentioned  that  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Queen's 
favourite,  Godoy,  were  partners  to  the  Treaty  of  Fontainebleau, 
which  arranged  for  the  dismemberment  of  Portugal.  Spain 
had  been  the  consistent  ally  of  France  ever  since  the  Treaty 
of  Basle  in  1795,  ^'^d  in  the  cause  of  France  had  lost  not 
only  the  islands  of  Minorca  and  Trinidad,  but  two  gallant 
fleets  in  the  naval  battles  of  Cape  St.  Vincent  and  Trafalgar. 
Nevertheless,  Napoleon  deliberately  determined  to  dethrone 
his  faithful  ally  Charles  iv.  It  is  said  that  after  the  expulsion 
of  the  Bourbons  from  Naples,  Godoy  had  made  overtures  for 
joining  the  coalition  against  France,  but  after  the  victory  of 
Jena  the  Court  of  Madrid,  if  it  had  ever  thought  of  opposing 
the  will  of  Napoleon,  became  more  obsequious  than  ever. 
Court_intrigues  gave  the  French  Emperor  the  opportunity  he 
desired  for  interfering  with  the  affairs  of  Spain.  The  heir  to 
the   throne,    Ferdinand,    Prince    of   the   Asturias,    hated    his 


TJie  Capitulatio)i  of  Bay  leu  267 

mother's  lover,  Godoy,  and  for  sharing  in  a  plot  against  the 
favourite  was  thrown  into  prison.  He  appealed  for  help  to 
Napoleon,  and  Charles  iv.,  his  father,  on  his  side  also  appealed 
to  the  French  emperor.  Napoleon  began  to  move  his  troops 
across  the  Pyrenees,  and  a  French  army  under  the  command 
of  Murat  approached  Madrid.  The  King  of  Spain  was 
rumoured  to  be  about  to  follow  the  example  of  the  Prince 
Regent  of  Portugal,  and  to  leave  the  country.  The  popula- 
tion of  Madrid  rose  in  insurrection  and  maltreated  Godoy, 
who  fell  into  their  hands.  Charles  iv.  then  abdicated  in 
favour  of  his  son,  who  proceeded  to  France  to  obtain  the 
support  of  Napoleon.  Charles  iv.  and  his  Queen  followed 
Ferdinand,  and  when  the  Spanish  royal  family  was  assembled 
at  Bayonne,  Charles  iv.  was  induced  to  cede  llie  crown  of 
Spain  to  Napoleon,  who  conferred  it  on  his  brother  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  King  of  Naples,  on  the  6th  of  June  Joseph  Bona- 
1808.  But  it  was  one  thing  to  proclaim  Joseph  K^ngof Spain. 
King  of  Spain  and  the  Indies;  it  was  another  to  ^th June  1808. 
place  him  in  powder.  The  patriotism  of  the  Spanish  people 
was  stirred  to  its  depths,  and  the  Spaniards  declined  to  accept 
a  new  monarch  supported  by  French  troops.  In  every 
quarter  insurrections  broke  out  and  juntos  were  formed. 
Appeals  were  made  to  England  for  help,  and  money,  arms, 
ammunition  and  English  officers  were  disembarked  at  all  the 
chief  ports  of  Spain.  In  the  month  of  May  the  mob  of 
Madrid  drove  out  the  French  soldiers  of  Murat,  who  had  to 
retire  behind  the  Ebro.  But  mobs  and  undisciplined  militia 
can  never  stand  against  regular  troops.  Marshal  Bessieres 
defeated  the  best  Spanish  army  under  the  command  of  General 
Cuesta  at  Medina  del  Rio  Seco  on  the  14th  of  July  1S08, 
and  on  the  20th  of  July  Joseph  entered  Madrid.  Before  his 
arrival  at  his  new  capital,  flying  columns  had  been  sent  in 
every  direction,  and  one  of  these  on  its  way  to  Cadiz  capitulation 
met  with  a  serious  disaster.  This  was  the  famous  of  Bayicn. 
Capitulation  of  Baylen.  'J'he  French  division  of  ^°  juyio. 
General  Dupont  was  surrounded  at  that  place  and  forced  to 


268  European  History,  1808-181 2 

capitulate.  By  the  terms  of  the  Capitulation,  Dupont  engaged 
that  not  only  the  soldiers  under  his  immediate  command,  but 
also  that  two  fresh  divisions  which  were  coming  up  should 
surrender.  The  Capitulation  of  Baylen  deprived  Napoleon  of 
the  services  of  18,000  men,  but  the  loss  of  prestige  could  not  be 
estimated  by  numbers.  The  Spanish  insurgents  were  greatly 
encouraged  and  rose  in  every  quarter ;  a  guerilla  warfare  was 
begun,  which  was  in  the  end  more  fatal  to  the  French  army 
than  regular  defeats,  and  Napoleon  had  for  the  first  time  to  fight 
a  nation  in  arms.  This  was  an  exact  reversal  of  the  situation 
of  affairs  in  the  wars  of  the  French  Revolution ;  at  that  time 
it  was  the  French  nation  in  arms  which  defeated  the  disciplined 
soldiers  of  the  Continental  monarchs  ;  now  it  was  the  Spanish 
nation  in  arms  which  counteracted  the  schemes  of  Napoleon. 
It  is  almost  impossible  to  estimate  the  losses  experienced  by 
the  French  during  the  war  in  the  Iberian  Peninsula;  the 
defeats  inflicted  on  them  by  the  Anglo-Portuguese  army  ac- 
counted for  but  a  small  portion  of  this  loss ;  it  was  the  har- 
assing duty  of  maintaining  garrisons  in  every  town  and  almost 
in  every  posting-house  which  exhausted  the  French  army. 
It  need  hardly  be  said  that  Napoleon  was  far  from  expect- 
Napoieon  i^g  such  disasters  as  the  Capitulation  of  Baylen 
in  Spain,  and  the  Convention  of  Cintra.  He  had  been  so 
accustomed  to  victory  that  he  could  not  understand  the 
change  in  his  affairs.  He  looked  upon  these  two  events  as 
having  only  a  temporary  importance,  and  proceeded  to  the 
Congress  at  Erfurt  with  a  light  heart.  Though  checked  in 
Spain,  he  was  none  the  less  the  master  in  Germany,  and  the 
monarchs  of  Central  Europe  did  not  know  that  he  had  reached 
his  zenith  and  was  about  to  decline.  The  Emperor  Alexander 
alone  seems  to  have  had  some  suspicion  of  the  truth,  for  he 
entered  into  fresh  relations  with  England  by  means  of  the 
strong  English  party  at  his  Court,  which  was  headed  by  the 
Empress-mother.  As  soon  as  the  Congress  of  Erfurt  was 
over,  Napoleon  proceeded  to  Spain  in  person,  accompanied  by 
his  Guard  and  his  most  experienced  troops,  and  surrounded 


Napoleon  in  Spain  269 

by  his  most  famous  generals.  After  the  Capitulation  of 
Baylen,  Joseph  Bonaparte  had  left  Madrid,  and  with  the  bulk 
of  the  French  army  had  retreated  behind  the  Ebro.  He  was 
there  joined  by  Napoleon,  who  had  under  his  command  no 
less  than  135,000  men.  He  rapidly  advanced  upon  Madrid; 
Marshal  Soult  defeated  the  Spanish  Army  of  the  Centre  at 
Burgos  on  the  loth  of  November ;  Marshal  Victor  the  Spanish 
Army  of  the  Left  at  Espinosa  on  the  nth  of  November  ;  and 
Marshal  Lannes  the  Army  of  the  Right  at  Tudela  on  the  3d 
of  November.  In  spite  of  the  snow,  the  Emperor  in  person 
forced  the  pass  of  the  Somo  Sierra,  and  on  the  13th  of 
December  received  the  capitulation  of  Madrid.  The  victories 
of  his  lieutenants  and  his  own  rapid  and  successful  advance 
on  the  capital,  convinced  Napoleon  that  the  difficulties  of  thei' 
Spanish  war  had  been  exaggerated,  and  the  result  of  this 
impression  was  that  he  neglected  in  after  years  to  strengthen  \ 
b.is  armies  in  Spain  sufficiently,  and  attributed  all  failures  to  / 
the  incompetence  of  his  generals,  instead  of  to  the  obstinate 
tenacity  of  his  opponents. 

After  occupying  Madrid,  the  Emperor  next  determined  to 
turn  his  strength  against  the  Ens^lish  forces  in  the     ^.  .  , 

°  °  '^  Sir  John 

Peninsula.  Sir  John  Moore,  who  was  in  com-  Moore's 
mand  of  the  English  army  in  Portugal,  could  not  ^^^^"'=6. 
believe  that  the  Spanish  armies  were  too  weak  to  face  the 
French ;  but  when  he  heard  that  Napoleon  was  at  Madrid, 
he  resolved  to  make  a  diversion  in  order  to  prevent  him  from 
conquering  Andalusia,  and  to  give  time  for  the  Junta  of 
Seville  to  organise  the  defence  of  that  province.  Leaving  a 
small  division  to  protect  Portugal  under  Sir  John  Cradock, 
Moore,  with  :ne  bulk  of  the  English  army,  invaded  north- 
wesf  Spain  and"  advanced  as  far  as  Salamanca  and  Toro. 
Naiioleon,  as  TVlooi^riiad  expected,  put  off  the  invasion  of 
Andalusia^and  turned  against  the  English.  Moore  having 
thus  effected  his  purpose,  then  fell  back  into  Gaiicia.  ~In  the 
midst  of  most  terrible  weather  he  effected  one  of  the  most 
famous    retreats    in    history,  turning  occasionally  to  face  his 


270  European  History,  1S08-1812 

pursuers,   and   fighting   several    brilliant   rear-guard   actions. 

Napoleon  conducted  the  pursuit  in  person  for  some  time,  but 

hearing  that  Austria  was  preparing  for  war,  he  handed  over 

,     ,         the  command  to  Soult  and  suddenly  returned  to 

Battle  of  -' 

Corunna.  France.  Soult  did  not  come  up  with  the  English 
Jan.  16, 1809.  g^rn-iy  until  it  had  reached  Corunna,  and  was  wait- 
ing there  to  embark.  A  battle  was  fought  to  protect  the 
embarkation  of  the  English,  in  which  Sir  John  Moore  was 
killed,  and  Soult,  whose  losses  during  the  rapid  pursuit  had 
been  very  great,  turned  southwards  to  occupy  Oporto. 
V  The  Treaty  of  Pressburg  had  made  a  very  painful  impression, 

Austria.  "^^  Only  upon  the  mind  of  Francis  i.  of  Austria, 
1805-1809.  but  also  on  the  Austrian  people.  The  indignation 
aroused  by  the  cession  of  Dalmatia  and  the  loss  of  Venice, 
which  had  been  given  to  the  House  of  Austria  as  compensa- 
tion for  the  Milanese,  had  exasperated  the  Austrian  people. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Hungarians  were  inclined,  like  the 
Poles,  to  look  to  Napoleon  as  the  possible  restorer  of  their 
national  independence.  The  policy  of  the  Emperor  Francis 
had  been  to  treat  the  Hungarians,  whom  he  had  placed  under 
the  rule  of  his  brother,  the  Archduke  Joseph,  as  semi-indepen- 
dent, and  to  make  as  little  change  as  possible  in  the  Hun- 
garian Constitution.  He  regarded  his  German  provinces  as 
the  really  important  portion  of  his  dominions,  and  gave  them 
his  undivided  attention.  After  the  Treaty  of  Pressburg,  the 
Emperor  dismissed  his  chancellor  and  prime  minister  Cobenzl, 
and  replaced  him  by  Count  Philip  Stadion.  The  new  Chan- 
cellor was  a  thorough  German,  though  descended  from  a 
Grisons  family,  and  the  main  point  of  his  policy  was  to  rouse 
the  patriotism  of  the  Germans  as  a  nationality  against  the 
French.  In  fact,  from  1805  until  the  outbreak  of  war  in  1809, 
Stadion  endeavoured  to  arouse  the  national  spirit  which  after- 
wards made  Germany  successful  in  the  final  war  of  liberation 
against  Napoleon.  He  circulated  patriotic  literature,  and 
formulated  the  idea  of  German  unity,  which  he  saw  must  take 
the  olace  of  the  extinct  notion  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire. 


Resurrection  of  Austria  2/'i 

He  was  successful  in  rousing  the  German  popular  feeling  to 
the  greatest  height  in  the  German  provinces  of  Austria ;  but 
the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  for  the  expression  of  a  similar  senti- 
ment throughout  the  whole  of  Germany.  The  weight  of  the 
Continental  Blockade  was  not  experienced  in  its  fullest  form 
until  after  1809.  And  the  patriotic  feeling  which  was  to  have 
so  full  a  development  could  not  be  stirred  up  in  a  moment. 
But  in  the  German  territories  of  Austria  Stadion  was  com- 
pletely successful.  The  Emperor  Francis  himself  was  a 
thorough  German,  and  during  the  progress  which  he  made 
through  his  states  in  1808,  with  his  beautiful  second  wife,  the 
Empress  Ludovica,  a  princess  of  Modena,  roused  the  utmost 
enthusiasm.  Ever  since  the  Peace  of  Pressburg  the  Archduke 
Charles,  as  Commander-in-Chief,  had  been  organising  the 
military  power  of  Austria;  regiments  of  volunteers  were 
formed  in  Vienna  and  all  the  large  cities ;  and  the  militia  for 
the  first  time  were  disciplined  and  trained  for  offensive  war, 
and  not  maintained  merely  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace. 
While  the  smaller  princes  of  Germany  were  obsequiously 
doing  honour  to  Napoleon  at  Erfurt,  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
was  preparing  for  war.  The  successful  insurrection  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  Capitulation  of  Baylcn,  encouraged  Stadion 
in  Ii2sJ)el|ef  that  if  a  national  feeling  could  be  roused  against 
the  French  domination,  it  would  be  as  successful  in  Germany 
as  in  Spain.  The  English  Ministry  encouraged  the  attitude  of 
the  Austrian  Emperor,  and  promised  not  only  large  subsidies 
if  an  Austrian  army  would  take  the  field,  but  also  that  a 
powerful  diversion  should  be  made  in  the  Netherlands  by  an 
English  army.  Napoleon  heard  of  this  disposition  of  Austria 
in  1808,  but  at  first  paid  very  little  heed  to  it.  During  his 
winter  campaign  in  the  Peninsula,  however,  it  became  obvious 
that  the  Austrians  were  in  a  hurry  to  come  to  conclusions 
with  him,  and  he  therefore  hastened  back  from  Spain  to  make 
his  preparations  for  this  new  war,  instead  of  pursuing  the 
English  to  Corunna. 

From  both   the  political  and  the  military  point  of  view. 


272  European  History,  1 808-181 2 

Napoleon  was  justified  in  believing  in  1809  that  he  had  little  to 
Campaign  ^^^^  ixovA  the  intervention  of  Austria.  The  South 
ofWagram.  German  princes,  like  the  Kings  of  Bavaria  and 
^  °3"  Wiirtemberg,  had  been  too  much  favoured  by  him 

to  desire  to  oppose  him,  and  willingly  sent  their  contingents  to 
serve  in  his  ranks.  From  the  population  of  his  new  creation, 
the  kingdom  of  Westphalia,  he  looked  for  assistance,  not 
opposition,  and  what  remained  of  Prussia  was  occupied  by 
French  armies.  The  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  still  under 
the  glamour  of  the  interview  at  Erfurt,  and  the  grand  promises 
for  the  division  of  the  world  repeated  to  him  there,  showed 
no  inclination  to  assist  Austria.  Indeed,  the  feeling  of  opposi- 
tion between  Austria  and  Russia,  which  had  shown  itself  in 
1799  and  1800,  had  been  augmented  by  the  unfortunate 
campaign  of  Austerlitz.  Each  ally  blamed  the  other  for  that 
disaster  ;  the  Austrian  officers  openly  declared  that  they  hated 
a  Russian  more  than  a  Frenchman,  and  the  Russians  recipro- 
cated this  feeling.  Austria's  only  ally,  therefore,  was  England. 
From  a  military  point  of  view,  the  Austrian  army  liad""not  yet 
been  sufficiently  reorganised,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Stadion 
and  the  Archduke  Charles,  to  make  a  successful  resistance  to 
the  French  ;  but,  as  the  event  of  the  campaign  showed,  it  was 
able  to  make  a  better  stand  than  it  had  ever  made  before. 

In  April  1809  the  Archduke  Charles,  amid  the  greatest 
enthusiasm  of  the  Austrian  people,  issued  a  manifesto  to  the 
German  race,  and  at  the  head  of  170,000  men  advanced  into 
Bavaria.  At  the  same  time  another  army,  under  the  Arch- 
duke John,  invaded  Italy.  At  that  moment  Napoleon  had 
only  two  corps-d' ai'm'ee  in  Southern  Germany,  one  under  the 
command  of  Marshal  Davout  at  Ratisbon,  and  the  other 
under  Marshal  Massena  at  Augsburg.  The  Archduke  Charles 
intended  to  get  between  the  two  marshals  and  defeat  them 
separately.  But  Napoleon  arrived  in  person,  with  some  of 
the  finest  troops  he  had  been  employing  in  Spain,  before  the 
Archduke  could  complete  his  operations.  On  the  20th  of 
April  he  defeated  the  Austrian  left  at  Abensberg,  and  on  the 


The  Battle  of  Aspcrn  273 

2  2d  he  routed  the  Austrian  right  under  the  Archduke  in 
person  at  Eckmiihl.  In  the  five  days'  fighting,  which  in- 
cluded these  battles,  the  Austrians  lost  7000  men  in  killed 
and  wounded,  and  23,000  prisoners.  In  the  result  it  was  the 
Austrians,  not  the  French,  who  were  cut  in  two,  and  Napoleon 
rapidly  followed  the  Austrian  left  to  Vienna.  The  capital 
surrendered  on  the  12th  of  May,  and  Napoleon  then  resolved 
to  crdssthe  Danube  and  attack  the  main  body  of  the  Austrian 
army  under  the  Archduke  Charles.  He  attempted 
to  pass  the  river  at  the  point  where  is  situated  Aspern. 
midway  the  island  of  Lobau.     When  the  greater  '''^'^  """"^  "^"^^^ 

°  May  1809. 

part  of  his  army  had  reached  the  island  he 
pushed  across  to  the  other  bank,  and  on  the  21st  and  22nd 
of  May  stormed  the  villages  of  Aspern  and  Essling.  But 
on  the  evening  of  the  second  fight  he  found  it  necessary 
to  withdraw  into  the  island  of  Lobau,  for  his  bridges  of 
boats  which  connected  the  island  with  the  right  bank  of 
the  river  had  been  swept  away,  and  his  ammunition  had 
fallen  short.  The  Tyrolese,  too,  had  risen  under  Hofer,  and 
Napoleon's  position  was  most  critical.  Nevertheless  he  deter- 
mined not  to  retreat  ;  the  island  of  Lobau  became  an  en- 
trenched camp ;  stronger  bridges  were  thrown  from  it  to  the 
right  bank  of  the  Danube ;  and  reinforcements  were  sum- 
moned from  different  quarters. 

The  most  important  of  these  reinforcements  were  sup- 
plied by  the  French  Army  of  Italy,  which  reached  Napoleon 
in  the  island  of  Lobau  on  the  2nd  of  July.  This  army 
was  conmiandcd  by  the  Viceroy  of  Italy,  Eugene  de  l^eau- 
harnais,  whose  military  adviser  and  principal  subordinate  was 
General  Macdonald.  The  Viceroy  had,  before  Macdonald 
reached  him,  been  checked  at  Sacilio  by  the  Archduke  John, 
but  after  Macdonald's  arrival  he  pushed  on  rapidly.  A  de- 
cisive victory,  which  prevented  the  Archduke  John  from 
pursuing,  was  won  over  the  Hungarians  at  Raab  on  the  14th 
of  June,  after  which  Eugene  de  IJeauharnais  was  enabled  safely 
to  join  the  Emi)eror  in  the  island  of  Lobau.     With  his  army 

PERIOD  VII.  s 


274  European  History,  1808-1812 

thus  increased,  Napoleon  crossed  to  the  left  bank  of  the 
Danube  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  July,  at  the  head  of 
g  J  J.  180,000  men,  many  of  whom  were  Westphalians, 
wagram.  Bavarians,  and  Italians.  On  the  following  day  he 
6th  July  1809.  completely  defeated  the  Archduke  Charles  at  the 
battle  of  Wagram,  at  which  the  Austrians  lost  more^than 
30,000  men.  Though  defeated,  the  Austrian  army  was  not 
disgraced,  and  Napoleon  himself  said,  when  blamed  for  not 
following  up  his  victory,  '  If  I  had  had  my  veterans  of  Auster- 
litz  I  should  have  carried  out  a  manoeuvre  which,  with  my 
present  troops,  I  dare  not  execute.'  Had  the  Archduke  John 
come  up  in  time  and  placed  himself  under  his  brother's  com- 
mand, the  battle  might  have  had  a  different  result,  and  as  it 
was,  the  Austrian  Emperor  need  not  have  considered  himself 
forced  to  conclude  peace. 

The  Emperor  Francis,  however,  did  not  dare  to  risk  the 
further  event  of  war,  and  on  the  14th  of  October 

Treaty  of  ' 

Vienna.  14th  1809  he  signed  the  Treaty  of  Vienna.  By  this 
October  1809.  i-^g^j-y  Austria  ceded  Trieste,  Carniola,  Istria, 
and  a  large  part  of  Croatia  to  Napoleon,  who  added  them 
to  Dalmatia,  which  he  had  acquired  at  the  Treaty  of 
Pressburg,  and  made  out  of  them  the  Government  of  the 
Illyrian  Provinces.  Francis  also  abandoned  the  Tyrolese,  and 
ceded  the  greater  part  of  Salzburg  to  the  King  of  Bavaria, 
whose  army,  along  with  the  Saxon  contingent  under  Bernadotte, 
had  played  a  great  part  in  winning  the  victory  of  Wagram.  He 
had  to  give  up  the  whole  of  Western  Galicia  ;  the  greater  part 
of  this  province  was  added  to  the  Grand-Duchy  of  AVarsaw,  but 
certain  districts  were  ceded  to  the  Emperor  Alexander,  who  in 
reply  to  the  demands  of  Napoleon  had  despatched  an  army  to 
act  in  that  quarter  against  the  Austrians.  This  action  had  still 
further  incensed  the  Emperor  of  Austria  against  the  Emperor 
of  Russia,  while  it  did  not  satisfy  Napoleon,  who  complained 
that  the  Russians  had  not  acted  with  sufficient  vigour,  and 
had  been  waiting  to  hear  the  result  of  the  main  campaign  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Vienna.     In  Austria  itself  the   most 


TJic  Battle  of  Ta  lav  era  275 

important  result  of  the  war  was  the  retirement  of  Count 
Phihp  Stadion,  who  was  succeeded  as  Chancellor  of  State  by 
Count  Metternich. 

During  the  campaign  of  Wagram  the  French  armies  left  in 
Spain  had  been  continuing  their  operations.  Before  the 
actual  outbreak  of  war  with  Austria,  Saragossa  had  ^^^  penin- 
been  captured  on  the  21st  of  February  1809,  after  suiar  War. 
an  obstinate  siege,  which  proved  to  the  French  the  ^^°3- 
mettle  of  their  new  opponents.  The  most  important  opera- 
tions had  been  carried  out  in  three  quarters  of  the  Peninsula. 
In  Arragon  and  Catalonia,  General  Gouvion-Saint-Cyr  acted 
with  considerable  skill  in  a  campaign  of  which  the  main 
feature  was  the  reduction  of  small  fortresses,  and  his  successor, 
General  Suchet,  steadily  pursued  the  same  policy.  Both  of 
these  generals  invariably  defeated  any  Spanish  army  which  met 
them  in  the  field.  From  Madrid  King  Joseph  had  acted  in  two 
different  directions.  Marshal  Moncey  took  Valencia  ;  Marshal 
Victor  defeated  the  Spanish  army  of  the  South,  which  was 
under  the  command  of  Cuesta,  at  Medellin ;  and  General 
Sebastiani  approached  the  frontiers  of  Andalusia.  But  in 
Portugal  the  French  had  again  to  meet  the  English,  who  had 
in  the  previous  year  defeated  them  at  Vimeiro,  and  drawn 
them  away  to  Corunna.  After  the  departure  of  Sir  John 
Moore's  army,  Marshal  Soult  had  invaded  Portugal  from  the 
north  and  occupied  Oporto.  There  is  no  doubt  that  if  he 
had  acted  boldly  he  might  have  captured  Lisbon,  which  was 
only  guarded  by  a  feeble  division  under  Sir  John  Cradock. 
But  Soult  wasted  his  time  in  intriguing,  it  is  said,  for  the 
throne  of  Portugal,  until  the  English  Ministry  had  time  to  re- 
inforce Cradock,  and  to  send  Sir  ArthurJWellesley  t^  command 
the  army  in  Portugal.  Wellesley  speedily  dislodged  Soult  from 
Oi)orto,  and_drove  his  army  in  disorder  back  into  ^^^^j  ^^ 
Galicia.  He  then,  following  the  example  of  Moore,  Xaiavera. 
invaded  Spain,  in  the  expectation  of  saving  Anda-  28th juiy  1809, 
lusia.  He  met  theJFrcJich  army  in  Spain,  under  the  command 
of  Marshal  Victor,  at  Talavera.      He   repulsed   the  French 


276  European  History,  1808- 181 2 

attack  on  his  position  on  the  28th  of  July,  and  had  he  been 
efficiently  assisted  by  the  Spaniards  under  Cuesta  he  might 
have  won  a  great  victory.  As  it  was,  his  success  prevented 
the  French  from  invading  Portugal,  but  it  was  not  sufficiently 
decisive  to  save  Andalusia.  The  French  army  was  reorganised  ; 
the  Spaniards  were  routed  at  the  battle  of  Ocana,  on  the 
1 2th  of  November,  and  the  whole  of  the  fertile  province  of 
Andalusia,  with  the  exception  of  Gibraltar  and  Cadiz,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  French. 

Unfortunately  the  English  Ministers  failed  to  understand  im- 
mediately the  greatness  of  the  opportunity  given  to  them  by 
Expedition  to  NapoIcon's  bchaviout  in  the  Peninsula,  and  instead 
Waicheren.  of  concentrating  all  their  military  strength  for  the 
^  °^'  support  of  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley,  who  was  made 

Viscount  Wellington  for  his  victory  of  Talavera,  they  despatched 
one  of  the  finest  armies  that  ever  left  England  on  the  Waicheren 
Expedition.  They  had  promised  to  assist  the  Emperor  of 
Acrstria  by  making  a  diversion  in  the  north  of  Europe.  The 
object  of  this  diversion  was  Antwerp,  on  which  city  Napoleon 
was  spending  vast  sums  of  money  in  the  hope  of  making  it 
the  successful  rival  of  London.  This  expedition,  which  was 
placed  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  the  elder 
brother  of  the  younger  Pitt,  never  reached  Antwerp.  It  v/as 
landed  in  the  island  of  Waicheren,  and  took  Flushing  in 
August  1809.  It  met  no  French  army  worthy  of  the  name, 
but  was  destroyed  as  a  fighting  machine  by  the  pestilences 
and  fevers  of  the  unhealthy  island  in  which  it  was  TjUartered. 
The  expedition  took  place  too  late  to  be  of  any  service  to 
Austria,  for  the  English  army  did  not  disembark  until  a  month 
after  the  battle  of  Wagram  had  been  fought,  and  in  the  want 
of  energy  with  which  it  was  conducted,  it  may  almost  be 
classed  with  the  disastrous  expedition  to  Bergen  in  1799.  At 
seaj__  however,  the  English  fleet  maintained  its  pre-eminence. 
In  this  year  GuadeloiTpe,  Martinique,  and  the  Mauritius  were 
conquered,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  burn  the  French  fleet 
in  the  Basque  Roads  .by  Lord  Cochrane,  which  might  have 


Napoleon  and  tJie  Pope  277 

been  completely  successful  if  he  had  not  been  thwarted  by 
the  admiral  in  command,  Lord  Gambier. 

It  has  been  said  that  one  of  the  measures  by  which 
Napoleon  secured  his  ascendency  over  the  minds  of  the 
French  people  was  the  conclusion  of  the  Concordat  Napoleon  and 
by  which  the  schism  which  had  divided  the  French  the  Pope. 
Church  was  closed.  He  had  at  the  commencement  of  his  tenure 
of  power  treated  the  new  Pope,  Pius  vii.,  with  much  respect, 
and  the  Pope  had  in  return  made  the  Emperor's  uncle,  Fesch,  a 
Cardinal,  and  had  come  to  Paris  to  crown  him  Emperor.  But 
troubles  soon  arose  between  Napoleon  and  Pius  vii.  The 
Emperor  proclaimed  himself  the  successor  of  Charlemagne, 
and  wished  to  restrict  the  Pope  entirely  to  spiritual  affairs. 
The  terms  of  the  Concordat  were  not  thoroughly  carried  out. 
The~Tbpe  would  not  give  Napoleon  the  supreme  authority" 
over  the  French  bishops,  which  he  desired,  and  His  Holiness 
looked  on  the  transformation  of  the  priesthood  in  France  from 
an  independent  body  into  salaried  officials  with  extreme  dis- 
favour. On  the  Pope's  return  to  Rome  in  1805,  he  requested 
that  the  French  troops  should  evacuate  the  whole  of  the 
former  States  of  the  Church.  Napoleon  did  not  comply  with 
this  request,  and  not  satisfied  with  ordaining  the  cession  of  the 
Legations  of  Bologna  and  Ferrara  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy,  he 
occupied  Ancona,  and  confiscated  the  principalities  of  Ponte 
Corvo  and  Benevento,  which  he  bestowed  on  Bernadotte  and 
Talleyrand.  The  declaration  of  the  Continental  Blockade 
increased  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Pope,  who  declined  to  obey 
it,  as  he  also  did  a  further  order  in  1806  to  expel  from  Rome 
all  English,  Russian,  Swedish,  and  Sardinian  subjects.  After 
some  months  of  perpetual  bickering  Napoleon  directed  General 
MioUis  to  occupy  Rome  on  the  2nd  of  February  1808.  Pius 
VII.,  in  the  cause  of  peace,  dismissed  Cardinal  Consalvi,  his 
Secretary  of  State,  but  he  could  not  satisfy  the  demands  of 
the  Emperor,  and  on  the  17th  of  May  1809  the  States  of  the 
Church  in  Italy  were  declared  united  to  the  French  Empire, 
and  Rome  was  officially  decreed  to  be  the  Second  City  of  that 


2/8  European  History,  1 808-1812 

Empire.  Exasperated  by  this  open  insult,  Pius  vii.  excom- 
municated the  French  Emperor.  Napoleon,  who  was  at  that 
time  in  his  camp  in  the  island  of  Lobau,  ordered  that  the  Pope 
should  be  removed  from  Rome.  He  was  arrested  by  General 
Radet  on  the  6th  of  July,  the  day  of  the  victory  of  Wagram, 
and  forcibly  removed  to  Savona,  near  Genoa,  where  he  was 
kept  as  a  State  prisoner.  Pius  vii.  in  his  exile  consistently 
protested  against  the  usurpations  of  Napoleon,  and  refused 
from  this  time  to  give  canonical  institution  to  the  bishops 
nominated  by  the  Emperor.  In  181 1  Napoleon  attempted  to 
put  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  France  on  a  new  footing,  and  sum- 
moned a  national  council  or  synod  of  bishops  to  meet  at 
Paris.  But  the  Pope  refused  to  negotiate  with  the  synod,  and 
he  was  accordingly  removed  to  Fontainebleau  in  181 2.  While 
there  Napoleon  pretended  that  His  Holiness  agreed  to  a  new  and 
revised  Concordat  which  was  promulgated  as  a  law  on  the  13th 
of  February  1813.  Pius  vii.  always  denied  that  he  had  given 
his  consent  to  the  new  arrangement,  which  would  have 
deprived  him  of  his  most  valued  prerogatives,  and  stated  that 
he  had  always  regarded  himself  as  a  prisoner  since  his  removal 
from  Rome.  By  his  conduct  towards  the  Pope  Napoleon 
committed  a  great  mistake.  He  lost  the  support  of  the 
faithful  body  of  Catholics  in  France  whom  he  had  conciliated 
in  1801,  and  he  gave  a  pretext  for  his  enemies  to  declaie  him 
the  enemy  of  religion.  The  Caesarjsm  which  had  infected 
his  imagination  after  his  great  victories  in  1806  and  1807 
appeared  in  his  behaviour  towards  Pius  vii.  as  well  as  in  his 
intervention  with  the  affairs  of  Spain. 

The  year  1809,  which  witnessed  the  campaign  of  Wagram 
and  the  overthrow  of  the  Pope,  was  also  signalised  by  ^je- 
_,    „  volution  in  Sweden,  which  was  followed  by  very  im- 

The  Revo-  '  ■'  •' 

lution  in  portaut  results.  It  has  been  said  that  Gustavus  iv. 
Sweden.  1809.  j-emaiued  faithful  to  the  coalition  against  Napoleon 
even  after  the  Peace  of  Tilsit.  By  that  peace  it  was  arranged 
that  the  Emperor  of  Russia  should  annex  Finland.  This  was 
carried  out  in  1808,  after  a  very  weak  opposition  on  the  part 


Bernadotte,  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  279 

of  the  Swedes,  and  in  the  same  year  Swedish  Pomerania  was 
occupied  by  the  French.  In  spite  of  these  losses  the  King  of 
Sweden  declared  war  against  Denmark,  and  then  quarrelled 
with  the  general  of  the  English  army  sent  to  his  assistance. 
For  this  conduct,  which  seemed  conclusive  as  to  the  loss  of 
sanity  by  the  King,  the  Swedes  resolved  to  dethrone  him.  At 
the  commencement  of  1809  the  Baron  Adlersparre,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  sent  to  invade  Norway,  concluded 
a  secret  armistice  with  the  Danes,  and  marched  on  Stockholm. 
On  the  13th  of  March  1809  the  King  was  arrested,  and  on 
the  29th  he  was  forced  to  sign  a  de£iLaf_ahdication.  This 
act  was  ratified  by  the  States  of  Sweden  on  the  loth  of  May, 
and  the  King's  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Sudermania,  was  elected 
King  as  Charles  xiii.  A  new  constitution  of  an  aristocratic 
type,  restoring  the  power"of  the  Svvedish  nobles  which  had  been 
severely- curtailed  by  Gustavus  in.,  was  promulgated,  and  on  the 
1 8th  of  January  18 10  the  States  elected  as  heir  to  the  throne, 
since  the  new  King  had  no  sons,  the  Prince  Christian  of  Hol- 
stein-Augustenberg.  This  young  prince  died  in  May  of  the 
same  year,  and  the  question  then  arose  as  to  his  successor. 
There  was  no  possible  prince  of  the  reigning  family,  and  the 
king  was  old  and  in  bad  health.  It  happened  that  in  1806  the 
Swedish  officers  employed  in  Hanover  had  made  the  acquaint- 
ance of  Marshal  Bernadotte,  who  commanded  in  that  quarter, 
and  it  was  suggested  that  he  should  be  elected  as  Prince  Royal. 
This  choice  was  dictated  by  a  hope  that  it  would  please  the 
French  Emperor,  for  Bernadottewas  not  only  one  of  his  most 
distinguished  marshals,  but  was  connected  with  his  family,  for 
both  he  and  Joseph  Bonaparte  had  married  daughters  of 
Monsieur  Clary,  a  tradesman  of  Marseilles.  Bernadotte 
received  the  consent  of  Napoleon;  on  the  19th  of  October 
1810  he  abjured  Catholicism  ;  and  on  the  5th  of  November  he 
was  elected  Prince  Royal  by  the  Swedish  Diet.  He  was  at 
once  charged  with  the  direction  of  foreign  affairs  and  with  the 
reorganisation  of  the  Swedish  army,  and  he  played  an  im- 
portant j)art  in  the  overthrow  of  the  I'Vench  l'-nii)fror. 


28o  European  History,  1 808-1 812 

With  Sweden  and  Poland,  Turkey  had  for  a  long  time  been 
considered  as  the  third  barrier  against  the  advance  of  Russia. 
Bonaparte,  like  earlier  French  statesmen,  had 
^^"  held  this  view,  but  after  the  Peace  of  Tilsit  he 
expressed  himself  as  ready  and  willing  to  abandon  all  three 
countries  to  the  encroachments  of  Russia.  The  loss  of  Fin- 
land and  Pomerania  had  reduced  Sweden  to  a  minor  state ; 
the  Grand-Duchy  of  Warsaw  was  a  poor  substitute  for  the 
Kingdom  of  Poland,  and  it  is  now  necessary  to  observe  the  effects 
upon  Turkey  of  her  abandonment  by  France.  The  Sultan, 
Selim  III.,  had  been  thrown  into  a  close  alliance  with  England 
by  Napoleon's  occupation  of  Egypt  when  he  was  but  a  general 
of  the  French  Republic,  and  still  more  by  his  daring  march 
into  Syria.  When  he  became  First  Consul,  Napoleon  en- 
deavoured to  destroy  the  unfavourable  opinion  entertained  of 
him  at  Constantinople,  and  sent  thither  as  his  ambassador  one 
of  the  ablest  of  the  French  diplomatists.  General  Sebastiani, 
who  managed  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Porte.  The  English 
monopoly  of  the  commerce  of  the  Levant  was  displeasing  to 
the  Porte,  and  Pitt  failed  to  induce  the  Sultan  to  enter  into 
the  coalition  against  France  in  1805.  In  1807  an  English 
fleet  under  Sir  John  Duckworth  was  sent  to  compel  the  Sultan 
to  give  up  his  friendship  with  the  French.  After  forcing  the 
passage"  of  the  Dardanelles,  it  had  to  retire  without  achieving 
its  object,  and  suffered  great  loss  while  sailing  down  the 
Straits.  This  behaviour  of  England  threw  the  Turks  entirely 
on  the  side  of  France.  French  officers  were  employed  to 
reorganise  the  Turkish  army,  and  a  regular  militia  was 
established.  Sultan  Selim  was  a  monarch  in  advance  of 
his  times,  and  endeavoured  to  introduce  certain  reforms,  but 
he  roused  against  him  both  the  Muhammadan  Ulemas  and  the 
Janissaries.  The  former  disliked  his  civil  reforms,  the  latter 
his  establishment  of  the  militia.  Selim  was  dethroned,  and 
replaced  by  Mustapha  iv.  on  the  21st  of  July  1807.  But 
the  reign  of  Mustapha  was  but  of  short  duration.  The 
Pasha   of   Rustchuk  marched   to  Constantinople,   and  when 


Rjisso-Turkish  War,  1 808-18 12  281 

he  found  that  the  Sultan  Selim  had  been  assassinated,  he 
dethroned  Mustapha  and  placed  his  nephew,  Mahmoud  11., 
on  the  throne  of  Turkey.  The  first  event  of  the  new- 
reign  was  a  violent  battle  between  the  Janissaries  and  the 
freshly  organised  militia  in  the  streets  of  Constantinople, 
after  which  Mahmoud  executed  his  own  brother  and  most  of 
his  relations,  and  estabhshed  himself  firmly  on  the  throne.  The 
new  Sultan,  who  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  vigour,  was  at 
once  attacked  by  the  Russians,  as  had  been  arranged  by  the 
the  Txeaty_orTilsit.  Napoleon  had  pointed  out  to  Alexander 
that  he  could  easily  annex  the  Danubian  principalities,  and  he 
hoped  that  the  Turks  would  afford  enough  occupation  to  the 
Russian  army  to  prevent  it  from  interfering  with  his  projects 
in  Europe.  The  Russia.n  attack  on  Turkey  was  followed  by 
a  treaty  of  peace  between  England  and  the  Porte,  in  spite  of 
the  efforts  of  the  French  diplomatists ;  but  the  English,  as 
usual,  considered  it  enough  to  send  subsidies  in  money  with- 
out supplying  troops.  In  1809  the  Turks  were  defeated  at 
Braila  and  Sihstria,  and  by  the  close  of  iSio  the  Russian 
army  under  the  command  of  Prince  Bragation  occupied  the 
whole  of  Wallachia,  jNIoldavia,  and  Bessarabia.  In  181 1  the 
Russian  general  Kutuzov  crossed  the  Danube,  and  occupied 
both  Silistria  and  Shumla,  and  the  way  was  opened  to  Con- 
stantinople. But,  fortunately  for  the  existence  of  the  Turkish 
power.  Napoleon  in  181 2  was  preparing  to  invade  Russia; 
tlie  efforts  of  the  French  diplomatists  to  induce  the  Sultan 
Mahmoud  to  continue  the  war  were  fruitless ;  the  Porte  said 
that  it  had  too  often  proved  the  worthlessness  ^^^^^y  ^f 
of  the  French  offers  of  help,  and  on  the  28th  Bucharest. 

.    , ,  -  .  -11        28th  May  1812. 

of  May  181 2  a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  be- 
tween Russia  and  Turkey  at  Bucharest.  By  this  treaty  the 
Turks  cededliaff  orBessaraBTa  and  Moldavia  to  Russia,  and 
acknowledged  the  Princi[)aHty  of  Servia,  but  its  chief  importance 
in  European  history  is  that  it  relieved  tlie  Emperor_Alexandcr 
from  an  important  enemy  at  a  moment  of  crisis,  and  allowed 
him  to  turn  all  his  strength  against  the  French  invaders. 


282  European  History^  1 808-1 812 

The  period  from  1809  to  1812,  that  is,  from  the  Peace  of 
Vienna  to  the  invasion  of  Russia,  witnessed  the  greatest 
The  Greatest  extension  of  the  dominions  of  Napoleon.  But  this 
Extension  of  enormous  increase  of  territory  did  not  strengthen 
Empire.  France ;  new  difficulties  appeared  with  each  fresh 

1809-1812.  advance;  and  although  in  181 1  the  boundaries 
of  the  French  power  were  far  more  distended  than  they  were 
in  1808,  the  Empire  was  not  so  strong.  By  his  annexations 
Napoleon  abandoned  the  principle  which  he  had  formerly  set 
before  himself  He  had  declared  that  the  natural  boundaries 
of  France  were  the  Rhine  and  the  Alps,  and  every  annexation 
beyond  those  natural  limits  was  a  distinct  act  of  defiance  to 
Europe.  From  1806  to  1808  his  policy  was  to  surround  France 
with  a  belt  of  subject  kingdoms  ;  by  his  annexations  from  1809 
to  181 2  his  borders  touched  those  of  the  great  Continental 
powers.  In  the  north  Napoleon  accepted  the  abdication  of 
his  brother  Louis,  who  had  protested  against  the  measures 
taken  for  maintaining  the  Continental  Blockade,  and  on  the 
9th  of  July  1 8 10  he  declared  Holland  an  integral  part  of  the 
Empire.  Holland  was  divided  into  eight  departments,  and 
lost  its  existence  as  an  independent  nation.  Then  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  Continental  Blockade,  Napoleon,  on  the  13th  of 
December  18 10,  annexed  the  districts  in  North  Germany  from 
the  borders  of  Holland  to  the  mouth  of  the  Weser.  By  this 
step  he  united  the  whole  coast-line  from  Friesland  to  Den- 
mark, and  hoped  to  close  entirely  the  English  trade  with 
North  Germany.  The  districts  annexed  were  the  Duchy  of 
Oldenburg,  the  sea-coast  of  Hanover,  the  territories  of  the 
Princes  of  Salm  and  Aremberg,  and  the  free  cities  of 
Bremen,  Hamburg,  and  Liibeck.  These  districts  were  divided 
into  four  departments,  the  Ems-Superieur,  the  Lippe,  the 
Bouches-du-Weser,  and  the  Bouches-de-l'Elbe,  with  their 
capitals  at  Osnabriick,  Miinster,  Bremen,  and  Hamburg. 
These  annexations  showed  what  persistent  opposition  Napo- 
leon met  in  Germany  to  the  Continental  Blockade,  when  his 
own  brother  Louis  could  not  maintain  it  in  Holland,  and  he 


Extent  of  Napoleons  Empire  283 

was  afraid  to  trust  the  coast-line  of  Westphalia  to  his  brother 
Jerome.  Turning  further  south,  Napoleon  in  1810  annexed 
the  Valais,  which  he  had  declared  independent  of  Switzerland, 
under  the  name  of  the  Department  of  the  Simplon.  In  Italy 
the  most  flagrant  breach  of  the  former  French  system  was 
committed.  When  the  kingdom  of  Italy  was  formed  in  1805, 
the  Emperor  had  kept  Piedmont  under  his  own  control  in 
order  to  command  both  sides  of  the  Alps,  and  in  1810  he 
preferred  to  amalgamate  the  Ligurian  Republic,  Parma,  the 
Kingdom  of  Etruria,  and  the  States  of  the  Church  with  his 
directly-governed  departments  in  Piedmont,  rather  than  to 
unite  them  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  These  districts  were 
divided  into  nine  departments,  and  it  is  curious  to  notice 
such  cities  as  Rome,  Genoa,  Parma,  Florence,  Siena,  and 
Leghorn  as  capitals  of  French  departments.  In  all,  the 
French  Empire  at  its  greatest  consisted  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty  departments  directly  administered  from  Paris,  excluding 
from  consideration  the  lUyrian  provinces  and  the  Ionian 
Islands,  which  were  not  treated  as  departments.  Mention 
has  already  been  made  of  the  subject  kingdoms,  and  it  is 
only  to  be  noted  here  that  Murat,  the  famous  cavalry  general 
and  brother-in-law  of  Napoleon,  was  made  King  of  Naples 
when  Joseph  Bonaparte  was  promoted  to  the  throne  of  Spain, 
and  that  the  infant  son  of  Louis  Bonaparte,  the  former  King 
of  Holland,  received  Murat's  Grand-Duchy  of  Berg.  Napoleon 
also  made  his  favourite  sister,  Elisa,  Grand  Duchess  of  Tus- 
cany and  Princess  of  Lucca  and  Piombino  ;  his  second  sister, 
Pauline,  Duchess  of  Guastalla ;  and  his  Chief  of  the  Staff 
and  most  trusted  subordinate.  Marshal  Berthicr,  independent 
Prince  of  Ncufchatel. 

The  administration  of  this  vast  empire  was  purely  bureau- 
cratic. Napoleon  endeavoured  to  establish  a  TTierarcIiy  of 
civil  officials,  who  should  be  as  completely  under  jntg^nai  Or- 
hifTdirect  control  as  the  officers  of  his  army.  He  ganisation  of 
ruled^he  Empire  like  a  general.  Implicit  obedicn~ce  *''''  Empire, 
to  orders  was  the  only  means  to  promotion  in  his  civil,  as 


284  Eitropcan  History,  1808-1812 

well  as  in  his  military,  organisation.  He  delighted  in  insisting 
on  this  comparison.  The  Legion  of  Honour  was  not  a  mili- 
tary order,  but  was  conferred  with  equal  freedom  on  civil 
officials,  and  in  all  matters  the  Emperor's  will  could  be  con- 
sulted and  was  supreme.  No  subjects  were  too  minute  for 
his  supervision.  He  reorganised  the  ancient  theatrical  com- 
pany of  the  Comedie  Frangaise  with  the  same  attention  to 
detail  as  a  matter  of  State  administration.     The  development 

Iof  a  bureaucracy  dependent  on  absolutism  was  in  curious 
contrast  Jo  the  Constitution  of  1791,  and  the  theories  which 
had  prevailed  at  the  beginning~or  the  French  Revolution. 
Freedom  of  petition,  freedom  of  the  press,  individual  liberty, 
representative  institutions,  and  all  the  liberties  won  ^bj^  the 
French  people  were  entirely  abolished.  The  censorship  of 
the  press  was  re-established,  and  carried  out  with  more  rigour 
than  it  had  been  even  under  the  Bourbon  monarchy.  All 
manuscripts  had  to  be  revised  before  being  sent  to  the  printer, 
and  perfectly  innocent  allusions,  which  might  be  interpreted 
into  applying  condemnation  of  the  existing  order  of  things, 
brought  upon  their  authors  immediate  imprisonment,  and  the 
destruction  of  their  books.  Ir\i|ividual  liberty  ceased  tf)  exist ; 
for  the  Emperor  exiled  and  imprisoned  at  his  will.  The  secret 
police,  which  had  been  organised  by  Fouche,  exercised  a 
minute  inquisition  into  the  most  private  affairs,  and  a  crowd 
of  spies  kept  the  Emperor  informed  of  every  current  of 
opinion  in  Paris  and  throughout  the  Empire.  The  arbitrari- 
ness of  his  government  was  greatly  due  to  his  sensitiveness 
to  public  opinion,  and  it  is  narrated  that  during  his  enforced 
residence  in  the  island  of  Lobau  he  was  far  more  exercised  in 
mind  by  his  spies'  reports  of  the  conversations  on  the  subject 
in  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain  than  by  the  movements  of  the 
Austrians.  Representative  institutions  had  been  practically 
superseded  by  the  Constitution  of  the  Year  viii.,  but  the  last 
vestige  of  a  power  which  could  criticise  the  Emperor's  will, 
the  Tribunate,  was  suppressed  in  1808.  The  Senate  became 
\  merely  a  dignified  body  to  congratulate  the  Emperor  on  his 


Napoleon  and  his  Family  285 

victories,  and  the  Legislative  Body  registered,  without  mur- 
muring, all  his  decrees.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that,  in  181 1, 
Napoleon  imitated  the  most  arbitrary  measure  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety,  and,  when  the  price  of  corn  rose, 
he  fixed  a  maximum  price  for  its  sale  in  Paris. 

Next  to  his  own  absolutism  Napoleon  believed  in  the  prin- 
ciple of  heredity.    He  showed  this  primarily  in  the  treatment 
ofliis^bwiTfamily.-     He   not   only  brought   his  mother   to 
Paris,  and  under  the  title  of  Madame  Mere  en-  The  Hereditary 
dowed  her  with  a  large  income,  but  bestowed  on  Principle, 
his  brothers  and  sisters,  in  spite  of  the  marked  incapacity 
of  many  of  them,  the  most  important  posts.     The  kingdoms 
given  to  Joseph,  Louis,  and  Jerome  Bonaparte  were  accom- 
panied by  the  intimation  that  they  were  to  rule  subject  to  his 
will,  and  he  exercised  an  autocratic  power  over  all  the  mem- 
bers of  his  family.     For  instance,  he  insisted  that   Jerome 
should  divorce  his  wife,  an  American  lady  named  Patterson, 
because  his  own  consent  had  not  been  obtained,  and  forced 
him    to   marry   a   Wiirtemberg   princess.     His   own   lack   of 
children  greatly  grieved  him,  and  he  made  various  arrangements 
as  to  his  successor.     At  one  time  it  was  thought  he  would 
nominate  his  step-son,  Eugene  de  Beauharnais;  at  another 
he  selected  an  infant  son  of  his  brother  Louis  to  be  his  heir, 
and  had  him  baptized  by  the  Pope  just  after  his  own  corona- 
tion in   1S05  ;  and  when  the  infant  died,  he  issued  a  decree, 
arranging    the    succession   among    his    brothers    and    their 
children   in   order   of  seniority.      He   created   his   brothers, 
sisters,  and  step-children   Princes  of  the  Empire,  and   gave 
them  honorary  seats  in  the  Senate  and  Council  of  State,  and 
he  insisted  upon  his  wife  Josephine  surrounding  herself  with  all 
the  pomp  of  a  monarchical  Court.     The  desire  of  creating  a 
Court  which  should  outshine  that  of  the  Bourbons  caused 
Napoleon  to  bid  high  for  the  support  of  the  ancient  noble 
families  of  France.     By  bestowing  large  incomes,  rapid  pro- 
motion, and  repeated  favours  he  was  able  to  get  men  and 
women  bearing  the  oldest  names  in  France  to  accept  office  as 


286  European  History,  i^o^-\^i2 

chamberlains  and  lords  and  ladies-in-waiting,  while  many  scions 
of  former  sovereign  families  in  Germany  and  the  Netherlands 
did  not  hesitate  to  request  admission  to  such  Court  offices. 
But  he  did  not  trust  solely  to  the  old  nobility  to  form  the  splen- 
dour of  his  Court ;  he  always  suspected  that  they  vvere  sneering 
at  him,  and  endeavoured  to  counterbalance  them  by  creating 
Napoleon's  a  ncw  nobility.  This  new  nobility  was  formed 
Aristocracy,  entirely  from  the  men  who  did  him  good  ser- 
vice, whether  in  military  or  civil  departments.  By  the  side 
of  his  marshals,  most  of  whom  he  created  dukes,  he  ranked 
his  chief  diplomatists  and  ministers,  and  the  example  was 
followed  into  inferior  ranks.  Good  service  as  the  prefet  of 
a  department  led  to  a  barony  as  certainly  as  gallant  service 
in  the  field  at  the  head  of  a  regiment,  and  former  members 
of  the  Convention,  who,  as  Deputies  on  Mission,  had  exerted 
unlimited  authority,  were  content  to  accept  the  title  of 
Chevalier  of  the  Empire,  the  lowest  in  his  new  peerage. 
The  peerage  of  the  Empire  was  strictly  hereditary,  though  in 
many  instances  the  Emperor  assumed  the  right  exercised 
by  former  kings  of  granting  permission  to  adopt  an  heir.  But 
the  new  peerage  was  purely  ornamental ;  it  conferred  no 
political  power  whatever.  Napoleon  never  dreamt  of  creating 
a  House  of  Lords  ;  he  only  conceived  the  notion  of  balancing 
the  influence  of  the  old  aristocracy  by  the  creation  of  one 
dependent  entirely  on  himself  In  his  desire  to  maintain 
the  dignity  of  his  new  nobles,  he  granted  many  of  them  large 
incomes  and  vast  estates ;  his  marshals  were  encouraged  to 
live  in  the  most  extravagant  fashion  by  the  repeated  payment 
of  their  debts  ;  and  the  grant  of  a  peerage  was  in  many  cases 
accompanied  by  what  he  called  a  dotatioii,  which  supplied  an 
income  sufficient  to  maintain  the  dignity.  Some  of  these 
'  dotations '  were  of  princely  magnificence.  They  were  largely 
situated  in  Italy  and  Poland,  and  were  intended  to  make  the 
new  possessors  independent  barons,  like  the  famous  paladins 
of  Charlemagne.  Among  the  most  important  of  these 
grants,  after  the  Principality  of  Neufchatel,  which  was  a  semi- 


Napoleon's  Reforms  287 

independent  sovereignty^  may  be  noted  the  Principalities  of 
Benevento,  Ponte  Corvo,  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Gaeta,  which 
were  conferred  upon  Talleyrand,  Bernadotte,  Cambaceres,  Le 
Brun,  and  Gaudin.  By  these  means  Napoleon  hoped  to  keep 
his  subordinates  faithful  to  him,  while  their  influence  on 
opinion  would  rival  that  exercised  by  the  old  nobiHty. 

But  while  wielding  an  undisputed  absolutism,  Napoleon 
looked  on  his  position  in  a  spirit  similar  to  that  of  the 
benevolent -despots  of  the  eighteenth  century.  internal 
Though  he  would  do  nothing  by  the  people,  he  Reforms, 
was  ready  to  do  much  for  them.  In  the  path  ^^^' 
of  legal  reform  he  followed  up  the  measure  taken  by  the 
formation  of  the  Civil  Code.  He  had  plenty  of  learned 
jurists  to  carry  out  his  instructions,  and  the  Civil  Code 
was  succeeded,  in  1806,  by  the  Codes  of  Civil  and  Criminal 
Procedure,  in  1808  by  the  Commercial  Code,  and  finally  Tjy 
the  Penal  Code.  These  great  codes  form  an  epoch  in  the 
legal  history  of  Europe,  and  have  earned  for  Napoleon  the 
title  of  the  modern  Justinian,  though  they  were  only  carried 
out  by  his  directions,  and  based  on  the  principles  laid  down, 
and  the  work  done,  by  the  Constituent  Assembly  and  the 
Convention.  Their  great  advantage  was  their  simplicity  and 
universalitjj_which  checked  the  tedious  delays  inherent  in  all 
systems  of  common  or  uncodified  law.  In  jurisdiction  Napo- 
leon also  followed  the  example  of  the  statesmen  of  the  Revo- 
lution. He  encouraged  rapidity  in  procedure  and  in  the 
execution  of  judgments,  and  he  greatly  extended  the  powers 
of  the  commercial  tribunals  in  which  practical  men 
of  business  had  a  voice.  In  financial  matters,  as 
in  his  legal  reforms.  Napoleon's  great  aim  was  to  attain 
simplicity^  and  he  reduced  the  loss  in  the  passage  of  taxes 
from  the  taxpayer  to  the  Treasury  to  a  minimum.  His  crea- 
tion  of  the  Bank  of  France  has  been  mentioned,  and  by  its 
side  he  established  the"  Caisse  d'Amortissement,  which  con- 
sisted of  the  pecuniary  guarantees  of  all  the  collectors  of  the 
taxes  merged  into  one  fund.     These  guarantees  formed  an 


288  European  History,  1 808-1 812 

important  sum  of  money  for  immediate  use  as  well  as 
a  valuable  security.  Napoleon  further  managed  to  pay  off 
that  portion  of  the  debt  left  to  him  by  the  Republic,  which 
represented  the  sums  due  for  the  suppression  of  the  old 
courts  of  judicature,  etc.  With  regard  to  the  ordinary  debt, 
he  preserved  Cambon's  great  creation  of  the  Grand  Livre, 
which  enabled  every  creditor  to  become  a  fund-holder,  while 
the  Emperor  knew  the  exact  extent  of  the  public  debt.  The 
Emperor's  first  steps  towards  the  formation  of  a 
Education.  j^^tional  systcm  of  education  have  been  described, 
but  it  was  not  until  after  the  campaign  of  Wagram  that  the 
system  was  completed.  In  1806  he  had  organised^  the  Im- 
perial  University,  but  it  did  not  take  its  final  form  until  18^. 
TBs^  university  was  not  a  university  in  the  English  sense.  It 
consisted  of  the  chief  professors  and  teachers,  and  was  in- 
tended to  include  all  the  professors  and  teachers  throughout 
France.  It  was  placed  under  the  superintendence  of  a  Grand 
Master,  a  celebrated  man  of  letters,  Fontanes,  and  its  duty 
was  to  superintend  the  whole  course  of  higher  education.  In 
the  Emperor's  own  words,  he  wished  to  create  a  tgaching 
profession  organised  like  the  judicial  or  the  military  profession, 
of  which  all  the  professors  scattered  throughout  the  country 
might  feel  themselves  an  integral  part.  In  1808  he  granted 
the  university  an  income  of  400,000  livres,  in  addition  to  the 
fees,  etc.,  and  declared  in  favour  of  the  irremovability  of  its 
members.  To  recruit  this  new  teaching  profession,  Napoleon 
established  the  Normal  School  of  Paris  for  the  instruction  of 
those  who  desired  to  become  professors  or  teachers. 

These  great  reforms  in  law,  in  finance,  and  in  education 
outlasted   Napoleon's    reconstitution    of  Europe. 

Extension  of  ,    .      ,  ,     ,  ,  ,.      .  ^ 

the  system  to  Their  effect^sprcad  far  beyond  the  actual  hmits  of 
Germany.  France.  As  a  direct  result  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion serfdom  disappeared  in  Switzerland,  in  Belgium,  and  in 
Northern  Italy.  Napoleon  carried  on  the  work  further  to  the 
east.  In  the  Kingdom  of  Westphalia,  and  in  all  the  states  of 
Germany  which  he  created  or  enlarged,  serfdom  was  entirely 


Pt'ogress  of  Reform  in  Etirope  289 

abolished.  The  fQudal  system  was  suppressed  wherever  the 
influence  of  the  French  extended.  MaximiHan  Joseph,  King 
of  Bavaria,  and  his  minister,  Montgelas,  carried  out  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  French  Revolution  by  abolishing  the  privileges  of 
the  nobility  and  the  clergy.  In  every  direction  the  French 
codes  were  either  adopted  or  imitated ;  the  course  of  justice 
was  made  simple  and  cheap ;  education  was  organised ;  and 
the  economical  rules  of  the  French  administration  introduced. 
In  more  distant  countries  the  same  reforms  were  carried  out. 
By  the  constitution  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw  the  Polish 
serfs,  perhaps  the  most  miserable  of  all  serfs,  were  freed  from 
their  bondage,  and  absolute  equality  before  the  law  decreed. 
In  Naples  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Murat,  and  in  Spain  Joseph 
Bonaparte  by  himself,  carried  out  the  same  great  reforms ; 
and  though  the  reaction  after  18 15  tended  to  replace  matters 
on  their  former  footing,  it  proved  to  be  impossible  to  restore 
the  old  evils  in  their  entirety.  Not  less  admirable  was 
Napoleon's  vindication  of  the  great  principle  of  ii^li^ii^us 
toleration.  In  Catholic  states  such  as  Bavaria  Protestants 
received  the  priceless  boon  of  religious  liberty  ;  in  Protestant 
states  like  Saxony  it  was  the  Catholics  who  profited  by  the 
broad-mindedness  of  the  French  Emperor ;  and  in  every 
country  the  Jews  were  relieved  from  the  degrading  position 
in  which  they  had  been  kept.  In  military  organisation  the 
reforms  which  had  made  the  French  army  master  of  the 
world  v/ere  introduced  by  Napoleon.  With  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  petty  German  states  disappeared  also  the  feudal 
armies.  Conscription  may,  indeed,  appear  a  heavy  burden 
on  a  state,  but  in  Germany,  at  any  rate,  it  created  for  the 
first  time  national  armies  to  take  the  place  of  the  ill-disciplined 
mercenaries  who  had  hitherto  been  hired  by  the  petty  princes. 
The  most  curious  feature  in  the  creation  of  a  new  Germany, 
which  was  the  result   of   Napoleon's  reforms   as  „ 

,  r  ^   ■■  ■  \        r  r  ^'''^  Organi. 

much  as  of  his  victories,  was  the  formation  of  new  sation  of 
Prussia.  In  Germany  proper,  that  is,  in  Germany  P^'ussia. 
between  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe,  reforms  were  introduced 

PERIOD  VII.  T 


290  European  History,  1 808-181 2 

under  French  supervision,  if  not  always  by  French  agents. 
In   Prussia  the  reforms    came   on  the   initiative  of  a  great 
minister.      The   speedy   overthrow   of    the   famed   Prussian 
army  in  the  campaign  of  Jena  convinced  Prussian  statesmen 
of  the  necessity  for  sweeping  changes.    By  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit 
Prussia  was   shorn  of   all    the  acquisitions   in  Central  Ger- 
many which  she  had  received  as  the  price  of  her  consistent 
neutrality,  and  was  thrust  behind  the  Elbe.     On  the  other 
side  she  lost  her  Polish  provinces.     Even  the  small  Prussia 
thus  left  was  occupied  by  French  troops,  and  was  forced  to 
pay  a  war  contribution  of  a  hundred  and  forty  millions  as  well 
as  to  maintain  an  army  of  42,000  men  for  the  service  of 
Napoleon.      It  would  seem  that  Prussia  was  to  be  driven 
back  into  the  position  of  a  second-rate  state,  but  at  this  junc- 
ture Frederick  William  ni.   summoned  to  his  ministry  two 
remarkable  men — the  Freiherr  von  Stein,  a  Knight  of  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire  and  a  native  of  Nassau,  and  Scharn- 
horst,  a  Hanoverian   officer.      Neither   of  these   men  were 
Prussians,  but  they  were  both  enthusiastic  Germans.     They 
beheved  that  Prussia  would  yet  form  the  key-stone  on  which 
German  emancipation  from  the  power  of  Napoleon  could  be 
reared.     They  understood  that  Prussia  must  be  entirely  re- 
constituted, and  that  an  old-fashioned  Prussia  could  neither 
combat  Napoleon  nor  lead  the  new  Germany  which  he  had 
created.    Stein,  therefore,  as  Minister  of  the  Interior,  adapted 
the  reforms  of  the  French  Revolution  and  of  Napoleon  to 
Prussia.      He   established    equahty   before   the  law   by  the 
abolition  of  serfdom,  he  suppressed  the  territorial  privileges 
of  the  nobility,   and  he  gave  permission   to   the  bourgeois 
and  the  peasants  to  purchase  land.     He  encouraged  muni- 
cipal life  by  introducing  a  system  of  election  to  municipal 
offices,  and,  as  far  as  he  could,  abolished  the  social  privileges 
of  the  nobility.    Scharnhorst,  as  War  Minister,  reorganised  the 
Prussian  army  on  the  French  model.     He  changed  it  from 
an  entity  independent  of  the  people  into  a  national  army. 
Since  Prussia  was  only  permitted  to  maintain  an  army  of 


Revival  of  German  Patriotism  291 

42,000  men,  he  arranged  that  as  many  as  possible  should 
obtain  a  military  training  by  passing  through  the  ranks  for  a 
short  period.  He  went  further  than  Napoleon.  He  did  not 
adopt  a  system  of  conscription  by  which  a  portion  of  the 
population  designed  by  lot  should  enter  the  ranks,  but  in- 
sisted that  every  citizen  was  bound  to  military  service.  Be- 
tween 1S07  and  1810,  and  the  system  was  continued  after  his 
retirement  until  18 13,  Scharnhorst  passed  a  large  proportion 
of  the  youth  of  Prussia  through  the  ranks  of  the  army,  and 
thus  formed — what  Napoleon  so  greatly  needed  at  the  crisis 
of  his  career — an  effective  reserve.  It  is  interesting  to^ 
observe  that  it  was  in  the  country  most  maltreated  by  Napo- 1 
leon  that  the  French  reforms  were  most  successfully  initiated. 
Napoleon  perceived  the  danger,  and  in  1808  he  insisted  on 
the  dismissal  of  Stein,  and  in  1810  on  that  of  Scharnhorst. 

It  is  a  curious  sequel  to  the  benefits  conferred  upon  Ger- 
many by  Napoleon  directly  and  by  the  influence  ^j^^  revival 
of  French  principles  that  their  result  was  to  rouse  of  German 
in  Germany,  for  the  first  time  for  many  centuries,  "^*'°"*' 
a  truly  national  feeling.  This  was  caused  chiefly 
by  the  suppressio'n~of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  and  its  being 
replaced  by  states  large  enough  to  arouse  national  patriotism ; 
but  it  was  partly  due  also  to  a  sense  of  national  degradation 
inspired  by  the  presence  of  French  armies,  and  to  the  fact 
that  the  benefits  conferred  were  the  gift  of  a  foreign  sovereign 
and  not  the  result  of  national  progress.  A  universal  feeling 
of  opposition  to  the  French  grew  up  in  the  hearts  of  the 
German  peoi)le^  The  individualist  doctrines,  which  found 
favour  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  reached  their  highest 
expression  in  philosophers  and  poets,  such  as  Herder  and 
Goethe,  gave  way  to  a  new  national  sentiment,  inspired  by  a 
new  school  of  poets  and  political  thinkers  represented  by 
Korner  and  Arndt,  by  Jahn  and  Friedrich  von  Gentz.  The 
new  spirit  was  mainly  developed  among  the  German  youth. 
Secret  societies  and  clubs  were  formed  to  obtain  by  force  the 
freedom  of  Germany  from  the  French,  and  the  dissatisfied 


292  European  History,  1808-1812 

souls  forgot  the  benefits  they  had  received  individually  in 
their  resentment  at  their  being  granted  by  France,  Austria 
under  the  administration  of  Count  Philip  Stadion,  who  was 
largely  inspired  by  Gentz,  endeavoured,  in  1809,  to  take 
advantage  of  the  revival  of  German  national  feeling.  But 
Austria  was  universally  considered  as  a  foreign  power  whose 
military  prowess  was  derived  from  Hungary,  and  the  Emperor 
Francis  in  taking  the  new  title  of  Emperor  of  Austria  gave 
countenance  to  this  idea.  The  House  of  Hapsburg  was  not 
regarded  as  thoroughly  German ;  it  was  looked  on  as  a 
foreign  dynasty,  whose  dominions  were  mainly  inhabited  by 
non-German  races ;  its  loyalty  to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion 
caused  it  to  be  suspected  by  the  Protestants  ;  it  was  blamed 
for  the  disorganisation  of  past  centuries  ;  and  contemned  for 
its  repeated  defeats  by  the  French  and  its  selfish  policy  at  the 
time  of  the  treaties  of  Campo-Formio  and  Luneville. 

Prussia,  on  the  other  hand,  though,  like  Austria,  it  was  not 
a  truly  German  state,  seemed  fitted  by  history  and  tradition 
to  embody  the  idea  of  German  nationality.  Even  after  the 
defeat  of  Jena,  Frederick  the  Great  and  his  victory  over  the 
French  at  Rossbach  were  recalled  as  distinctively  German 
glories,  and  the  eyes  of  patriotic  Germans  were  turned  to  the 
diminished  power  of  Prussia  as  the  natural  lever  for  the 
creation  of  a  free  Germany.  The  administrative  system  of 
Prussia  and  its  strongly  concentrated  political  theory  of  the 
essential  unity  of  the  State,  as  opposed  to  the  new  French 
idea  of  the  omnipotence  of  the  people,  which  was  condemned 
in  German  eyes  as  having  led  to  the  absolutism  of  an  adven- 
turer, had  always  exercised  a  peculiar  fascination  over  the 
best  intellects  of  Germany.  It  was  by  means  of  statesmen  of 
foreign  birth  that  Prussia  was  reorganised  and  prepared  to 
cope  successfully  with  the  power  of  Napoleon.  Stein  and 
Hardenberg,  Scharnhorst  and  Gneisenau,  York  and  Lombard 
were  none  of  them  native  Prussians ;  yet  they  were  all  in  turn 
attracted  into  the  Prussian  service,  and  were  instrumental  in 
bringing  about  her  resurrection  as  a  German  power.     The 


Second  Marriage  of  Napoleon  293 

war  of  1809  first  showed  Napoleon  that  he  was  soon  to  have 
a  national  feeling  to  deal  with  in  Germany  as  well  as  in  Spain. 
While  Napoleon  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Vienna  a  Prus- 
sian lieutenant  of  the  name  of  Katt  attempted  to  seize  Magde- 
burg ;  a  Prussian  major  named  Schill  pillaged  the  arsenal 
and  treasury  of  the  Duke  of  Anhalt,  who  had  often  ex- 
pressed his  outspoken  admiration  for  the  French  Emperor, 
and  invaded  Saxony  ;  and  the  fourth  son  of  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  the  heir  to  the  duchy  which  had  been  absorbed 
in  the  kingdom  of  Westphalia,  raised  his  Black  Legion,  which 
he  termed  the  Army  of  Vengeance,  and  carried  on  a  partisan 
war.  Even  the  person  of  Napoleon  was  not  safe  in  Germany, 
A  lad  named  Staps  was  shot  for  imagining  an  attack  on  his 
life  at  Schonbrunn  in  i8og,  and  many  other  conspiracies  were 
discovered  by  the  French  police.  Napoleon  despised  this 
ebullition  of  popular  feeling  in  Germany,  just  as  he  did  in 
SiJaLti,  and  the  measures  which  he  took  against  it,  such  as 
arbitrary  arrests,  and  the  shooting  of  the  bookseller  Palm, 
only  exasperated  the  new  national  patriotism. 

The  Emperor,  as  has  been  said,  was  a  great  believer  in  the 
hereditary  idea,  and  his  not  having  children  to   Marriage  of 
succeed  him  was  more  than  a  personal,  it  was  a   Napoleon 

■^  '  with  Mane 

political  subject  of  grief  to  him.  The  campaign  of  Louise,  2nd 
Wagram  had  raised  him  to  the  height  of  his  April  1810. 
power,  and  he  wished  to  establish  his  dynasty  on  a  firm  foun- 
dation. It  was  therefore  for  personal,  for  polilical,  and  for 
European  motives,  that  he  resolved  on  his  return  from  Vienna 
in  1809  to  divqrce_his  wife,  the  Empress  Josephine.  It  was 
from  no  dislike  for  his  wife,  but  from  a  stern  conviction  of 
political  necessity  that  he  took  this  step.  He  insisted,  that 
Josephine  should  preserve  her  title  of  Empress,  he  granted 
her  Malmaison  as  her  palace,  with  a  large  income,  and  he 
continued  his  favours  to  his  step-children,  Eugene  de 
Beauharnais,  and  Hortense,  the  wife  of  his  brother  Louis 
Bonaparte.  On  the  15th  of  December  1809  the  divorce 
was  pronounced  on  the  ground  that  the  religious  marriage, 


294  European  History,  1808-1812 

which  had  taken  place  on  the  day  before  his  coronation  as 
Emperor,  was  not  valid  because  of  the  absence  of  witnessses. 
The  Emperor's  first  intention  was  to  wed  a  Russian  grand- 
duchess.  He  was  still  enamoured  of  his  idea  of  dividing 
the  world  with  the  Emperor  Alexander,  and  considered  that 
a  relationship  with  that  monarch  would  best  ensure  his 
power.  But  the  Emperor  Alexander  was  beginning  to  throw 
off  his  infatuation  for  Napoleon.  He  now  perceived,  that  in  the 
alliance  he  had  made,  he  gave  more  than  he  got,  and  various 
causes  of  discontent  were  sedulously  fomented  by  his  Court 
and  his  family.  It  was  further  the  custom  of  the  Russian 
Court  for  the  mothers  to  have  the  chief  choice  in  the  dispos- 
ing of  their  daughters'  hands.  Now  the  Empress-mother 
was  a  princess  of  the  House  of  Wiirtemburg,  and  had 
imbibed  a  profound  hatred  for  the  French  Emperor.  She 
persuaded  her  son  to  throw  various  delays  in  the  path  of  the 
Emperor's  desires  without  actually  rejecting  his  offer.  Under 
these  circumstances,  Napoleon  abruptly  changed  his  mind, 
and  at  the  suggestion,  it  is  said,  of  Prince  Schwartzenberg, 
the  Austrian  ambassador  at  Paris,  demanded  the  hand  of  an 
Austrian  archduchess.  The  Emperor  Francis  thought  it 
necessary  to  yield,  and  on  the  2nd  of  April  18 10,  the 
marriage  took  place  between  the  French  Emperor  and  the 
young  Archduchess  Marie  Louise.  The  ceremony  was  of 
the  utmost  magnificence,  and  a  new  Court  was  formed  for 
the  new  Empress,  which  contained  many  French  nobles  who 
had  refused  to  wait  on  Josephine.  On  the  20th  of  March 
181 1,  a  son.,  was  born  to  the  French  Emperor  who  was 
created  in  his  cradle  King  of  Rome,  and  this  birth  was 
regarded  by  Napoleon  as  finaHy^xreiflehting  his  power,  both 
in  France  and  in  Europe. 

During  the  period  from  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  in  1809  to 

The  Penin-  the  invasion  of  Russia  in  181 2,  Napoleon  had  but 

suiarWar,   one   declared   enemy.       The  English    Ministers^ 

1810-1812.      despite  the  overthrow  of  Austria  and  Prussia,  and 

the  alliance  between  France  and  Russia,  persisted  in  opposing 


Attitude  of  England  295 

France.  Just  as  Pitt  and  Grenville  could  not  believe  in  the 
stability  of  the  various  French  revolutionary  governments, 
and  therefore  maintained  the  impossibility  of  concluding 
permanent  peace  with  France,  so  their  successors,  Wellesley  and 
Castlereagh,  also  declined  to  believe  in  the  stability  of 
Napoleon's  Empire,  and  argued  that  no  permanent  peace 
could  be  made  with  him.  It  is  just  possible,  that  while 
Fox  was  in  office  in  1806,  a  peace  might  have  been  con- 
cluded, but  the  succession  of  his  victories  had  inspired 
Napoleon  with  a  belief  in  his  own  invincibility,  and  he  had  no 
idea  of  negotiating  on  any  basis  but  the  complete  recogni- 
tion of  his  reconstitution  of  Europe.  Finding  it  impossible 
to  break  the  naval  power  of  England,  he  endeavoured  to 
ruin  her  commerce  by  the  Continental  Blockade,  with  the 
result  of  increasing  England's  prosperity,  and  turning  the 
people  of  the  Continent  against  him. 

Two  methods  of  carrying  on  the  war  were  supported  by 
Castlereagh  and  Canning,  who  were  Secretaries  of  State  in 
the  Portland  administration  from  1807  to  1809.  Canning 
believed  in  rousing  the  national  feeling  of  invaded  states 
against  the  universal  conqueror,  and  for  this  purpose  sent 
large  sums  of  money  to  Spain ;  Castlereagh,  on  the  other 
hand,  thought  that  as  France  could  no  longer  meet  England 
at  sea,  England  must  meet  France  on  the  land.  This  was 
the  theory  which  lay  at  the  bottom  of  the  despatch  of  the 
first  Portuguese  and  of  the  Walcheren  Expeditions,  and  in 
spite  of  the  failure  of  the  latter,  it  has  since  been  recognised 
as  a  correct  theory.  The  victory  of  Wellington  at  Talavera, 
though  it  had  but  little  actual  result  on  the  course  of  the 
war  in  Spain,  kept  Portugal  free  from  French  invasion  during 
the^ear  1809.  But  it  did  more,  it  inspired  the  English  govern- 
ing class  with  the  belief  that  they  had  at  last  discovered  the 
right  way  of  fighting  Napoleon,  and  that  they  had  also  found 
a  general.  Lord  Wellesley,  the  elder  brother  of  Wellington, 
who  was  Foreign  Secretary  from  1809  to  181 2,  sui)ported  the 
new  system  with  all  his  might,  and  under  his  encouragement 


296  European  History,  1 808- 1 8 1 2 

Wellington  slowly  formed  the  Anglo-Portuguese  army  by  a 
series  of  campaigns  into  a  magnificent  fighting  machine, 
which,  though  smaller  in  numbers  than  the  Grand  Army  of 
France,  equalled  it  in  discipline  and  military  efficiency. 

Napoleon,  after  his  successes  in  1808,  despised  the  Spanish 

levies  and  the  English  army.     He  therefore  declined  to  go  in 

person    to  the    Peninsula,    and  sent  his  greatest 

of^l^^o^'^"  marshal,  Massena,  to  drive  the  English  out  of 
Portugal.  A  plan  of  campaign  was  formed,  by 
which  Massena  was  to  penetrate  Portugal  from  the  north-east, 
while  Soult  was  to  advance  from  Andalusia  in  the  south-east. 
The  two  marshals  were  to  meet  at  Lisbon.  Fortunately  for 
Wellington,  not  only  Soult  did  not  agree  with  Massena,  but 
the  latter  marshal  found  it  impossible  to  control  his  subor- 
dinates, Ney,  Junot,  and  Reynier.  Massena  nevertheless 
marched  in  the  summer  of  1810,  and  Wellington  had  toiall 
back  before  him.  On  September  27th,  Massena  was  repulsed 
in  an  attack  upon  the  Anglo-Portuguese  position  atTlusaco, 
but  the  English  general  felt  it  necessary  to  retreat  further,  to 
the  lines  which  he  had  fortified  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Lisbon,  which  are  known  as  the  lines  of  Torres  Vedras.  As 
Wellington  retired,  the  Portuguese  devastated  their  country, 
and  when  Massena  came  to  a  halt  in  front  of  the  lines  of 
Torres  Vedras,  he  found  it  most  difficult  to  maintain  himself 
on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  provisions.  Soult  did  not  come 
to  his  help  as  he  had  expected,  but  only  advanced  as  far  as 
the  city  of  Badajoz,  which  he  captured.  Throughout  the  winter 
of  1810-11,  Massena  remained  in  front  of  Wellington,  but, 
in  spite  of  reinforcements,  he  was  unable  to  attack  the 
Anglo-Portuguese  lines,  and  in  the  spring  of  181 1,  had  to 
retreat  into  Spain. 

Wellington  then  divided  his   army  ;    with   one  portion    he 
followed~TvIassena,  and  laid  siege  to  Almeida,  the  other  he 

Campaign     despatched  under  Marshal  Beresford  to  form  the 

ofisii.  siege  of  Badajoz.     In   the   south    of  Spain,  the 

only  city  which  held  for  the  Junta   was    Cadiz,    which    was 


The  Peninsular  War  297 

defended  by  an  Anglo-Spanish  army.     Marshal  Victor  was  in 
charge  of  the  besieging  force,  which  was  defeated  at  Barrosa 
on   the   5th   of  March    181 1.      In   spite   of  this    diversion, 
WelHngton  had  to  meet  fresh  advances  by  the  main  armies 
of  Soult  and  Massena.     On  the  5th  of  May  181 1,  he  repulsed 
Massena  at  Fuentes  de  Onor  after  a  hard-fought  battle,  which 
Massena  might  have  won  had  he  been  properly  supported 
by  Marshal  Bessieres.     In  the  south,  Soult  was  repulsed  by 
Beresford  at  the  battle  of  Albuera  on  May  i6th.    After  having 
thus  once  more  freed  Portugal  from  French  invasions,  Well- 
ington laid  siege  successively  to  Ciudad-Rodrigo  and  Badajoz. 
Though  these  border  fortresses  remained  in  French  hands, 
the  valour  of  the  Anglo-Eortuguese  army  surprised  Napoleon, 
who  recalled  Massena  in  disgrace.     But  in  the^easlof  S^ain 
his    generals~merwith  some  success.     Suchet  in    18 10  and 
1811  TeducedrrArragon  and  Valencia,  took  many  fortresses, 
and  destroyed  the  Spanish  army  in  that  quarter,  under  the 
command    of    General    Blake,    at    the   battle   of    Albufera. 
'I'hroughout  central  Spain,  though  no  regular  Spanish  armies 
took  the   field,  TTie   French   were   harassed   by  the  Spanish 
guerillas.     These  patriotic  brigands  destroyed  the  morale  of 
the   French  troops   in   Spain    and   sapped   the   strength   of 
Napoleon.     All  the  benefits  conferred  by  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
the  abolition  of  feudalism  and   of  the  Inquisition,  religious 
tolerance  and  good  laws,  counted  for  nothing.     The  Spaniards 
would  receive  no  benefits  from  a  French  monarch  imposed 
on  them  by  Napoleon,  and  it  was  in  Spain  that  Napoleon 
first  felt  the  effect  of  a  national  opposition,  which  was  at  a 
later  date  in  Russia  and  in  Germany  to  destroy  his  power. 

The  periodfrornthe  Conference  of  Erfurt  to  the  invasion  of 
Russia  seemed  to  mark  the  height  of  Napoleon's  power,  but 
during  it  are  to  be  perceived  the  symptoms  of  the 

,,         .       t^   r     ,      A 1  Conclusion. 

changes  which  led  to  his  fall.     At  Erfurt,  Alex- 
ander  of  Russia  was   Still   his   firm   ally.      His   power  was 
bounded  by  subject  kingdoms,  and  divided  by  them   from 
the  great  states  of  Europe.     In  France  he  was  still  regarded 


298  European  History,  1 808-1 81 2 

as  the  restorer  of  order  and  the  supporter  of  religion.  By 
18 1 2  the  situation  had  changed.  The  Empjror_Alexander 
was  no  longer  his  admirer  and  faithful  ally.  The  vast  exten- 
sion of  the  Empire  had  weakened  his  power,  and  the  French 
people  were  beginning  to  discover  how  dearly  they  were  pay- 
ing in  the  sacrifice  of  their  individual  liberty  for  the.  .glory  of 
one  man.  His  wanton  interference  in  Spain  had  raised  a  new 
force  against  him  in  the  shape  of  the  resistance  of  a  nation, 
and  had  afforded  the  English  an  opportunity  to  meet  him  on 
land.  In  Germany,  too,  a  national  spirit  was  rising,  and 
Prussia,  whom  he  had  maltreateS,  was  reorganised,  and  ready 
to  set  itself  at  the  head  of  Germany.  But  there  was  one 
cause  yet  more  significant  which  was  developed  during  this 
period  —  the  character  of  hjs  soldiers  was  altered.  The 
Grand  ArmyTwhich  had  consisted  "of  veterans  trained  in  the 
wars  of  the  Revolution,  had  wasted  away  at  Austerlitz  and 
Jena,  Eylau  and  Friedland,  and  in  the  Spanish  campaigns. 
At  Wagram  he  felt  how  different  were  the  men  under  his  com- 
mand, and  was  forced  to  depend  largely  on  foreign  contin- 
gents, of  whose  fidelity  he  could  not  be  certain;  and  he 
was  to  find  in  181 2  that  the  conscripts  of  the  Empire,  though 
full  of  military  ardour  and  desirous  of  rivalling  the  fame  of 
their  predecessors,  had  not  the  physical  strength,  the  solidity, 
and  the  experience  of  the  veterans  who  had  made  him 
Emperor  of  the  French  and  Master  of  Europe. 


CHAPTER     X 

1812-1814 

Causes  of  Growing  Disagreement  between  Alexander  and  Napoleon— Inter- 
vention of  Castlereagh  and  Bernadotte— The  Attitude  and  Internal  Policy 
of  Prussia— Invasion  of  Russia  by  Napoleon— Battle  of  Borodino— Retreat 
of  the  French  from  Russia— Campaign  of  1812  in  the  Peninsula— Battle 
of  Salamanca— Policy  of  Bernadotte— Prussia  declares  War— First  Cam- 
paign of  1813  in  Saxony— Armistice  of  Pleswitz— Convention  of  Reichen- 
bach— Congress  of  Prague— Austria  declares  War— Second  Campaign  of 
1813  in  Saxony— Battle  of  Dresden— Treaty  of  Toplitz— Battle  of  Leipzig 
—  General  Insurrection  of  Germany  against  Napoleon- Campaign  of  1813 
in  the  Peninsula— Battle  of  Vittoria— Wellington's  Invasion  of  France- 
Negotiations  for  Peace— Proposals  of  Frankfort— The  Allies  invade  France 
—Napoleon's  first  Defensive  Campaign  of  1814— Other  Movements  against 
Napoleon— Bernadotte— Holland— Battle  of  Orthez— Italy— Congress  of 
Chatillon— Attitude  of  France  towards  Napoleon— Treaty  of  Chaumont— 
Napoleon's  Second  Defensive  Campaign  of  1814— Occupation  of  Paris  by 
the  Allies— The  Policy  of  Talleyrand— The  Provisional  Government- 
Alexander's  Speech  to  the  French  Senate— Napoleon  declared  to  be  no 
longer  Emperor— Abdication  of  Napoleon— Provisional  Treaty  of  Paris- 
Battle  of  Toulouse— Arrival  of  Louis  XVIII.,  and  his  Assumption  of  the 
Throne  of  France— First  Treaty  of  Paris. 

The  causes  of  the  disagreement  between  Napoleon  and  the 
Emperor   Alexander   dated   back   to   the   Treaty   of    Tilsit. 
At  that  timeTtEough  personally  full  of  enthusiasm  Gradual  dis- 
for  the  French  conqueror,  Alexander  looked  with  agreenient  be- 

^        /--•         J    T\      \       tween  Alex- 

suspicion  on  the  formation  of  the  Grand  Uuchy  a^der  and 
of  Warsaw  as  a  possible  first  step  towards  the  Napoleon, 
restoration  of  Poland.  Napoleon  pointed  out  to  him  that  he 
could  obtain  compensation  in  the  direction  of  Sweden  and  of 
Turkey— a  suggestion  which  led  to  the  conquest  of  Finland 
and  eventually  of  Bessarabia.  Though  Alexander  carried  out 
the  projects  proposed  to  him,  he  continued  to    resent  the 


300  European  History,  18 12-18 14 

creation  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  and  still  more  the 
maintenance  of  French  troops  in  that  quarter.  At  the  Congress 
of  Erfurt  Napoleon  to  some  degree  allayed  the  suspicions  of 
his  ally,  but  on  his  return  to  Russia  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Alexander  looked  upon  himself  as  duped  and  badly  treated. 
The  war  of  1809  widened  the  breach.  Napoleon  complained 
that  the  Russian  troops  promised  for  his  assistance  had  not 
acted  with  vigour,  and  Alexander  regarded  with  open  dis- 
content the  cession  of  part  of  Austrian  Galicia  to  the  Grand 
Duchy  of  Warsaw.  The  dethronement  of  the  Duke  of  Olden- 
burg, who  had  married  Alexander's  favourite  sister,  the  Grand 
Duchess  Catherine,  and  the  absorption  of  his  Duchy  into  the 
French  Empire,  in  1810,  was  another  and  more  personal  cause 
of  disagreement.  The  delay  in  granting  a  Russian  grand 
duchess  to  him  in  marriage  was  looked  on  by  Napoleon  as 
a  personal  slight,  and  his  interference  in  Spain  appeared  to 
the  Russian  Emperor  a  sign  that  Napoleon  could  maltreat  even 
his  most  faithful  ally.  The  carrying  out  of  the  Continental 
Blockade  embittered  the  situation.  Napoleon  complained 
that  the  Russians  did  not  adhere  loyally  to  the  arrangement 
for  the  exclusion  of  English  commerce.  Alexander  on  his 
side  complained  that  his  country  was  being  ruined  by  the 
blockade,  while  the  French  Emperor  granted  many  licences 
to  Frenchmen  to  trade  with  England. 

To  these  political  reasons  must  be  added  the  personal  char- 
acters of  the  two  emperors.  Napoleon,  though  he  had  spoken 
at  Tilsit  of  dividing  Europe  between  France  and  Russia, 
began,  as  his  power  increased,  to  devise  schemes  for  secur- 
ing the  Empire  of  Europe  for  himself  and  the  exclusion 
of  Russia  from  any  share.  Instead  of  restoring  the  Empires 
of  the  East  and  West,  Napoleon  arrogated  to  himself  the 
position  of  ruler  of  Europe,  and  spoke  of  thrusting  Russia 
back  into  Asia.  In  these  views  he  was  encouraged  by  many 
of  those  surrounding  him.  His  marshals,  finding  no  profits 
to  be  got  from  Spain,  looked  forward  to  enriching  themselves 
in  Russia.     His  statesmen,  either  from  motives  of  their  own 


Policy  of  Castlercagh  30  t 

or  to  please  his  personal  wishes,  declared  that  France  could 
not  be  safe  until  Russia  was  crushed.  Alexander  on  his  side 
was  surrounded  by  bitter  enemies  of  Napoleon.  His  ministers 
never  wearied  of  emphasizing  the  ruin  caused  to  Russia  by 
the  Continental  Blockade.  The  King  of  Prussia,  whom  he 
had  made  his  personal  friend,  pleaded  for  the  complete 
restoration  of  his  dominions.  His  family,  and  especially  his 
mother,  regarded  Napoleon  as  the  enemy  of  the  human  race; 
English  agents  were  perpetually  inciting  the  Russians  to  de- 
clare for  commercial  freedom  ;  and  three  of  the  most  accom- 
plished and  most  able  statesmen  in  Europe  constantly  urged 
him  to  war  with  France,  namely,  Stein,  whom  Napoleon  had 
ordered  the  King  of  Prussia  to  dismiss ;  Pozzo  di  Borgo,  a 
Corsican,  who  had  known  Napoleon  in  his  youth,  and  who 
hated  him  as  a  personal  enemy;  and  Nesselrode,  a  skilled 
diplomatist  and  an  intimate  friend  of  Metternich. 

These  various  causes,  both  political  and  personal,  might  not 
yet  have  led  to  war  had  it  not  been  for  the  direct  intervention 
of  the  English  by  means  of  the  new  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden, 
Bernadotte.  LordjCastlcreagli^n  January  181 2,  returned  to 
office.  He  advocated  the  carrying  on  of  the  war  poUcy  of 
against  Napoleon,  not  only  by  reinforcing  Well- Castiereagh. 
ington  in'die  Peninsula,  but  by  suT^sTdTzing  the  monarchs  of 
the  Continent.  He  therefore  despatched  three  diplomatists 
to  the  three  chief  courts  of  the  Continent,  to  endeav- 
our to  form  a  fresh  coalition  against  Napoleon.  These  were 
his  brother.  Sir  Charles  Stewart,  ambassador  to  Berlin,  Lord 
Aberdeen  to  Vienna,  and  Lord  Cathcart  to  St.  Petersburg. 
Lord  Cathcart  was  a  distinguished  military  officer,  and 
strenuously  urged  Alexander  to  declare  war,  and  he  brought 
with  him  several  English  officers  to  assist  in  reorganizing  the 
Russian  army,  of  whom  the  best  known  is  Sir  Robert  Wilson. 
But  it  was  rather  through  Sweden  than  directly  that  Castlc- 
reagh  influenced  the  Emperor  Alexander.  Bernadotte,  on 
being  elected  Prince  Royal,  had  applied  to  Sweden  the 
Continental  Blockade  against  England,  but  he  soon  perceived 


302  European  History,  1812-1814 

how  ruinous  that  policy  was  to  his  new  country,  and  inchned 
to  make  some  arrangement  with  England.  Being  unable 
to  break  with  Napoleon  by  himself,  Bernadotte  acted  as 
the  intermediary  between  England  and  Russia,  and  in  April 
1812  signed  a  secret  treaty  with  Alexander  at  Abo,  by  which 
Sweden  renounced  all  claims  on  Finland  on  condition  that 
Russia  should  promise  Norway  in  its  stead.  Both  England 
and  Russia  approved  of  this  scheme.  Frederick  vi.  of  Den- 
mark, who  had  succeeded  his  father.  Christian  vii.,  in  1808, 
had,  after  the  capture  of  the  Danish  fleet  in  1807,  formed  a 
most  intimate  alliance  with  Napoleon,  and  Alexander  at  Abo 
held  out  to  Bernadotte,  not  only  a  hope  that  he  might  have 
the  whole  of  Denmark  as  a  result  of  successful  war  against 
the  French,  but  even  an  expectation  that  he  might  eventually 
receive  the  throne  of  France  as  a  reward  for  his  services.  Not 
less  important  than  the  English  intervention  in  Sweden  was 
the  effect  of  English  influence  in  Turkey ;  for  it  was  through 
English  mediation  that  the  Treaty  of  Bucharest  was  signed 
in  May  18 12,  which  allowed  the  Emperor  of  Russia  to  concen- 
trate all  his  military  power  against  Napoleon. 

Between  France  and  Russia  there  remained,  however, 
Austria,  Poland,  and  Prussia.  Though  Napoleon's  direct  do- 
Prussia.  main  extended  to  Liibeck  along  the  coast,  he  had 

^f^H  'nien^*'^^  "°^  ventured  to  annex  Germany  proper,  which  lies 
berg.  between  the  Elbe  and  the  Rhine,  or  to  accept  the 

title  of  German  Emperor,  in  addition  to  that  of  the  Emperor 
of  the  French  and  King  of  Italy,  as  had  been  suggested  by  the 
Prince  Primate,  Dalberg.  Yet  Germany  proper,  owing  to  his 
creation  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Kingdom 
of  Westphalia,  was  so  thoroughly  under  his  influence  that, 
from  a  military  point  of  view,  it  might  be  regarded  as  part  of 
his  Empire.  Austria,  Poland,  and  Prussia  were,  however,  more 
independent,  and  his  first  effort,  when  he  decided  to  attack 
Russia,  was  to  secure  their  active  co-operation.  The  Emperor 
Francis,  since  the  campaign  of  Wagram,  had  abandoned  the 
idea  of  resistance.      He  leared  and  disliked  the  Russians ; 


Reforms  in  Prussia  303 

Napoleon  was  his  son-in-law,  and  he  did  not  intend  to  oppose 
his  wishes.  He  therefore  promised  willingly  enough  that  an 
Austrian  army  should  invade  Russia  to  the  south  of  the  direct 
French  invasion.  In  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw  the  Poles 
cared  little  for  their  Grand  Duke,  the  King  of  Saxony ;  they 
looked  to  Napoleon  for  the  restoration  of  their  complete 
independence,  and  delighted  in  the  thought  of  striking  a 
blow  at  their  old  foes,  the  Russians.  In  Prussia^  the  position 
was  more  complicated.  Reduced  as  the  kingdom  was,  the 
reforms  of  Stein  and  Scharnhorst  had  created  a  national  feel- 
ing, which  could  not  as  yet  be  utilised  in  attacks  on  the 
French  soldiers  who  occupied  the  Prussian  fortresses.  Stein 
himself  had  been  driven  from  Prussia  by  Napoleon's  orders, 
but  a  successor,  Hardenberg,  completed  his  work.  It  is 
significant  that  when  Hardenberg  was  reappointed  State 
Chancellor  in  18 10,  he  did  not  undertake  the  Foreign 
Office,  as  he  had  done  in  1806,  but  the  ministries  of  the 
Finance  and  the  Interior.  It  was  Hardenberg  who  in  1810 
made  the  nobles  subject  to  taxation,  and  brought  Stein's  pro- 
mised Representative  Assemblies  into  partial  use;  who,  on 
23rd  January  181 1,  suppressed  the  Teutonic  Order,  and  made 
its  possessions  part  of  the  national  domain ;  and  who,  on  nth 
September  181 1,  achieved  the  logical  result  of  Stein's  edict 
abolishing  serfdom  by  granting  the  peasants  power  to  become 
absolute  proprietors  of  two-thirds  of  their  holdings  on  sur- 
rendering the  other  third  to  the  lords  in  full  recognition  of 
all  feudal  dues  and  servitudes. 

Hardenberg's  most  ardent  coadjutor  was  William  von  Hum- 
boldt. As  Stein  and  Hardenberg  had  done  the  work  of 
the  French  Revolution  in  Prussia  by  abolishing  feudalism 
and  securing  equality  before  the  law,  so  William  von  Hum- 
boldt established  a  national  system  of  education  in  many 
respects  simlTar~'to  Napoleon's  creation  in  France,  and 
reformed  the  whole  department  of  public  instruction.  At 
the  head  of  the  system  was  founded  the  University  of  Bcrhn. 
Prussia  had  deeply  felt  the  loss  of  the  University  of  Halle 


304  European  History,  1812-1814 

when  that  city  was  separated  from  Prussia  by  the  Treaty  of 
Tilsit.  Konigsberg,  though  made  famous  by  Kant,  was  too 
distant  from  the  centre  of  the  reduced  kingdom  to  fill  its 
place,  and  the  new  national  spirit  was  concentrated  in  the 
new  University  of  Berlin.  Learned  men  came  from  all  parts 
of  Germany.  Savigny,  Fichte,  Wolf,  Buttmann,  Boeckh, 
Schleiermacherj  and  Niebuhr  all  enrolled  themselves  as 
professors;  and  Germany,  not  merely  Prussia,  found  a 
worthy  representative  in  the  world  of  thought. 

In  the  resurrection  of  Prussia  King  Frederick  William  in. 
merely  acquiesced  in  the  reforms  of  Stein  and  Hardenberg. 
But  his  former  leaning  to  neutrality  had  given  place  to  a 
desire  for  revenge  on  the  French.  In  July  18 10  he  lost  his 
patriotic  wife,  Queen  Louise,  and  her  death  only  exasperated 
his  feelings.  Nevertheless,  he  refused  to  declare  himself  on  the 
side  of  Russia  in  181 2.  The  Emperor  Alexander  announced 
his  policy  of  allowing  the  French  to  invade,  and  his  intention 
of  thus  drawing  Napoleon  far  from  his  base,  and  Frederick 
William  felt  that  he  was  not  strong  enough  to  openly  oppose 
the  French  Emperor.  He  was  even  constrained  by  the  occu- 
pation of  his  fortresses  to  go  further,  and,  on  24th  February 
18 1 2,  he  signed  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with 
Napoleon,  By  this  treaty  Prussia  was  not  only  to  feed  the 
French  armies  passing  through  her  dominions  to  invade 
Russia,  but  to  send  an  army  of  30,000  men  to  act  with 
them.  Alexander  was  not  displeased  by  this  behaviour.  He 
knew  that  Prussia  could  not  help  itself;  he  felt  a  sincere 
friendship  for  the  hapless  king ;  he  understood  that  beneath 
the  surface,  not  only  Prussia,  but  all  Germany  was  boiling 
with  indignation  against  the  French;  and  in  181 2,  when  war 
was  at  hand,  he  summoned  the  inspirer  of  German  national 
feeling,  the  great  Prussian  minister.  Stein,  from  his  exile  in 
Austria  to  become  his  adviser  and  coadjutor  in  his  German 
policy. 

Without  any  actual  declaration  of  war,  Russia  entered  into 
negotiations  with  England,  and  Napoleon  assembled  avast  army 

\ 
\ 


Napoleon  Invades  Russia  305 

on  the  banks  of  the  Vistula.  In  May  181 2  he  entered  Ger- 
many to  take  the  command,  and  at  Dresden  had  interviews 
with  the  Kinc;  of  Prussia  and  the   Emperor  of„.    , 

o  _  '  The  Invasion 

Austria.  Of  the  325,000  men  with  which  he  of  Russia, 
crossed  the  river  Niemen  and  invaded  Russia  ^^^  ^^"' 
only  155,000  were  French ;  the  remainder  were  foreign  con- 
tingents. He  detached  to  his  left  Marshal  Macdonald,  with 
the  Prussian  contingent  and  some  Westphalians  and  Poles,  to 
attack  Riga  and  advance  on  St.  Petersburg,  with  the  hope  of 
joining  Bernadotte  and  the  Swedes ;  he  was  supported  on  his 
right  by  the  Austrian  subsidiary  force,  and  with  the  centre  of  his 
army  he  advanced  in  person  into  Lithuania.  That  province 
being  occupied,  Napoleon  crossed  the  Dnieper,  and  on  the 
1 8th  of  August  he  took  Smolensk,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  a 
Russian  army  of  80,000  men  to  cover  the  city.  On  his 
extreme  right  the  Austrian  army,  under  Prince  Schwartzen- 
berg,  was  checked  by  the  arrival  of  the  Russian  army,  set  free 
by  the  Peace  of  Bucharest.  The  Russian  generals,  Barclay  de 
Tolly  and  Bagration,  in  the  centre,  steadily  retreated.  4-. 

This  military  policy  soon  reduced  the  efficiency  and  numbers 
of  the  French  army ;  for  it  was  drawn  further  from  its  base 
into  a  barren  country,  in  which  it  was  harassed  by  peasants 
and  guerillas,  and  it  was  necessary  to  leave  large  divisions  to 
protect  the  communications.  The  Emperor  Alexander  had 
approved  of  this  policy,  and  as  the  Russian  army  retired 
the  people  abandoned  their  villages,  as  the  Portuguese  had 
done  during  the  invasion  of  Massena  in  18 10.  But 
the  Russian  soldiers  grumbled  at  this  politic  retreat,  and 
the  Emperor  Alexancler  resolved  to  strike  one  blow  for  his 
capital.  Barclay  de  Tolly  was  replaced  by  Kutuzov,  and  the 
Russian  army  suddenly  halted  on  the  banks  of  the  Moskova. 
On  the  7th  of  September  a  most  terrible  battle  gg^tj^  ^f 
was  fought  there,  which  is  known  as  the  battle  of  Borodino. 
Borodino.  The  Russians  are  said  to  have  lost  ''^^  ^"'^^^  '^"• 
50,000  men,  including  General  Bagration,  and  it  is  certain 
that  the   French   lost  more  than  30,000.     Nevertheless,  the 

PERIOD  VII.  U 


3o6  European  History,  1 812-1814 

French  loss  was  proportionately  the  most;  for  Napoleon  was 
far  away  from  any  reinforcements,  whereas  the  Russians  were 
fighting  in  their  fatherland.     On  the  14th  of  September  the 
French  army  occupied  Moscow.     On  the  i6th,  either  by  acci- 
dent or  on  purpose,  fire  broke  out  in  the  Russian  capital.     It 
raged  for  three  days  and  three  nights,  and  more  than  three- 
fifths  of  the  city  was  utterly  destroyed.  The  Emperor  Alexander 
then  entered  into  negotiations  with  JJapoleon,  and,  whether  he 
intended  it  or  not,  he  kept  the  French  Emperor  from  moving 
until  too  late  for  his  safety.     It  was  not  until  the  15th  of 
October  that  Napoleon  saw  that  negotiating  was  waste  of  time, 
and  started  from  Moscow.    The  winter  was  an  early  one.    Snow 
fell  heavily.     When  Smolensk  was  reached,  it  was  found  that 
all  the  provisions  stored  there  had  been  destroyed.     The  re- 
treating army,  now  in  a  state  of  disorganisation,  was  hunted 
through  the  country,  not  only  by  the  Russian  soldiers,  but  by 
the  peasantry  returning  to  their  homes.    Marshal  Ney  covered 
the  retreat,  and  won  on  this  occasion  his  tide  of  '  the  bravest 
of  the   brave.'      Napoleon,   on  being  informed   that  a  con- 
spiracy against  him,  headed  by  General  Malet,  had  been  dis- 
covered in  Paris,  left  the  retreating  army  early  in  December. 
After  his  departure  the  cold  increased.    The  retreat  became  a 
rout ;  Murat,  who  succeeded  to  the  command,  could  not  keep 
the  army  together  ;  and  but  very  few  of  the  155,000  French- 
men who  had  invaded  Russia  recrossed  the  river  Niemen. 
While  Napoleon  was  wrecking  one  army  in  Russia,  Welling- 
.     .       ton  was  defeating  another  French  army  in  Spain. 

Campaignin  ,         7      ■,  ^     ■>     -^  t         '       ~  "^--i     i 

the  Peninsula.  Maruiont,  who  had  succeeded  Massena,  failed 
^^'*'  to  prevent  the  fall  of  Ciudad  Rodrigo  in  January, 

or  that  of  Badajoz  in  April,  and  after  a  long  course  of  intricate 
Battle  of  manoeuvres,  gave  Wellington  the  opportunity  to 

Salamanca.  attack  and  defeat  him  at  the  battle  of  Salamanca, 
22d  July  1812.  j^jy  22,  181 2.  The  victory  was  complete.  Joseph 
Bonaparte  evacuated  Madrid,  and  withdrawing  all  his  troops 
from  Andalusia  fell  back  behind  the  Ebro.  Wellington  occu- 
pied Madrid  on  August  12,  and  then  with  his  main  army 


The  Policy  of  Bernadotte  307 

advanced  on  Burgos.  Burgos,  however,  resisted  all  his  assaults. 
The  Anglo-Portuguese  army  had  to  retire  once  more  into 
Portugal,  and  Joseph  Bonaparte  for  the  last  time  returned  to 
his  capital.  While  this  campaign  was  being  fought  Lord 
William  Bentinck,  who  commanded  the  English  garrison  in 
Sicily,  was  requested  to  send  troops  to  the  eastern  coast  of 
Spain  to  effect  a  diversion.  But  the  operations  were  badly 
combined;  Sir  John  Murray  was  driven  from  before  Tarragona  ; 
and  at  a  subsequent  date  Lord  William  Bentinck  himself  failed 
to  make  an  impression  on  Suchet's  army  at  Alicante.  The 
victory  of  Salamanca  was  a  proof  of  the  insecure  foundation 
on  which  the  throne  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  rested.  Owing  to  it 
alone  he  had  to  leave  Madrid,  and  evacuate  the  whole  of 
southern  Spain ;  the  military  policy  of  the  English  ministers 
was  justified;  and  though  Salamanca  cannot  be  compared 
with  the  disasters  in  Russia,  it  yet  had  its  effect  in  showing 
the  increasing  weakness  of  the  French  military  power. 

The  retreat  of  the  French  and  their  passage  of  the  Niemen 
enabled  Prussia  to  throw  off  the  mask  of  alliance     Prussia  de- 
with  France.     The  Prussian  contingent,  amount-     \^x'^\^l\i 
ing  to  18,000  men,  had  been  placed  under  the  1813. 

command  of  Marshal  Macdonald,  and  was  occupied  in  the 
siege  of  Riga.  Napoleon  had  hoped  that  this  detached  army 
upon  his  left  would  be  joined  by  Bernadotte  at  the  head  of 
the  Swedes.  But  Bernadotte,  as  has  been  seen,  had  forgotten 
his  French  nationality  in  accepting  the  position  of  heir  to  the 
Swedish  throne.  His  first  idea  was  to  make  himself  popular 
in  Sweden  by  securing  the  conquest  of  Norway  to  take  the 
place  of  Finland,  and  behind  it  lay  the  hope  of  possibly  suc- 
ceeding Napoleon  himself.  In  his  original  communications 
with  the  Emperor  Alexander,  he  had  demanded  the  assistance 
of  a  Russian  army  for  the  conquest  of  Norway  as  the  price  of 
his  adiiesion  to  the  coalition  against  Napoleon.  When 
Alexander  would  not  make  a  definite  promise,  Bernadotte 
applied  to  his  former  sovereign  in  June  1812,  and  promised 
to  assist  in  the  French  invasion  of  Russia,  if  Napoleon  would 


308  European  History^  1812-1814 

guarantee  to  him  the  possession  of  Norway.  But  the  French 
Emperor  would  make  no  compact  with  his  former  marshal, 
and  hoped  that  he  would  lend  his  assistance  to  the  occupation 
of  St.  Petersburg  in  return  for  vague  promises.  Bernadotte 
therefore  remained  neutral,  and  Macdonald,  without  the 
expected  help  from  Sweden,  could  get  no  further  than  Riga. 
The  retreat  of  the  main  French  army  from  Moscow  made  it 
necessary  for  Macdonald  likewise  to  fall  back,  and  in  the 
course  of  his  retreat  the  Prussian  contingent,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  York,  deserted,  and  that  general  signed  the 
Convention  of  Tauroggen,  on  30th  December  1812,  by  which 
he  abandoned  France  without  definitely  declaring  himself 
upon  the  side  of  Russia.  Macdonald,  with  his  Westphalians 
and  Poles,  managed  to  leave  Russia  in  safety,  and  to  join  the 
remnants  of  the  main  army.  But  the  desertion  of  York  was 
a  symptom  of  what  was  to  follow.  Stein  summoned  the 
Estates  of  East  Prussia  at  Konigsberg ;  the  Prussians  rose  en 
jfiasse,  and  the  French  army,  pursued  by  the  Russian  troops 
and  these  new  enemies,  retreated  behind  the  Vistula, 

Frederick  William  of  Prussia  at  last  threw  off  the  mask,  and, 
on  the  7th  of  February  18 13',  "he  called  out  the  reserve  which 
had  been  formed  by  the  skilful  military  policy  of  Scharnhorst, 
and  ordered  the  Landwehr  and  the  Landsturm  to  join  the 
colours;  on  27th  February  he  signed  .the  Treaty  of  Kalisch 
with  Russia,  promising  alliance;  on  i6th  March  he  declared 
waf  against  France;  and  he  joined  the  headquarters  of  his 
friend-Alexander,  and  lived  in  his  company  until  the  termina- 
tion of  the  war.  Prussian  enthusiasm  grew  to  its  height ;  the 
reserves  fell  in  from  every  city  and  district,  and  the  broken 
French  army,  which  was  now  left  under  the  command  of 
Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  retreated  first  behind  the  Oder  and 
then  behind  the  Elbe,  leaving  powerful  garrisons  in  Dantzic, 
Stettin,  and  the  chief  Prussian  fortresses.  The  Russians  of 
the  army  of  the  right  pursued  vigorously,  and  after  driving 
the  French  from  Berlin,  the  Russian  generals,  Chernishev 
and  Tetterborn,  took  Hamburg.     The  resurrection  of  Prussia 


First  Campaign  ^/  1813  in  Saxony  309 

and  the  rapid  retreat  of  the  French  caused  Bernadotte  to 
declare  himself  openly  on  the  side  of  the  allies,  and  he  crossed 
the^Baitic  and  entered  Germany  at  the  head  of  a  Swedish 
army  of  12,000  men.  The  King  of  Prussia's  declaration  of 
war  with  France  was  received  wTth  enthusiasm.  Two  separate 
Prussian  armies^ereTormed,  the  first  under  Biilow  to  act 
with  the  Swedes,  and  the  Russian  army  of  the  right,  and  to 
defend  Berlin,  the  other  under  Bliicher  in  Silesia  to  co-operate 
with  the  second  invading  army  of  the  left  from  Russia.  The 
command  in  chief  of  this  latter  army  was,  after  the  death  of 
Kutuzov  in  May,  conferred  on  Barclay  de  Tolly,  while  Witt- 
genstein commanded  the  Russian  contingent. 

In  the  spring  of   18 13  Napoleon  started  for  Germany  to 
face     the     new    coalition.   '   His     Westphalian,    pirstcam- 
Bavarian,    and   Saxon   allies  were   still    true    to   paignofiSia. 
him  and  increased  their  contingents.     He  called  to  his  assist- 
ance the  old  soldiers  who  were  employed  in  the  garrisons  of 
Holland  and  Northern  Germany,  and  he  raised  a  large  num- 
ber  of  fresh   conscripts,   who,  in   spite   of  their  youth  and 
inexperience,  were  at  once  directed  upon  Germany.    At  the 
head  of  250,000  men,  eventually  increased   to  300,000,  he 
invaded   Saxony.     He   defeated  Wittgenstein   at   Lutzen   or 
Gross  Gorschen  on  the  2d  of  MayTat  which  battle  his  friend. 
Marshal  Bessieres  was  killed,  and  Scharnhorst  was  mortally 
wounded,  and  re-occupied  Saxony.    He  defeated  the  whole  of 
the  allied  army  of  Silesia  at  Bautzen  on  the  20th  of  May,  and 
established   his   headquarters  at  Dresden.     Meanwhile  Van- 
damme  had  recaptured  Hamburg,  and,  after  placing  it  in  a 
state  of  defence,  joined  the  Emperor  in  Saxony.     After  these 
vigorous  blows  both  sides  desired  a  rest,  and  on   Armistice  of 
the  3d  of  June  the  Armistice  of  Pleswitz  was    Pieswitz.  3d 
signed,  and  it  was  agreed  tHat  a  congress  should  •^""''  '^'^' 
be  held  at  Prague  to  consider  if  terms  of  peace  could  not  ^e 
arranged.     The  important  point  to  be  decided  at  Prague  was 
the  position  to  be~a"dopted  by  Austriayand_bpth_^des  pre- 
pared to  offer  a  high  price  for  her  active  assistance,  for  her 


3IO  Europe  an  History,  1812-1814 

intervention  would  probably  settle  the  result  of  the  war. 
Napoleon  trusted  that  his  father-in-law,  the  Emperor  Francis, 
would  not  abandon  him,  and  counted  upon  the  assistance  of 
an  Austrian  army.  He  relied  also  upon  the  hereditary  hatred 
of  Austria  for  Prussia,  and  promised  his  father-in-law,  as  the 
price  of  his  active  assistance,  not  only  the  restoration  of  the 
Illyrian  provinces,  but  of  the  whole  of  Silesia,  which  Frederick 
the  Great  had  torn  from  Maria  Theresa.  Napoleon  was  even 
sanguine  enough  to  count  upon  the  former  friendship  which 
the  Emperor  Alexander  had  felt  for  him,  and  he  hoped  that 
the  invasion  of  Russia  would  be  forgiven  if  he  guaran- 
teed the  possession  of  the  whole  of  Poland.  The  country 
which  would  be  sacrificed  by  these  arrangements  was  Prussia. 
Napoleon  projected  the  entire  extinction  of  the  Prussian 
kingdom,  and  suggested  that  the  kingdom  of  Westphalia 
should  be  extended  to  the  Oder.  That  he  should  venture  to 
offer  such  terms  showed  how  entirely  Napoleon  misunderstood 
his  position.  The  Emperor  Francis,  although  his  daughter 
was  Napoleon's  wife,  could  not  Forget  the  humiliations  that 
Austria  had  undergone,  and  allowed  his  feelings  as  an 
Austrian  to  outweigh  his  sentiments  as  a  father.  The  Emperor 
Alexander  had  been  entirely  cured  by  the  invasion  of  Russia 
of  his  former  infatuation,  and  now  distrusted  the  FrenchJ^m- 
peror  as  much  as  he  had  formerly  believed  in  him ;  he  had 
struck  up  an  intimacy  with  the  King  of  Prussia,  and  had  pro- 
mised him  his  restoration  to  the  whole  of  his  dominions. 
Meanwhile  the  rulers  of  Austria,  Russia,  and  Prussia  signed 
,   a  treaty  at  Reichenbach  on  17th  June  1813,  by 

Convention  of  -'  '  .   . 

Reichenbach.  which  Austria  assumed  the  position  of  a  mediator 
17th June  1813.  ^^^  promised  to  declare  war  against  Frapce,  if 
the  conditions  of  peace,  which  she  should  offer,  were  rejected. 
In  return  for  this  attitude,  Austria  was  given  a  free  hand  to 
negotiate  with  the  South  German  States,  and  the  idea  of 
rousing  a  national  German  feeling  against  France,  which  was 
strongly  advocated  by  Stein,  was  abandoned.  Metternich  had 
no  liking  for  the  national  idea ;  it  seemed  to  him  to  bear  the 


Austria  declares  War  31 1 

imprint  of  the  spirit  of  the  French  Revolution,  and  could 
only  end  in  disaster  to  Austria.  The  rising  of  Prussia  had 
indeed  been  a  success,  but  if  it  spread  through  Germany,  it 
might  end  in  a  united  Germany  with  Prussia  at  its  head,  and 
the  consequent  depreciation  of  the  Austrian  power.  The 
example  of  Spain,  which  Stein  and  patriotic  Germans  pointed 
to,  seemed  to  cut  in  two  ways ;  if,  on  the  one  hand,  it  had 
raised  a  people  in  arms  against  Napoleon,  on  the  other  it  had 
encouraged  revolutionary  ideas.  Both  the  Emperor  Alexander 
and  King  Frederick  William  felt  the  weight  of  these  arguments, 
and  the  conception  of  the  war  changed  from  a  national 
uprising  to  a  coalition  of  the  usual  type.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances. Napoleon's  propositions  were  ignored,  and  pro- 
posals were  made  to  him  on  the  other  hand  that  he  should  be 
content  with  the  natural  limits  of  France,  namely,  the  Rhine 
and  the  Alps ;  that  he  should  restore  the  Bourbons  to  Spain 
and  the  independence  of  Holland  ;  that  he  should  abandon  his 
position  as  head  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  and  allow 
the  Pope  to  return  to  Rome.  Murat  was  to  remain  at  Naples, 
and  Jerome  on  the  throne  of  Westphalia,  and  the  terms 
offered  were  by  no  means  unfavourable  to  France,  tlToirgh 
perhaps  hardly  justified  by  tlie^iiiiirtary  position  of  the  allies. 
Metternich,  who  perceived  that  Austria  held  the  key  to  the 
position,  brought  these  terms  to  Napoleon's  headquarters  at 
Dresden,  and  informed  the  Emperor  that  if  they  were  not 
accepted,  Austria  would  join  the  coalition  against  him. 

Napoleon  refused  with  scorn ;  Castlereagh,  through  the 
English  ambassador,  Lord  Aberdeen,  promised  large  subsidies 
to  Austria;  and  on  the  ist  of  August  1813,  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  promised  definitely  to  join  the  allies  with  200,000 
men  if  Napoleon  refused  to  accept  the  terms  offered  to  him. 
The  Congress  met  at  Prague.  Caulaincourt,  the  French  pleni- 
potentiary, stated  that  he  had  no  power  to  accept  the  terms 
offered  by  Francis,  and  Austria,  on  the  1 2th  of  Austria  de- 
August,  dqclargtl- war  against  France.  On  the  dares  war. 
14th  of  August,  when  it  was  too  late,  Napoleon  declared  his 


312  European  History,  1 812- 18 14 

acceptance  of  the  terms,  and  received  the  ariswerthatthe  whole 

matter  must  be  referred  to  the  aUied  monarchs.     War  in  fact 

was  inevitable,  and  the  Armistice  of  Pleswitz  was  at  an  end. 

The  intervention  of  Austria  not  only  deprived  Napoleon  of 

an   expected   ally,  but   endangered  his   military 

Second  Cam-      "•  r  Ji  o 

paign  of  1813      position  in  Saxony,  as  a  strong  Austrian  army  was 
in  Germany,     {^gjj^g  concentrated  in  Bohemia  under  the  com- 
mand of  Prince  Charles  von  Schwartzenberg.     Nevertheless 
the  French  Emperor  refused  to  retire,  and  prepared  at  the 
head  of  300,000  men  to  make  face^against  the  allies  in  spite 
of  their  great  superiority  in  number.     The  plan  of  campaign 
of  the  allies  was  drawn  up  by  Moreau,  who  had  been  induced 
to  leave  America  and  give  the  advantage  of  his  advice  to  the 
Czar  of  Russia.     There  was  also  upon  the  staff  of  the  Russian 
army  one  of  the  ablest  strategists  in  Europe  who,  like  Moreau, 
had   formerly  been   an  officer  in  the  French  army,  General 
Jomini.     The  plan  was  to  direct  an  army  from  the  north,  of 
Prussians,  Russians  and   Swedes,  under  Biilow,   Chernishev, 
and  Bernadotte,  an  army  from  the  east  of  Russians,  called  the 
Army  of  Poland,  which  was  being  formed  under  Benningsen, 
an   army   from    Silesia,    of    Prussians    under    Bliicher,    and 
Russians  under  Wittgenstein,  and  finally  an  army  of  Austrians 
under  Schwartzenberg,  assisted  by  the  Russian  main  army  of 
Barclay  de  Tolly,  and  the  Russian  Imperial  Guard  under  the 
Grand   Duke   Constantine,    upon    Dresden.     But    Napoleon 
with  his  accustomed  rapidity  of  action  determined  to  strike 
first,  and  he  detached  three  corps  under  Oudinot,  Macdonald 
and  Vandamme,  against  Bernadotte,  Bliicher,  and  Schwart- 
zenberg ;  Benningsen  was  too  far  in  the  rear  to  be  dangerous. 
Oudinot  and  Macdonald  were  defeated  by  Bernadotte  and 
Bliicher   at   Gross    Beeren    and   the    Katzbach   respectively, 
on  the  23d  and  25th  of  August,  and  Schwartzenberg,  instead 
of  waiting  for  the  other  armies,  attacked  the  French  centre  at 
Dresden.     On  the  26th  and  27th  of  August  a  terrible  batde 
was  fought,  in  which  Moreau  was  mortally  wounded.   Napoleon 
was  successful,  but  he  suffered  severe  losses  which  he  was  unable 


TJie  Treaty  of  Toplitz  313 

to  repair.  Three  days  later  he  received  the  news  that  Van- 
danime's  army,  which  had  penetrated  into  Bohemia  to  cut  off 
Schwartzenberg's  communications,  had  been  forced  to  capitulate 
at  Kulm  to  the  Russians  under  Barclay  de  Tolly.  The  battle 
of  Dresden  proved  to  the  allies  that  it  was  impossible  for  one 
of  their  armies  to  overthrow  Napoleon  unassisted,  and  they 
therefore  recurred  to  their  original  plan.  Napoleon  once 
more  endeavoured  to  break  from  his  defensive  position  and 
struck  at  Berlin ;  but  Marshal  Ney  was  defeated  by  Berna- 
dotte  and  Biilow  at  Dennewitz,  on  6th  September,  and  he 
had  to  wait  while  the  ring  formed  round  him.  The  Emperor's 
losses  during  the  first  part  of  this  campaign  had  been 
immense.  He  had  lost  over  10,000  men  by  the  capitulation  of 
Kulm ;  his  young  soldiers  had  been  decimated  at  the 
Katzbach  and  Dennewitz ;  and  the  troops  of  the  German 
contingents  deserted  en  masse.  In  fact  when  the  opera- 
tions of  the  allies  were  completed  and  their  armies  had  con- 
centrated around  Leipzig,  to  which  place  he  had  withdrawn, 
he  had  not  more  than  160,000  men,  whose  confidence  was 
shaken  by  repeated  defeats,  to  oppose  to  more  than  double 
that  number. 

^After  tlie  battle  of  Dresden,  the  army  of  Schwartzenberg 
retired  into  Bohemia,  and  the  allied  monarchs  determined 
to  define  their  position  as  to  the~TuTirfg.  The  enormous 
armies  they  were  concentrating  made  them  feel  sure  of  success, 
if  they  held  together.  On  9th  September  the  important  Treaty 
of  Toplitz  was  signed.  By  this  treaty  it  was  agreed  treaty  of 
thatTrus.sia  and  Austria  should  be  restored  as  Topiitz. 
nearly  as  possible  to  the  limits  they  had  held  in  ^9th  Sept.  1813. 
iSo^^TTtraffhe  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  should  be  dissolved, 
and  that  entire  independence  should  be  granted  to  the  states 
of  sfmthcrn  and  western  Germany.  This  decision  overcame 
the  lingering  hesitation  of  the  south  German  monarchs,  who 
had  feared  retaliation  from  the  allies  for  their  consistent 
adhesion  to  Napoleon.  Of  these  states,  Bavaria  was  the 
chief,   and  on  8th  October  the  Treaty  of  Ried  was  signed 


314  European  History,  181 2-1 814 

between  Austria  and  Bavaria,  by  which  Bavaria  promised  the 

aid  of  36,000  men  in  return  for  complete  indemnity  and  the 

recognition  of  complete  sovereignty  in  her  dominions.     Then 

the  allies  in  their  full  strength  attacked  Napoleon.     For  three 

days,  from  the  1 6th  to  the  1 9th  of  October,  the  terrible  battle 

Battle  of         of  Leipzig  was  fought.     The  result  was  a  fore- 

i6th— i^th        gone  conclusion,  and  even  without  the  jdesertion 

October  1813.    of  tTiF  Saxons   in  the  course  of  the  battle,  the 

ruin   of  the   French   army   was   certain.     Napoleon's   forces 

were   not   only  defeated,   they  were   destroyed,    and   in  the 

utmost  disorder  the  routed  French  divisions  fled  in  a  state  of 

disorganisation  across  Germany.     At  this  moment  Maximilian 

Joseph  of  Bavaria,  whom  Napoleon  had  made  a  king,  declared 

against  him  as  he  had  promised,  and  not  only  withdrew  the 

Bavarian  contingent,  but  endeavoured  to  check  the  French 

Battle  of     retreat.     At  the  battle  of_Hanau  on  October  the 

Hanau.       30th,  howcvcr,  the  remnant  of  the  French  army 

broke  through  the  Bavarians,  and  it  eventually  found  safety 

behind  the  Rhine. 

The  battle  of  Leipzig  was  followed  by  a  general  rising 
Insurrection  throughout  Central  Europe  against  the  French, 
of  Germany      ^j^^  secret  socictics  which  had  been  formed  to 

against  Napo- 
leon 1813.  promote  the  idea   of  the  freedom   of   Germany 

acted  in  every  direction.  Many  isolated  regiments  of  the 
French  army  were  cut  off  and  the  French  garrisons  in  the 
various  German  cities  were  closely  besieged.  The  benefits 
which  had  been  conferred  by  French  administration  were  for- 
gotten and  the  people  thought  only  of  the  humiliation  of  the 
French  occupation.  Nor  was  this  spirit  confined  to  Germany. 
The  Dutch  rose  in  rebellion,  and  declared  in  all  the  chief  cities 
of  Holland  for  the  Prince  of  Orange.  That  prince  at  once 
left  England  and  set  himself  at  the  head  of  the  insurgents,  and 
Lord  Castlereagh  a  few  months  later  sent  to  his  assistance  an 
English  force  under  the  command  of  Sir  Thomas  Graham  to 
reduce  the  few  Dutch  fortresses  still  occupied  by  French 
garrisons.     In    Italy   also   an   almost   universal    insurrection 


Battle  of  Vittoria  315 

broke  out  against  the  French  domination.  Lord  William 
Bentinck,  who  commanded  the  EngHsh  army  which  occupied 
Sicily,  sailed  to  Genoa  with  a  powerful  force  and  encouraged 
the  insurgents  in  that  quarter.  Meanwhile  an  Austrian  army 
under  General  Hiller  invaded  Italy  from  the  north-east  and 
defeated  Eugene  de  Beauharnais  at  Valsarno  on  the  26th  of 
October.  Against  this  unanimity  of  national  opposition 
Napoleon  could  make  but  little  headway ;  the  French  people 
were  tired  of  the  conscription ;  they  had  not  approved  of  the 
invasion  of  Russia ;  and  were  indisposed  at  the  moment  of 
crisis  to  support  the  Emperor. 

While  the  French  armies  were  suffering  the  succession  of 
disasters  which  expelled  them  from  Germany,  a  campaign  in 
similar  series  of  catastrophes  occurred  in  Spain,   the  Penisuia 
Wellington   broke   up  from  his  quarters    in  the         '  ^^' 
summer  of  fS'ij,  and  marching  in  a  north-easterly  direction 
attempted  to  cut  off  all  communication  between  France  and 
Madrid.     TEIs"  movement   completely  overthrew  the  French 
domination  in  Spain.     Joseph  Bonaparte  with  all  the  troops 
he  couid  collect  fled  from  Madrid.     He  was  unable  to  defend 
himself  behind  the  Ebro  as  in  18 12,  for  the  positions  on  that 
river  had  been  skilfully  turned.    Wellington  eventually  came  up 
with  the  French  army  at  Vittoria.    There  Marshal   Battle  of 
Jourdan,  who  commanded  for  King  Joseph,  en-  Vittona. 
deavoured  to  resist,  but  he  was  completely  defeated  ^^^^J""^- 
by  the  Anglo-Portuguese  army  on  the  21st  of  June  1813.    This 
victory  drove  the  French  back  into  France,  for  Suchet  was 
likewise  obliged  to  abandon  his  conquests  in  Valencia,  and  to 
retire  into  the  mountains  of  Arragon  and  Catalonia.      The 
victory  in  the  field  was  followed  as  in  Germany  by  a  burst  of 
national  enthusiasm.     The  Spanish  guerillas  destroyed  every 
isolated  French  post,  and  even  managed  to  place  some  service- 
able divisions  at  the  disposition  of  Wellington.     The  English 
general  took  up  a  position  on  the  French  frontier  between 
Pampeluna  and   San  Sebastian,  blockading  the  former  and 
besieging  the  latter  place.     To  face  him  Soult  was  sent  to  the 


3i6  European  History,  1812-1814 

south-west  of  France  to  defend  the    frontier.     On    the    31st 

of  August  San  Sebastian  was  stormed ;   Pampeluna  speedily 

fell;    and  Wellington  was   able  to  establish  a  new  base  of 

operations,  and  to  invade  France.     On  the  loth  of  November 

Wellington     the    Anglo-Portugucse    army   drove   Soult   from 

invades  i-,jg  positions  on  the  Nivelle,  and  after  the  battles 

Oct.  1813.         of  the  Nive  or  Saint  Pierre  from  the  9th  to  the 

13th  of  December  Wellington  invested  Bayonne. 

These  repeated  disasters  in  different  quarters  induced 
Negotiations  Napolcon  to  considcr  the  advisability  of  conclud- 
for  Peace.  j^g  ^  peace.  He  was  now  only  too  ready  to 
accept  the  terms  offered  to  him  at  the  Congress  of  Prague. 
The  allies  were  by  no  means  so  united  as  they  seemed.  The 
Austrian  Minister  Metternich,  in  particular,  was  not  desirous  of 
destroying  the  power  of  France.  England  had  no  wish  to 
come  to  any  conclusion  which  should  disproportionately  in- 
crease the  strength  of  Russia,  and  the^hn  of  all  the  allied 
monarchs  was  to  allow  France  to  develop  in  her  oAAmTway  as 
long  as  she  withdrew  her  pretensions  to  interfere  inJEurope. 
Metternich's  proposals,  in  November  1813,  were  that  France 
should  preserve  her  natural  limits  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Alps, 
but  should  restore  all  former  rulers  in  Holland,  Italy,  and  Spain. 
Napoleon  gave  evidence  of  his  desire  for  peace  at  this  period 
by  the  dismissal  of  his  Foreign  Secretary,  Maret,  Due  de 
Bassano,  and  the  appointment  of  Caulaincourt,  Due  de 
Vicenza,  who  was  known  to  be  in  favour  of  peace  and  was  also 
a  personal  friend  of  the  Emperor  Alexander,  at  whose  Court 
he  had  been  ambassador  during  the  palmy  days  of  the  alliance 
between  France  and  Russia.  The  terms  of  peace  offered  by 
Metternich,  which  are  known  as  the  Proposals  of  Frankfoitj_at 
which  city  the  allied  monarchs  were  residing,  were  confided  to 
M.  de  Saint  Aignan,  a  French  diplomatist  who  had  been 
taken  prisoner  during  the  advance  of  the  allies  and  who  was 
the  brother-in-law  of  Caulaincourt.  The  proposals  were 
definitely  acceded  to  by  Lord  Aberdeen  on  the  part  of 
England  and  by  Hardenberg  on  the  part  of  Prussia.     The 


The  Proposals  of  Frankfort  3 1 7 

favourable  nature  of  them  was  dictated  by  the  fear  entertained 
by  the  allied  monarchs  that  France  would  rise  in  her  might  as 
she  had  done  in  1793  if  her  borders  were  invaded.  For  this 
reason  the  allies  remained  for  some  weeks  upon  the  right  bank 
of  the  Rhine,  concentrating  their  forces  and  hesitating  to 
advance.  Napoleon,  however,  could  not  understand  that  he 
was  beaten.  Instead  of  replying  at  once  to  the  Proposals  of 
Frankfort,  which  were  dated  the  9th  of  November,  it  was  not 
until  late  in  December  that  he  instructed  Caulaincourt  to  go 
to  the  allied  quarters  and  discuss  them.  His  instructions  to 
Caulaincourt  showed  how  little  he  appreciated  the  position  of 
affairs.  He  demanded  that,  in  addition  to  the  natural  limits 
of  France,  he  should  hold  the  cities  of  Wesel,  Cassel  opposite 
INIayence,  and  Kehl  opposite  Strasbourg  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Rhine,  which  fairly  signified  that  he  did  not  abandon  his 
projects  on  Germany.  He  further  demanded  that  a  kingdom 
should  be  formed  for  his  brother  Jerome  in  Germany,  and  for 
Eugene  de  Beauharnais  in  Italy.  Before  these  counter-proposi- 
tions reached  the  headquarters  of  the  allied  monarchs,  they 
had  resolved  to  invade  France,  and  the  opportunity  was  gone 
for  ever  for  France  to  attain  her  natural  limits  under  the 
sanction  of  Europe. 

The  attitude  of  the  allies,  as  indicated  in  the  Proposals  of 
Frankfort,  was  mainly  dictated  by  Metternich,  who   xhc  inva- 
did  not   desire  to   see   his  Emperor's   son-in-law  sionof 

,  J  France  1814. 

dethroned  or  to  see  France  greatly  weakened.  But  First 
the  Emperor  Alexander  and  his  friend,  the  King  Campaign, 
of  Prussia,  soon  repented  of  the  assent  they  had  given  to 
Metternich's  ideas.  Alexander  desired  to  invade  France  as 
a  reply  to  the  invasion  of  Russia  in  1812,  and  hoped  to 
occupy  Paris  as  Napoleon  had  occupied  Moscow.  The  King 
of  Prussia,  and  still  more  his  generals  and  ministers,  had  felt 
most  keenly  the  humiliating  condition  to  which  Prussia  had 
been  degraded,  and  desired  to  wreak  their  vengeance  on 
France.  It  was  therefore  agreed  that  since  the  Proposals  of 
Frankfurt  had   not  been   [jromptiy  accepted,  the  result  of  a 


3i8  European  History,  1 812-18 14 

successful  invasion  of  France  should  be  the  return  of  that 
country  into  the  limits  she  possessed  at  the  beginning  of  the 
wars  of  the  Revolution.  The  attitude  of  Russia  and  Prussia 
was  that  adopted  by  England.  Lord  Castlereagh  heard  with 
dismay,  that  it  was  intended  to  allow  France  the  limits  of 
the  Rhine,  for  by  that  concession  she  would  hold  Belgium 
and  Antwerp,  which  it  had  been  the  consistent  policy  of  all 
English  Ministers  for  many  generations  to  keep  independent 
of  France.  The  barrier  treaties  of  former  days,  and  the  wars 
against  Louis  xiv.  had  been  sustained  for  the  purpose  of 
keeping  France  out  of  the  •  Belgian  Netherlands,  and  the 
English  cabinet  resolved  to  continue  this  classic  policy.  For 
this  purpose,  Lord  Castlereagh  was  in  person  despatched 
to  the  headquarters  of  the  allied  monarchs,  with  the  greatest 
powers  ever  granted  to  a  British  statesman.  He  was  given 
'  full  powers  to  negotiate  and  conclude  of  his  own  authority, 
and  without  further  consultation  with  the  government,  all  con- 
ventions or  treaties,  either  for  the  prosecution  of  war  or  for  the 
restoration  of  peace.' ^ 

Lord  Castlereagh  sailed  from  Harwich  on  the  31st  of 
December  181 3,  on  which  day  BlUcher  with  the  main 
Prussian  army,  known  as  the  Army  of  Silesia,  crossed  the 
Rhine  in  three  columns  at  Coblentz,  Mannheim,  and  Mayence. 
BUicher  was  supported  by  three  Russian  corps  (farmee,  but 
it  was  further  south  that  the  main  Russian  army  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Austrians  invaded  France  under  the  command 
of  Schwartzenberg.  It  was  not  without  some  difficulty  that 
the  Emperor  Alexander  was  induced  to  consent  to  the  viola- 
tion of  the  neutrality  of  Switzerland.  But  the  military  argu- 
ments put  forward  by  his  generals  overcame  his  scruples. 
By  marching  through  Switzerland,  Schwartzenberg's  army 
was  enabled  to  turn  the  mountains  of  the  Jura,  and  to  leave 
the  French  fortresses  on  the  Rhine,  behind  him.  This 
invasion  on  two  distinct  lines  gave  Napoleon  the  opportunity 

1  Alison's  Lives  of  Lord  Castlereagh,  and  Sir  Charles  Slewart,  vol.  ii 
p.  241. 


Napoleons  Campaign  in  France,  1814  319 

of  carrying  out  one  of  the  military  nianreuvrcs  of  which  he 
was  most  fond.  He  concentrated  between  the  two  invading 
armies  a  force  of  between  50,000  and  70,000  men.  This 
w^as  a  terrible  falling  off  from  the  vast  armies  with  which  he 
had  invaded  Russia  in  18 12,  and  fought  the  allies  in  Saxony 
in  1813;  it  was  a  falling  off  not  only  in  numbers,  but  in 
military  efficiency,  for  with  the  exception  of  the  remnant  of 
the  Guard,  he  had  only  under  his  command  some  regiments 
of  conscripts  and  national  guards  untrained  to  war.  At  this 
period  Napoleon  bitterly  repented  the  mistake  he  had  made, 
in  leaving  over  150,000  veteran  soldiers  as  garrisons  in  the 
various  fortresses  in  Europe.  The  presence  of  these  men 
would  very  likely  have  turned  the  scale.  He  had  left,  for 
instance,  12,000  men  in  Hamburg  under  the  command  of 
Marshal  Davout,  16,000  in  Magdeburg,  8000  in  Dantzic,  and 
large  garrisons  in  other  distant  cities,  such  as  Stettin.  These 
fortresses  were  blockaded  by  local  militia ;  their  occupation 
(lid  not  withdraw  many  regular  troops  from  the  allied  armies, 
while  it  fatally  weakened  the  resources  of  France. 

Nevertheless,  with  his  boy  conscripts  and  his  Guard,  Napo- 
leon fought  one  of  his  greatest  campaigns.  Bliicher  foolishly 
scattered  his  troops,  after  his  entry  into  Champagne.  Napoleon 
quickly  took  advantage  of  his  mistake.  He  cut  up  "cnvisipn 
after  division  of  Bliicher's  army  ._at.JiiJ£iinej_Champaubert, 
MontmiraiT7~an3''Vauchamps,  between  the  29th  of  January 
and  the  14th  of  February,  and  then  turning  against  Schwartzen- 
berg,  w^ho  had  also  scattered  his  forces,  he  defeated  a  Russian 
division  at  Nangis,  and  an  Austrian  division  at  Napoleon's 
Montereau  on  the  17th  and  i8th  of  February,  victories  in 
These  rapid  blows  startled  and  disconcerted  the  ^'"^"<=^-  '^^^'^• 
allies!  Bliicher's  army~was  practicallyTrestroyecTJ  Schwartzcn- 
berg  fell  l)ack,  and  asked  for  an  armistice ;  and  proposals  were 
made  for  the  evacuation  of  France.  It  was  only  the  con- 
stancy of  the  Emperor  Alexander  and  the  determination  of 
Lord  Castlereagh  which  induced  the  allies  to  persist.  Two 
corps  d'armcc,  one  of   Prussians  under    Billow,  the  other  of 


320  European  History,  18 1 2-1 814 

Russians  under  Wintzingerode,  were  on  Lord  Castlereagh's 
sole  authority  detached  from  Bernadotte's  army  and  ordered 
to  reinforce  Bliicher.  Meanwhile,  Alexander  insisted  that 
Schwartzenberg  should  concentrate  instead  of  retiring.  In 
reality,  Napoleon's  successes  were  more  fatal  to  himself  than 
to  the  allies,  for  they  induced  him  to  break  off  the  negotiations 
at  the  Congress  of  Chatillon. 

While  the  first  campaign  of  1814  was  being  fought  out  in 
other  move- France,  the  movement  against  Napoleon  was 
ments  becoming    general.      Beooadotte    had    after   the 

Napoleon,     victory  of  Leipzig  been  placed  in    command  of 
^8'4-  the  army  in  northern  Germany.     Full  of  the  idea 

which  had  been'suggested  to  him  by  the  Emperor  Alexander 
in  181 2,  that  he  might  succeed  Napoleon  on  the  throne  of 
France,  Bernadotte  did  not  wish  to  appear  be- 
fore his  own  countrymen  in  the  light  of  an  invader. 
He  had  occupied  himself  for  some  weeks  after  the  battle  of 
Leipzig  with  blockading  Davout  in  Hamburg,  and  fighting  the 
Danes  in  Holstein.  Even  if  he  could  not  obtain  the  throne 
of  France,  he  was  quite  resolved  to  win  Norw&y,  and  for  this 
purpose  he  attacked  the  Danes,  and  after  some  fighting, 
compelled  Frederick  vi.  of  Denmark  to  sign  the  Treaty  of 
Kiel  on  14th  January  1814,  by  which  Denmark  ceded 
Norway  to  Sweden,  in  exchange  for  Swedish  Pomerania.  Berna- 
dotte even  went  so  far  as  to  negotiate  with  Davout,  to  whom 
he  promised  a  free  passage  to  France  with  all  his  troops  as 
the  price  of  the  surrender  of  Hamburg.  But  the  Emperor 
Alexander  would  not  submit  to  this,  and  Bernadotte  was 
imperiously  ordered  only  to  leave  a  blockading  force  before 
Hamburg,  and  to  advance  to  the  French  frontier. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Bernadotte  was  deprived  of  his 
two  finest  corps  d'armce,  which  were  ordered  up  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Bliicher.     But  fn  addition  to  the  danger  threatened 
by  Bernadotte's   army,   Napoleon  also  met  with 
serious  opposition  in  the  Netherlands.    The  Dutch 
people  declared  for  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  Holland_was 


Battle  of  Orthez  3  2 1 

quickly^Jost.  A  force  under  the  command  of  the  Prince 
marched  into  Belgium,  and  besieged  Antwerp,  which  was 
defended  by  the  former  member  of  the  Committee  of  PubHc 
Safety,  Carnot,  who,  though  neglected  by  Napoleon  in  the 
days  of  his  greatness,  had  come  to  the  help  of  France  in  the 
time  of  her  distress.  To  assist  the  Prince  an  English  division 
under  Sir  Thomas  Graham  had,  as  has  been  said,  been  de- 
spatched to  Holland.  Graham  failed  to  take  Bergen-op-Zoom 
on  the  20th  of  February,  but  his  presence  in  the  Netherlands 
not  only  encouraged  the  Dutch,  but  prevented  Napoleon  from 
obtaining  help  from  that  quarter. 

In  the  south.  Marshal  Augereau,  whom  the  Emperor  had 
placed  in  command  at  Lyons,  was,  as  he  himself 

.  Augereau. 

said,  no  longer  the  Augereau  of  Castiglione.  He 
had  been  directed  to  make  a  diversion  against  the  Austrian  left 
as  it  entered  France  with  some  conscripts  and  troops  drawn 
from  the  former  Army  of  Spain,  but  he  remained  inactive,  and 
his  operations  were  of  no  assistance  to  the  Emperor.  In  the 
south-west  corner  of  France,  Soult  was  unable  to  do  more 
than  make  head  against  Wellington  and  the  Anglo-Portuguese 
army.  After  the  battles  of  the  Nive  or  of  Saint  weUington 
Pierre,    Bayonne   was   completely   invested,    and   wins  battle  of 

TIT   11-  ,  •  ,        1    r        r  1  •  ,  Orthez.    27th 

Wellington,  leaving  the  left  of  his  army  to  carry  February 
on  the  siege,  marched  eastwards  against  Soult.  '814. 
That  marshal  had  been  weakened  by  the  detachments  he 
had  been  ordered  to  send  to  Augereau,  and  to  Napoleon 
himself.  Nevertheless,  he  made  a  gallant  stand  at  Orthez  on 
the  27th  of  February,  but  was  defeated  and  forced  to  fall 
back  further  into  France. 

In  Italy  the  Viceroy,  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  who  in  the 
retreat  from  Russia  had  given  evidence  that  he 

r  J  rr  1  Italy. 

was  a  general  of  the  very  first  order,  offered  a 
gallant   resistance   to   the   Austrians   under    General    Hillcr. 
But  the  defection  of  the  King  of  Bavaria,  his  father-in-law, 
opened  the  passes  of  the  Tyrol  to  the  Austrians,  and  Eugene 
de    Beauharnais   was   then    compelled   to   retreat.      At   the 

PERIOD  VII.  X 


322  European  History^  1812-1814 

commencement  of  181 4,  Metternich  entered  into  negotiations 
with  Murat,  the  King  of  Naples.  Through  the  influence  of 
his  wife,  CaroHne  Murat,  sister  of  Napoleon,  with  whom 
Metternich  had  been  in  most  intimate  relations  when  he  was 
ambassador  at  Paris,  Murat,  in  the  hope  of  preserving  his 
kingdom,  issued  a  violent  proclamation  against  his  benefactor, 
Napoleon,  and  advanced  to  the  banks  of  the  Po,  at  the  head 
of  a  Neapolitan  army  of  80,000  men.  This  movement  caused 
Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  whose  fidelity  to  his  stepfather  shines 
out  in  bright  contrast  to  the  treachery  of  Murat,  to  fall  back 
still  further.  He  defeated  the  Austrians  under  Marshal 
Bellegarde  on  the  Mincio  on  the  8th  of  February,  but  was 
unable  to  follow  up  his  success  owing  to  the  position  of 
Murat.  In  his  rear.  Lord  William  Bentinck  had  landed  at 
Genoa  and  issued  a  proclamation  promising  independence 
to  that  city,  and  the  support  of  England  in  securing  the 
independence  and  unity  of  Italy.  Napoleon  at  one  time 
thought  of  calling  Eugene  de  Beauharnais  to  his  side,  but  his 
rapid  victories  over  the  isolated  corps  cCarmee  of  the  allies  in 
February  caused  him  to  abandon  this  wise  project. 

It  has  been  said  that  one  effect  of  Napoleon's  victories 
was  to  break  up  the  Congress  of  Chatillon.     It 

The  Congress 

of  Chatillon.     had  been  suggested  that  a  congress  should  meet 
3d  Feb. -19th      at  Mannheim  at  the   time  of  the  Proposals   of 

March  1814.         ^         ,   .  ,  -kt         1  >        1    i  1     - 

Frankfort,  but  Napoleons  delay  prevented  it 
from  assembling  until  after  the  invasion  of  France  was  an 
accomplished  fact.  The  success  of  this  invasion  altered  the 
attitude  of  the  allies  towards  France.  They  saw  that  the 
French  nation  was  not  going  to  arise  in  its  might  as  it  had 
done  in  1793.  They  heard  through  sure  hands  that  the 
people  were  almost  in  open  rebellion  against  the  Emperor. 
The  Legislative  Body  had  dared  to  oppose  his  wishes.  Every- 
where the  conscription  was  evaded,  and  there  was  a  muttered 
feeling  throughout  France  that  the  country  had  had  enough 
of  war  and  that  it  was  time  that  the  blood-tax  on  the  French 
youth  should  cease.     Even  the  army  itself  was  beginning  to 


The  Congress  of  Chatillon  323 

despair.  The  Emperor  had  lost  his  prestige  in  Russia  and 
at  Leipzig.  His  soldiers  were  not  the  veterans  of  his  former 
wars  ;  his  generals  and  his  marshals  began  to  murmur  and 
to  fear  that  a  war  it  I'outrajice  would  end  in  their  personal 
ruin.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Congress  of  Chatillon 
met  on  the  3d  of  February  1814.  The  French  plenipotentiary 
was  Caulaincourt,  the  most  upright  of  Napoleon's  states- 
men. The  other  powers  nominated,  not  their  chief  ministers, 
MetternichjNesselrode,  Hardenberg,and  Castlereagh,  although 
they  were  all  at  headquarters,  but  subordinate  diplomatists, 
namely,  Count  Philip  Stadion,  the  predecessor  of  Metternich, 
for  Austria,  William  von  Humboldt  for  Prussia,  Razumovski 
for  Russia,  and  Lord  Cathcart,  Lord  Aberdeen,  and  Sir 
Charles  Stewart  for  England. 

At  Chatillon  very  different  conditions  from  the  Proposals  of 
Frankfort  were  offered.  The  main  stipulation  was  that  France 
should  return  to  her  limits  before  the  Revolution.  England 
haughtily  declared  that  the  naval  question  with  regard  to 
the  rights  of  neutrals  was  not  to  be  mentioned,  and  everything 
was  made  subject  to  the  great  question  of  the  French  limits. 
Caulaincourt  disputed  the  proposals  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  unfair  that  France  should  be  reduced  to  the  limits  she 
had  held  in  1789  while  the  other  powers  had  been  so  vastly 
increased  by  the  rearrangement  of  Germany  and  the  partition 
of  Poland.  Nevertheless  he  was  most  anxious  that  Napoleon 
should  accept  these  proposals.  He  granted  that  they  were 
worse  than  the  Proposals  of  Frankfort,  but  argued  that  if  the 
war  continued  they  were  likely  to  be  worse  still.  Napoleon, 
however,  looked  upon  the  Congress  as  an  opportunity  for 
gaining  time.  He  believed  that  by  his  military  successes  he 
would  avert  the  disasters  which  threatened  him,  and  on  the 
day  of  the  battle  of  Montereau,  the  iSth  of  February,  he 
wrote  that  he  was  only  willing,  to  agree  to  a  peace  on  the 
basis  of  the  Frankfort  Proposals,  and  in  his  own  handwriting 
he  added  to  his  desi)atch  to  Caulaincourt,  'Sign  nothing.'^  It 
^  Fain,  Manuscrit  de  P An  1813,  pp.  297,  29S. 


324  Etiropean  History,  1812-1814 

is  worthy  of  note  that  in  the  Proposals  of  Chatillon  nothing 
was  said  about  Napoleon  himself.  The  Emperor  Francis 
assumed  that  his  son-in-law  would  remain  upon  the  throne  of 
France,  and  Lord  Castlereagh  expressed  no  view  to  the 
contrary.  But  the  English  Minister  was  absolutely  determined 
not  to  yield  to  Napoleon's  demand  for  the  natural  limits  of 
France.  England  was  the  paymaster  of  the  coalition,  and 
Castlereagh  having  just  promised  ;^  10,000,000  to  pay  the 
military  expenses  of  1814  felt  that  he  had  the  right  to  insist 
on  his  demand.  Napoleon  in  after  years  declared  that  his 
persistence  in  retaining  Belgium  was  the  reason  for  his 
refusal  to  accede  to  the  Proposals  of  Chatillon.  'Antwerp,' 
he  said  to  Las  Cases,  'was  to  me  a  province  in  itself;  it  was 
the  principal  cause  of  my  exile  to  Saint  Helena,  for  it  was 
the  required  cession  of  that  fortress  which  made  me  refuse 
the  terms  offered  at  Chatillon.  If  they  would  have  left  it  to 
me  peace  would  have  been  concluded,'^  Metternich  wrote 
to  Caulaincourt  pressing  the  acceptance  of  the  Proposals  of 
Chatillon,  but  Napoleon  obstinately  refused,  and  the  Congress 
had  practically  failed  by  the  beginning  of  March,  though  it 
did  not  actually  break  up  until  the  19th  of  that  month. 

The  fact    that  the  French   nation  did    not  rise  in   arms 
against  the  invaders  has  been  mentioned  as  the 

Attitude  of  °  .  ,  ,.„ 

France  primary  cause    for    the  difference   between    the 

towards  tcrms   offered    at   Frankfort   and    at   Chatillon. 

Napoleon.         -kt     ,  •  i        i     i  i  11 

Nothing  proves  more  completely  how  thoroughly 
Napoleon  had  extinguished  the  spirit  of  the  Revolution  than 
the  lukewarmness  with  which  his  call  to  arms  was  received  in 
1 814.  In  1793  the  invasion  of  France  had  caused  a  frenzy 
of  patriotism.  The  people  had  submitted  to  the  Reign  of 
Terror,  because  it  meant  a  strong  government  which  could 
expel  the  Enghsh,  Prussians,  and  Austrians.  France  was  at 
that  time  hemmed  in  by  difficulties  infinitely  greater  than 
those  which  she  had  to  face  in  1814.  Then  she  had  no  great 
general.  In  18 14  she  possessed  one  of  the  greatest  generals 
^  Las  Cases,  Manorial  de  Saittte-Helene,  vol.  vii.  pp.  56,  57. 


Exhaustion  of  France  325 

the  world  has  ever  seen.  In  1793  she  was  torn  by  civil  war 
in  La  Vendee  and  by  brigands  in  every  sparsely  populated 
district.  In  1814  she  had  enjoyed  fifteen  years  of  internal 
tranquillity.  In  1793  her  finances  were  utterly  disordered,  her 
industries  were  destroyed,  and  the  whole  country  a  prey  to 
anarchy.  In  18 14  she  had  been  for  years  the  chief  nation  in 
Europe,  and  the  wealth  of  other  countries  had  been  drained 
to  enrich  her.  But  the  difference  was  that  in  1793  and  the 
succeeding  years  the  French  people  felt  that  they  were  fighting 
to  ward  off  the  interference  of  foreign  nations  in  their  internal 
affairs,  whereas  in  1814  they  were  called  on  to  defend  the 
power  of  a  single  man  who  had  infringed  the  rights  and  the 
freedom  of  other  nations.  By  his  bureaucratic  system  Napoleon 
had  crushed  out  the  power  of  popular  initiative  Avhich  had  been 
the  strength  of  the  Republic ;  by  his  suppression  of  individual 
libertyTe  had  made^  the  majority  of  the  French  people  dis- 
affected to  his  Empire. 

There  must  ^be  considered  also  the  exhaustion  of  actual 
physical  resources.  In  the  campaigns  of  181 2  and  Exhaustion 
\'i\Ty,  itTs  estimated  that  nearly  750,000  Frenchmen  of  France, 
were  either  killed,  wounded,  or  taken  prisoner.  Before  that  time 
the  Grand  Army  had  been  slowly  destroyed  on  many  a  field 
of  battle,  and  there  simply  were  not  sufficient  men  of  military 
instinct  and  physical  strength  to  fill  the  ranks.  In  18 13 
Napoleon  enrolled  the  conscripts  whose  turn  would  have  come 
in  1815 — mere  boys  of  sixteen,  who  had  melted  away  after  the 
battle  of  Leipzig — and  the  men  he  called  to  the  ranks  in  18 14 
were  those  who  had  been  passed  over  by  the  conscription  in 
previous  years,  and  were  too  long  inured  to  civil  life  to  ])c 
willing  to  serve  as  soldiers. 

To  the  feeling  that  resistance  to  the  invaders  was  not  a 
national  duty,  must  be  added  a  general  indisposition  to 
support  the  Empire.  The  opinions  which  had  found  vent 
during  the  French  Revolution  had  not  been  extinguished  by 
the  Empire ;  they  had  only  been  suppressed ;  and  all  the 
educated  part  of  the  cation  was  united  in  desiring  represen- 


326  European  History,  1812-1814 

tative  institutions  so  as  to  exercise  a  share  in  directing  the 
pohcy  of  the  government.  This  opinion  showed  itself  in  the 
Legislative  Body  which  was  summoned  in  December  1813. 
Napoleon  had  announced  that  his  cause  was  the  cause  of 
France;  but  in  return  the  leaders  of  the  Legislative  Body 
only  begged  him  to  make  peace.  A  paragraph  was  inserted 
in  the  report  of  the  Legislative  Body  upon  the  Proposals  of 
Frankfort,  which  contains  the  following  words  :  '  It  belongs  to 
the  Government  according  to  the  Constitution  to  propose  the 
most  effectual  means  to  repel  the  enemy  and  secure  peace. 
These  means  will  only  be  effectual  if  the  French  people  are 
convinced  that  their  blood  will  be  shed  only  to  defend  the 
country  and  our  protective  laws.  It  appears,  therefore,  indis- 
pensable that  at  the  same  time  that  His  Majesty  shall  propose 
the  most  prompt  and  efficacious  measures  for  the  safety  of 
the  State,  the  Government  should  be  besought  to  maintain  the 
entire  and  constant  execution  of  the  laws  which  guarantee  to 
the  French  people  the  rights  of  liberty,  security,  and  property, 
and  to  the  nation  the  complete  enjoyment  of  its  political 
rights.  That  guarantee  appears  the  most  effectual  means  for 
restoring  to  the  French  people  the  energy  necessary  for  their 
defence  in  the  present  crisis.'  Napoleon  was  much  irritated 
by  this  attack  on  his  arbitrary  authority,  and  although  this 
paragraph  was  expunged  from  the  report  by  254  votes  to  223 
he  nevertheless  dissolved  the  Legislative  Body  in  a  rage. 
Neither  at  the  Congress  of  Chatindn  nor  in  the  Legislative 
The  Body  was  a  single  word  said  about  restoring  the 
Bourbons.  Bourbons.  They  had  lost  all  credit  during  their  exile. 
The  French  people  did  not  want  them.  The  allied  powers  did 
notxare  about  them.  By  Lord  Castlereagh's  orders  Welling- 
ton received  the  Due  d'Angouleme,  son  of  the  Comte  d'Artois, 
in  his  camp  in  the  south  of  France,  but  he  distinctly  refused 
to  recognise  him  in  any  way  whatever.  The  English  general 
went  further  and  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  declared 
that  the  war  was  being  waged  for  security  to  Europe,  not  for 
a  change  of  dynasty  in  France,  and  that  no  interference  was 


The  Treaty  cf  Chauinont  327 

either  intended  or  would  be  permitted  in  the  free  decision  of 
the  French  people  with  regard  to  their  internal  government. 
When  the  Due  d'Angouleme  was  favourably  received  in  Bor- 
deaux and  the  Mayor  of  that  city  hoisted  the  white  flag, 
Wellington  wrote  to  the  Bourbon  prince  defining  his  attitude 
and  censuring  the  assertion  in  the  Duke's  proclamation,  that 
he  was  supported  by  England. 

In  spite  of  his  real  weakness  Napoleon  was  so  infatuated 
by  his  successes  in  February  18 14  that,  as  has  been  said,  the 
Congress  came  to  an  end,  but  he  was  not  far  Treaty  of 
wrong  in  his  estimation  of  the  effect  of  his  vie-  ist^March 
tories  upon  the  allied  monarchs.  So  profoundly  1814. 
was  Schwartzenberg  terrified  by  the  destruction  of  Bliicher's 
army  and  the  victories  of  Nangis  and  Montereau  that  he 
wished  to  retreat  from  France.  Differences  between  the 
powers  at  this  juncture  threatened  to  break  up  the  coalition, 
and  it  was  only  the  determination  of  Lord  Castlereagh  that 
kept  them  together.  The  English  niinister  on  the  ist  of  March 
1 8 14  concluded  the  secret  Treaty  of  Chaumont.  By  this 
treaty  the  relations  of  the  allied  monarchs  to  each  other  on 
severaTpomts^  were  defined,  and  though  many  fresh  causes  of 
dissCTisioTr  arose  at  a  later  date,  it  was  the  Treaty  of  Chau- 
mont which  kept  the  powers  together  until  the  overthrow  of 
Napoleon^and  which  laid  the  basis  of  the  final  settlement  at 
Vienna.  By  this  treaty  the  four  great  powers,  England- 
Russia,  Austria.aiii.  Prussia,  bound  themselves,  if  France  re- 
fused to  return  within  her  ancient  limits,  to  form  an  offensive 
and  defensive  alliance.  Each  member  of  the  coalition  was  to 
maintain  150,000  men  in  the  field,  and  England  bound  herself, 
in  addition  to  paying  her  own  contingent  and  maintaining  her 
navy,  to  contribute  a  subsidy  of  ^5,000,000  a  year  to  be 
divided  equally  amongst  the  other  three  contracting  parties. 
As  England  by  this  arrangement  offered  more  than  twice  as 
much  as  any  other  country,  Castlereagh  practically  became 
the  master  of  the  coalition.  After  peace  was  concluded  each 
of  the  powers  was  to  furnish  a  contingent  of  60,000  men  if  any 


328  Ettropean  History,  1812-1814 

one  of  them  were  attacked.  The  resettlement  of  Europe  was 
to  be  arranged  on  the  followmg  bases  :  that  the  German 
Empire  should  be  restored  as  a  federal  union  ;  that  Holland 
and  Belgium  should  be  united  into  a  monarchy  under  the 
House  of  Orange  ;  that  Spain  should  be  restored  to  its  ancient 
sovereign ;  that  Italy  should  be  divided  into  independent 
states ;  and  that  Switzerland  should  be  guaranteed  as  inde- 
pendent and  neutral  by  all  the  great  powers. 

The  result  of  the  Treaty  of  Chaumont  was  to  stiffen  the 

attitude  of  the  allies  in  France.     All  thought  of  retreat  was 

Napoleon's    abandoned     and     both     the     Austrians     under 

Second  Cam-  Schwartzenberg,  and  the  Army  of  Silesia  under 

paign  in  ,  .         ,  -n      • 

France.  Bliicher  recommenced  their  advance  upon  Pans. 

March  1814.  Napolcon. pursucd  the  tactics  which  had  been 
crowned  with  success  in  the  month  of  February,  and_prepared 
to  strike  at  each  of  the  invading  armies  in  turn.  His  first 
movement  as  before  was  against  Bliicher.  The  Army  of 
Silesia  had  been  reduced  by  the  actions  of  Champaubert, 
Montmirail,  etc.,  from  60,000  to  30,000  m.en,  but  it  was  now 
increased  to  more  than  its  former  number  by  the  arrival  of 
Saint  Priest's  Russians  and  of  the  two  corps  of  Biilow  and 
Wintzingerode  which  had  been  detached  from  Bernadotte  by 
Lord  Castlereagh.  Napoleon  was  not  aware  of  the  extent  of 
these  reinforcements,  and  he  therefore  with  his  army  of  barely 
30,000  men  ventured  to  attack  Bliicher.  On  the  7th  and  9th 
of  March,  the  severe  actions  of  Craonne  and  Laon  were  fought. 
Neither  side  won  victories,  but  Napoleon  failed  to  repeat  his 
former  successes,  which  was  tantamount  to  a  defeat.  After 
the  battle  of  Laon  both  Bliicher  and  Napoleon  reviewed  the 
armies  at  their  disposal,  and  the  disparity  of  their  strength  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  whereas  Bliicher  reviewed  109,000  men. 
Napoleon  found  that  including  all  reinforcements,  he  had  but 
46,000.  Having  failed  to  check  the  Prussians,  Napoleon 
turned  to  attack  Schwartzenberg's  army.  On  the  20th  of 
March  he  fought  an  action  at  Arcis-sur-Aube,  in  which  the 
Russians  repulsed   the  French  attack.      The  Emperor  then 


Occupation  of  Paris,  1814  329 

resolved  on  a  final  effort.     He  determined  to  attack  the  lines 
of  communication  of  the  invaders,  and  marched  towards  the 
Vosges  Mountains.     But  the  invaders  were  in  too  strong  force 
to  be  terrified  by  this  manoeuvre.     A  few  divisions  only  were 
left  to  watch  him,  and  the  main  armies  continued  their  advance 
on  Paris.     On  March  the  30th,  Schwartzenberg    Battle  of 
and  Bliicher  arrived  in  front  of  the  French  capital.    30th  March 
They  had  under  their  command  about  200,000     1814. 
men,  whereas  Marshals  Marmont  and  Mortier,  who  had  been 
charged  with  the  defence  of  Paris,  could  not  get  under  arms 
more  than  28,000  including  the  National  Guard.  In  spite  of  this 
enormous  difference  of  strength  the  two  marshals  took  up  a 
position  and  prepared  to  defend  Paris.     But  after  the  most 
obstinate  resistance  the  allies  carried  the  French  position  after 
ten  hours'  fighting  on  the  30th  of  March,  and  on  the  following 
day  the  Emperor  Alexander  and  the  King  of  Prussia  entered 
Paris.    Napoleon  rapidly  followed  the  allied  army,    ^^^^^^^^^^  ^f 
but  the  occupation_of  Paris  was  fatal  to. his  cause.    Paris  by  the 
He  was  ready  to  continue  the  war,  but  his  mar- 
shals were  not.    On  the  4th  of  April  Ney,  Macdonald,  Oudinot, 
and   Lefebvre  had  an  interview  with  the  Emperor,  and  told 
him    that   the    army   would   fight   no   more.     Napoleon  was 
obliged  to  give  heed  to  their  remonstrances,  and  he  sent  Ney, 
Macdonald,   and    Caulaincourt  to   make  what  arrangements 
might  be  possible  with  the  allied  monarchs. 

On  entering  Paris  the  Emperor  Alexander  and  King  Fred- 
erick William  proceeded  at  once  to  the  residence  of  Talley- 
rand.      That   astute   statesman  quickly  decided    The  Provi- 

— —  "  ,    -     .  ,.  TT  1        ,        J  ii     ^    ii         sional  Govern- 

upon  a  definite  policy.  He  understood  that  the  ^^^^^^ 
allies  had  hitherto  treated  with  Napoleon,  and  Paris, 
that  they  were  not  favourably  disposed  to  the  Bourbons.  He 
knew  that  the  French  nation  did  not  desire  the  return  of  the 
former  dynasty.  But  he  felt  that  the  only  method  which 
would  enable  France  to  take  up  a  logical  position  on  the  Con- 
tinent was  by  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbon  monarchy.  If 
Louis  xviii.  were  accepted  as  King  of  France,  it  would  be  a 


330  European  History,  1812-1814 

contradiction  in  terms  to  their  professed  belief  in  hereditary 
rights,  and  their  hatred  for  the  results  of  the  Revolution,  for 
the  allied  monarchs  to  attack  the  unity  of  France.  For  this 
reason  Talleyrand  persuaded  Alexander  that  it  would  be  inad- 
missible either  to  accept  the  government  of  the  Empress 
Marie  Louise  in  the  name  of  her  son,  the  King  of  Rome,  or 
still  less  to  recognise  Alexander's  candidate,  Bernadotte.  In 
his  own  words  to  the  Emperor  :  '  Any  attempt  to  create  a 
Regency  or  to  appoint  Bernadotte  is  a  mere  intrigue ;  nothing 
remains  but  Bonaparte  or  the  Bourbons.'  Alexander  then 
declared  that  he  would  no  longer  treat  with  Napoleon,  and 
Talleyrand  as  Vice- Arch-Chancellor  of  the  Empire  summoned 
the  Senate  to  meet  upon  the  ist  of  April, 

The  Senate  at  once  elected  a  Provisional  Government  con- 
sisting of  Talleyrand  as  President  and  the  Comte  de  Bournon- 
ville,  former  War  Minister  of  the  Republic,  the  Comte  de 
Jaucourt,  a  former  leader  of  the  Legislative  Assembly,  the 
Abbe  de  Montesquiou,  a  former  leader  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly,  and  the  Due  de  Dalberg,  nephew  of  the  Prince 
Primate  of  Germany.  The  Senate  then  resolved  that,  whatever 
government  should  be  adopted,  the  sale  of  the  national  and 
ecclesiastical  estates  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution  should  be 
ratified,  the  liberty  of  worship  and  of  the  press  established, 
and  a  general  amnesty  declared.  On  the  following  day  the 
Emperor  Alexander  addressed  the  Senate.  He  said :  '  It  is 
neither  ambition  nor  the  love  of  conquest  which  has  led  me 
hither;  my  armies  have  only  entered  France  to  repel  unjust 
aggressions.  Your  Emperor  carried  war  into  the  heart  of  my 
dominions  when  I  only  wished  for  peace.  I  am  a  friend  of 
the  French  People ;  I  impute  their  faults  to  their  chief 
alone ;  I  am  here  with  the  most  friendly  intentions ;  I  wish 
only  to  protect  your  deliberations.  You  are  charged  with  one 
of  the  most  glorious  missions  which  generous  men  can  dis- 
charge,— that  of  securing  the  happiness  of  a  great  people,  in 
giving  France  institutions,  at  once  strong  and  liberal,  with 
which  she  cannot  dispense  in  the  advanced  state  of  civilisation 


Abdication  of  Napoleon  331 

to  which  she  has  attained.'  Alexander  in  conclusion,  as  a  sign 
of  his  goodwill,  declared  that  he  would  release  the  150,000 
French  prisoners  of  war  then  in  Russia. 

That  evening  tiie_Senate  solemnly  declared  Napoleon  to  be 
no  longer  Emperor,  and  formed_  a^ProvisionalJ*Iinistry,  includ- 
ing'  COnTfe  i^eugnot.  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Baron  Louis, 
Minister  of  Finance,  and  General  Dupont,  who  had  been  dis- 
graced for  the  Capitulation  of  Baylen,  Minister  for  War. 
Matters  had  reached  this  stage  when  Napoleon's  emissaries 
Ney,  Macdonald,  and  Caulaincourt,  arrived  at  the  headquarters 
of  the  allied  monarchs.  These  faithful  adherents  proposed 
that  Napoleon  should  abdicate  in  favour  of  his  infant  son. 
This  offer,  which  would  have  been  gladly  received  some  days 
before,  was  now  rejected,  owing  to  the  influence  of  Talleyrand, 
and  on  April  the  6th,  when  TSLg^poleon  received  the  news  of 
this  rejection,  he  unconditionally  :il)dicated  at  Abdication  of 
Fontainebleau.  This  step  was  made  necessary  Napoleon, 
by  the  fact  that  the  faithful  marshals  could  not  '  ^"^^  ^  '''■ 
even  speak  in  the  name  of  the  whole  army  on  behalf  of 
Napoleon.  Marshal  Marmont,  who  had  distinguished  himself 
in  the  great  battle  before  Paris,  had  made  separate  terms  for 
himself  and  placed  his  army  at  the  disposal  of  the  allies.  The 
desertion  of  Marmont  deprived  Napoleon  of  the  greater  part 
of  the  forces  on  which  he  relied,  and  rendered  his  uncondi- 
tional abdication  necessary. 

The  abdication  of   Napoleon  was   followed  by  the  arrival 
of    Lord  Castlercagh   in    Paris.       The    English   Provisional 
minister    had    since    the    breaking    up    of    the   parfs'^mh 
Congress   of    Chatillon    remained    at   the    head-   April  1814. 
quarters  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria  at  Dijon.      It  was  there 
that   he  had  entered  into  intimate  relations  with  Metternich, 
relations  which  were  to  lead  to  most  important  results.     On 
the    nth  of    April  18 14,    the    Provisional    Treaty  of  Paris 
was  signed.     It  was  essentially  a  treaty  between'  the  Emperor 
Napoleon,     through     his    plenipotentiaries,    and    the    allied 
monarchs.     It  was  not  a  treaty  with  France,  for  Louis  xviii. 


332  European  History,  i8 12-18 14 

had  not  arrived  from  England,  or  been  recognised  as  king, 
and  the  Provisional  Government  could  only  enter  into 
provisional  arrangements.  By  this  treaty,  which  was  signed 
by  Caulaincourt,  Macdonald,  Ney,  Metternich,  Nesselrode, 
Hardenberg,  and  Castlereagh,  Napoleon  renounced  for  himself 
and  his  descendants  the  Empire^oTTrance  and  tTie  Kingdom 
of  Italy.  He  was,  however,  to  retain  the  title  of  Emperor; 
the  island  of  Elba  was  erected  into  an  independent  princi- 
pality for  him,  and  an  income  of  ^180,000  a  year  was 
granted  to  him.  The  duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  were 
secured  in  full  sovereignty  to  the  Empress  Marie  Louise,  and 
after  her  decease  to  the  King  of  Rome,  and  the  Empress 
Dowager  Josephine  was  given  an  annuity  of  ^^40,000  a  year. 
J  On  the  day  before  this  treaty  was  signed,  April 
Toulouse.  loth,  1 814,  the  Battle  of  Toulouse  was  fought, 
loth  April  Wellington  after  his  victory  of  Orthez  had  rapidly 
followed  Soult  into  the  heart  of  Southern  France. 
When  he  attacked  the  French  positions  in  front  of  Toulouse, 
he  was  ignorant  of  the  great  events  which  had  been  passing 
at  Paris  and  at  Fontainebleau,  and  it  was  only  after  his 
entrance  into  the  city  that  he  perceived  the  white  cockade 
was  being  worn. 

On  the  20th  of  April  18 14,  Napoleon  bade  farewell  to  the 
Arrival  of  Guard  at  Fontainebleau,  and  started  for  Elba,  and 
Louis  XVIII.  on  the  24th  his  successor,  Louis  xviii.,  who  had 
not  entered  France  since  his  escape  in  1791,  landed_at_Calais. 
The  new  King  was  eminently  fitted  by  his  natural  character, 
which  had  been  matured  by  his  long  exile,  for  a  constitutional 
monarch,  but  unfortunately  he  was  surrounded  by  men  who 
had  shared  his  exile,  and  who  did  not  share  his  j)lacable  dis- 
position. On  the  2d  of  May,  when  he  had  reached  the 
neighbourhood  of  Paris,  Louis  xviii.  published  what  is  known 
as  the  Declaration  of  St.  Ouen.  In  this  declaration,  he 
promised  a  constitution  to  the  French  people,  which  should 
provide  among  other  things  for  a  representative  government 
with  two  chambers,  complete  liberty  of  worship  and  the  press, 


First  Treaty  of  Paris,  1814  333 

the  right  of  the  representatives  to  grant  taxation,  the  inviola- 
bility^ of  all  property,  including  national  and  ecclesiastical 
estates,  which  had  been  sold  during  the  Revolution,  the 
responsibility  of  the  ministers,  irremoveability  of  the  judges, 
arWrempIefF equality  before  the  la\Y.  On  the  following  day, 
he  entered  Paris  amid  general  rejoicings,  for  the  French 
people  had  forgotten  their  grievances  of  olden  time  in  the 
memory  of  their  more  recent  sufferings  in  the  latter  years  of 
Napoleon.  He  was  not  in  any  way  treated  with  by  the  Pro- 
visional Government;  his  return  was  tacitly  accepted  as 
inevitable  ;  and  he  returned  to  the  Tuileries  as  of  divine  right, 
without  any  bargain  being  made  with  him. 

The  first  important  duty  which  fell  to  Louis  xviii,  was  the 
signature  of  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  with  the  First  Treaty 
allies.  The  evacuation  of  French  territory  by  the  °f  ^^ris. 
invaders  had  been  arranged  with  the  Provisional  1^814.  ^^ 
Government  on  the  23d  of  April,  and  the  foreign  troops  were 
already  beginning  to  retire.  By  the  definitive  Treaty  of 
Paris,  which  was  negotiated  by  Talleyrand  on  behalf  of 
t-ouls  xviii.,  it  wasagreed  that  France  should  return  to  her 
limits  of  1792.  By  this  arrangement,  the  early  annexations 
of~rtTe'Kevolution  before  the  outbreak  of  war  were  secured  to 
France.  These  additions  included  Avignon  and  the  County 
of  the  Venaissin,  which  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Pope, 
and  several  districts  in  Alsace,  of  which  the  m,ost  noteworthy 
were  the  Principality  of  Montbeliard  formerly  the  property  of 
the  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  and  the  Republic  of  Mulhouse. 
France  also  received  Chambery,  and  part  of  Savoy,  with 
certain  rectifications  of  the  frontier  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Geneva,  and  on  the  north-eastern  border.  All  the  former 
French  colonies,  except  the  islands  of  the  Mauritius,  Tobago, 
and  Saint  Lucia,  were  restored  to  France.  With  regard  to  other 
countries,  it  was  agreed,  as  had  been  laid  down  in  the  Treaty 
of  Chaumont,  that  Germany  was  to  become  a  Conffideiacy 
instead  of  an  Empire,  that  HQllarid.imfLJBclgium  were  to  be 
un[tcd,  that  Italy  was  to  be  divided  into  in(k[)LiKlciit  states, 


334  European  History,  1812-1814 

and  that  the  indgjepdence  of  Switzerland  was  to  be 
guaranteed  by  all  the  great  powers.  At  the  same  time  that  this 
treaty  was  signed,  a  secret  treaty  was  agreed  to  between  the 
four  invading  powers,  without  consulting  France.  This  secret 
treaty  dealt  largely  with  the  future  apportionment  of  the 
territories  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  which  had  been 
administered  by  France  ever  since  1 794.  It  was  roughly  agreed 
that  these  provinces  should  be  annexed  to  Prussia,  and  it 
was  further  laid  down,  that  Austria  should  possess  the  whole 
of  Lombardy,  and  that  Genoa  should  be  united  to  Sardinia. 
The  details  of  this  arrangement,  and  the  many  other  questions 
which  were  certain  to  arise  were  adjourned,  and  it  was  settled 
that  they  should  be  considered  at  a  great  congress  which  was 
to  meet  at  Vienna. 

The  two_nations  which  had  done  the  most  to  overthrow  the 
excessive  power  of  Napoleon  \vere  Endand  and 

Conclusion.  .  .  •  >? 

Russia^  and  the  two  men  most  conspicuously  con- 
cerned were  the  Emperor  Alexander  and  Lord  Castlereagh. 
The  two  rival  German  powers,  Austria  and  Prussia,  naturally 
inclined  to  different  sides.  Prussia  was  the  declared  ally 
of  Russia;  the  Emperor  Alexander  and  the  King  Frederick 
William  had  formed  one  of  the  romantic  personal  friendships 
wKlcli  Alexander  loved ;  and  the  Russian  and  Prussian 
ministers  were  in  perfect  accord  in  desiring  to  punish  France 
and  her  allies,  and  to  aggrandise  themselves.  Austria  on  the 
other  hand  naturally  inclined  to  support  England.  Both 
feared  the  increasing  preponderance  of  Russia ;  both  felt  that 
enough  had  been  done  in  deposing  Napoleon,  and  did  not 
desire  to  wreak  vengeance  on  France ;  both  were  inclined  to 
be  moderate  in  their  demands.  This  rivalry  betv/een  Russia 
with  Prussia,  and  Austria  with  England  had  appeared  in  its 
incipient  stages  before  the  Treaty  of  Chaumont,  and  it  was 
to  rise  to  its  height  during  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  The 
return  of  the  Bourbons  to  France  was  to  have  an  important 
result  on  the  rivalry  between  the  allies,  and  it  is  a  significant 
proof  of  the  inherent  power  of  France,  and  of  the  greatness 


Position  of  France  /w  1814  335 

of  the  ascendency  which  she  had  won,  that  she  was  enabled 
at  Vienna  to  act  the  most  decisive  part.  The  overthrow  of 
Napoleon  had  not  really  weakened  France ;  she  had  lost  her 
natural  territorial  limits  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Alps  which  she 
might  have  obtained  but  for  the  stubbornness  of  Napoleon ; 
nevertheless,  she  was  still  strong  enough  to  be  feared,  and 
in  the  day  of  her  greatest  disaster  she  was  able  to  exert  a 
greater  influence  in  the  affairs  of  Europe  than  she  had  ever 
done  since  the  time  of  Louis  xiv. 


CHAPTER    XL 
1814-1815 

The  Congress  of  Vienna — Monarchs  and  Diplomatists  present— History  of 
the  Congress — Treaty  between  France,  Austria,  and  England — The  Ques- 
tions of  Saxony  and  Poland — The  German  Confederation — Disposition 
of  the  provinces  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine — Mayence  and  Luxembourg 
— Reconstitution  of  Switzerland — Rearrangements  in  Italy — Questions  of 
Murat,  Genoa,  and  the  Empress  Marie  Louise — Sweden — Denmark — 
Spain— Portugal — England's  share  of  the  spoil — The  Questions  of  the 
Slave  Trade  and  the  Navigation  of  Rivers — Close  of  the  Congress — Pre- 
parations against  Napoleon — The  first  reign  of  Louis  xviii.  in  France — 
Napoleon's  return  from  Elba— The  Hundred  Days — The  Campaign  of 
Waterloo — Occupation  of  Paris^Second  Treaty  of  Paris — Napoleon  sent 
to  Saint  Helena — The  Holy  AUiance — Return  of  Louis  xviii. — Govern- 
ment of  the  Second  Restoration — The  Chambre  Introuvable — Reaction  in 
Spain  and  Naples — Territorial  Results  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna — The 
Principle  of  Nationality — Permanent  Results  of  the  French  Revolution  in 
Europe — The  Problem  of  harmonising  the  Principles  of  Individual  and 
Political  Liberty  with  that  of  Nationality. 

On  the  ist  of  November  18 14  the  diplomatists  who  were 
Congress  of  to  resettle  Europe  as  arranged  by  the  definitive 
Vienna.  Treaty  of  Paris  met  at  Vienna.     But  many  of  the 

monarchs  most  concerned  felt  that  they  could  not  give  their 
entire  confidence  to  any  diplomatist,  however  faithful  or  dis- 
tinguished, and  they  therefore  came  to  Vienna  in  person  to 
support  their  views.  The  final  decision  of  disputes  obviously 
lay  in  the  hands  of  the  four  powers  which  by  their  union  had 
conquered  Napoleon.  These  four  powers  solemnly  agreed  to 
act  in  harmony  and  to  prepare  aTTquestions  privately,  and  then 
lay  them  before  the  Congress.  In  fact  they  intended  to 
impose  their  will  upon  the  smaller  states  of  Europe  just  as 
Napoleon  had  done.     That  they  did  not  succeed  and  that 


I 


TJic  Congress  of  Vienna  337 

their  concert  was  broken  was  due  to  the  extraordinary  abihty 
of  Talleyrand,  the  first  French  plenipotentiary.  The  history 
of  the  Congress  is  the  history  of  Talleyrand's  skilful  diplomacy, 
and  the  resettlement  of  Europe  which  it  effected  was  therefore 
largely  the  work  of  France. 

The  Emperor  Francis  of  Austria  acted  as  host  to  his 
illustrious  guests.  The  royalties  present  were  the  Monarchsand 
Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  with  his  Empress,  Diplomatists 
the  Grand  Duke  Constantine,  and  his  sisters,  the  p"^^®^"*- 
Grand  Duchesses  Marie  of  Saxe-Weimar  and  Catherine  of 
Oldenburg;  the  King  of  Prussia  with  his  nephew  Prince 
William  ;  the  King  and  Queen  of  Bavaria,  the  King  and  Crown 
Prince  of  Wiirtemburg,  the  King  of  Denmark,  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  the  Grand  Dukes  of  Baden,  Saxe-Weimar,  and  Hesse- 
Cassel,  the  Dukes  of  Brunswick,  Nassau,  and  Saxe-Coburg. 
The  King  of  Saxony  was  a  prisoner  of  war  and  absent. 

The  plenipotentiaries  of  Russia  were  Count  Razumov- 
ski,  Count  von  Stackelberg,  and  Count  Nesselrode,  who  were 
assisted  by  Stein,  the  former  Prussian  minister,  and  one  of 
Alexander's  most  trusted  advisers,  by  Pozzo  di  Borgo,  the 
Corsican,  now  appointed  Russian  ambassador  to  Paris,  by 
Count  Capo  d'Istria,  the  future  President  of  Greece,  by  Prince 
Adam  Czartoryski,  one  of  the  most  patriotic  Poles,  and  by 
some  of  the  most  famous  Russian  Generals,  such  as  Cher- 
nishev  and  Wolkonski.  The  Austrian  plenipotentiaries  were 
Prince  Metternich,  the  State  Chancellor,  the  Baron  von 
Wcssenberg-Ampfingen,  and  Fricdrich  von  Gentz,  who  was 
appointed  to  act  as  Secretary  to  the  Congress. 

England  was  represented  by  Lord  Castlereagh,  Eord  Cath- 
cart.  Lord  Clancarty,  and  Lord  Stewart,  Castlercagh's  brother, 
who  as  Sir  Charles  Stewart  had  played  so  great  a  part  in  the 
negotiations  in  181 3,  and  who  had  been  created  a  peer  for 
liis  services.  The  English  plenipotentiaries  were  also  aided 
by  Count  von  Hardenbcrg,  and  Count  von  Miinster,  who  were 
deputed  to  represent  Hanoverian  interests.  The  Prussian 
plenipotentiaries    were    Prince    von    Hardenbcrg,   the    State 

PERIOD  VII.  V 


338  Ell  ropeati  History,  1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 

Chancellor,  and  William  von  Humboldt,  who  in  military 
matters  were  advised  by  General  von  Knesebeck.  The 
French  representatives,  whose  part  was  to  be  so  important, 
were  Talleyrand,  Prince  of  Benevento,  the  Due  de  Dalberg, 
nephew  of  the  Prince  Primate,  the  Marquis  de  la  Tour  du 
Pin,  and  the  Comte  Alexis  de  Noailles.  These  were  the 
representatives  of  the  great  powers.  Among  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  lesser  powers  may  be  noted  from  the  importance 
of  their  action,  Cardinal  Consalvi,  who  represented  the 
Pope,  the  Count  of  Labrador  for  Spain,  Count  Palmella  for 
Portugal,  Count  Bernstorf  for  Denmark,  Count  Lowenhielm 
for  Sweden,  the  Marquis  de  Saint-Marsan  for  Sardinia,  the 
Duke  di  Campo-Chiaro  for  Murat,  King  of  Naples,  Ruffo, 
for  Ferdinand  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  Prince  von  Wrede  for 
Bavaria,  Count  Wintzingerode  for  Wiirtemburg,  and  Count  von 
Schulemburg  for  Saxony.  In  addition  to  these  plenipoten- 
tiaries representing  powers  of  the  first  and  second  rank,  were 
innumerable  representatives  of  petty  principalities,  deputies 
for  the  free  cities  of  Germany,  and  even  agents  for  petty 
German  princes  mediatised  by  Napoleon  in  1806. 

When  Talleyrand  with  the  French  legation  arrived  in  Vienna 
History  of  thr"heToiin37  as  has  been  said,  that  the  four  great 
Congress.  powers  had  formed  a  close  union  in  order  to 
control  the  Congress.  His  first  step  therefore  was  to  set 
France  forth  as  the  champion  of  the  second-rate  states  of 
Europe.  The  Count  of  Labrador,  the  Spanish  representative, 
strongly  resented  the  conduct  of  the  great  powers  in  pre- 
tending to  arrange  matters,  as  they  called  it,  for  the  Congress. 
Talleyrand  skilfully  made  use  of  Labrador,  and  through  him 
aiidPalmella,  Bernstorf  and  Lowenhielm  managed  to  upset 
the  preconcerted  ideas  of  the  four  allies,  and  insisted  on 
every  matter  being  brought  before  the  Congress  a_s  a_whole, 
and  being  prepared  by  small  committees  specially  selected  for 
that  purpose.  His  next  step  was  to  sow  dissension  amongst 
the  great  powers.  As  "the  champion  of  the  smaller  states  he 
had  already  made  France  of  considerable  importance,  and  he 


The  Attitude  of  Talleyrand  339 

then  claimed  that  she  too  had  a  right  to  be  treated  as  a 
great  power  and  not  as  an  enemy.  His  argument  was  that 
Europe  had  fought  Napoleon  and  not  France;  that  Louis 
XVIII.  was  the  legitimate  monarch  of  France;  and  that  any 
disrespect  shown  to  him  or  his  ambassadors  would  recoil  on 
the  heads  of  all  other  legitimate  monarchs.  He  claimed  that 
France  had  as  much  right  to  make  her  voice  heard  in  the 
resettlement  of  Europe  as  any  other  country,  because  the 
allied  monarchs  had  distinctly  recognised  that  she  was  only 
to  be  thrust  back  into  her  former  limits  and  not  to  be  ex- 
punged from  the  map  of  Europe.  Having  made  his  claim 
good  on  the  right  of  the  legitimacy  of  his  master  to  speak  for 
France  as  a  great  power  equal  in  all  respects  to  the  others,  he 
proceeded  to  sow  dissension  among  the  representatives  of  the 
four  allied  monarchs.  This  was  not  a  difficult  thing  to  do, 
for  the  seeds  of  dissension  had  long  existed.  The  difference 
he  introduced  was  that  in  speaking  as  a  fifth  great  power,  and 
as  the  champion  of  the  smaller  states,  France  became  the 
arbiter  in  the  chief  questions  before  the  Congress. 

The~division  between  the  great  powers  was  caused  by  the 
desire  of  Russia  and  Prussia  for  the  aggrandisement  of  their 
territories.  The  Emperor  Alexander  wished  to  receive  the 
whole ^  Poland.  His  idea,  which  was  inspired  by  his  friend. 
Prince  Adam  Czartoryski,  was  to  form  Poland  into  an  indei)en- 
dent  kingdom  ruled,  however,  by  himself  as  Emperor  of  Russia. 
The  Poles  were  to  have  a  new  Constitution  based  on  that 
proi)ounded  in  1791,  and  the  Czar  of  Russia  was  to  be  also 
King  of  Poland,  just  as  in  former  days  the  Electors  of  Saxony 
had  been  Kings  of  Poland,  but  he  was  to  be  an  hereditary, 
not  an  elected,  sovereign.  To  form  once  more  a  united 
Poland,  Austria  and  Prussia  were  to  surrender  their  gains  in 
the  three  partitions  of  Poland.  Austria  was  to  receive  com- 
pensation for  her  loss  of  Galicia  in  Italy  ;  Prussia  was  to  be 
compensated  for  the  loss  of  Prussian  Poland  by  receiving  the 
whole  of  Saxony.  As  it  had  been  already  arranged  that 
Prussia  was  to  receive  the  bulk  of  the  Rhenish  territory  on 


\ 


340  Eit  ropean  History,  1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 

the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  in  addition  to  her  great  extensions 
of  1803,  the  result  would  be  to  make  Prussia  by  far  the 
greatest  power  in  Germany.  Talleyrand  was  acute  enough 
to  perceive  that  Lord  Castlereagh  did  not  approve  of  the 
extension  of  the  influence  of  Russia,  and  that  Metternich  was 
equally  indisposed  to  allow  Prussia  to  obtain  such  a  whole- 
sale aggrandisement.  Saxony  had  been  the  faithful  ally  of 
France  to  the  very  last,  and  Talleyrand  felt  that  it  would  be 
an  indelible  stain  on  the  French  name  if  it  were  thus  sacri- 
ficed. He  was  cordially  supported  in  this  view  by  his  new 
master,  for  though  the  King  of  Saxony  had  been  the  faithful 
ally  of  Napoleon,  Louis  xviii.  did  not  forget  that  his  own  mother 
was  a  Saxon  princess.  Working,  therefore,  on  the  feelings  of 
Castlereagh  and  Metternich,  he  induced  England  and  Austria 
to  declare  against  the  scheme  of  Russia  and  Prussia. 

The  Emperor  Alexander  and  Frederick  AVilliam  blustered 
loudly ;  they  declared  that  they  were  in  actual  military  posses- 
sion of  Poland  and  of  Saxony,  and  that  they  would  hold  those 
states  by  force  of  arms  against  all  comers.  In  answer,  Talley- 
rand, Castlereagh,  and  Metternich  signed  a  treaty  of  mutual 
alliance  between  France,  England,  and  Austria,  on  the  3d 
of  January  18 15.  By  this  secret  treaty  the  three  powers 
bound  themselves  to  resist  by  arms  the  schemes  of  Russia 
and  Prussia,  and  in  the  face  of  their  determined  opposition 
the  Emperor  Alexander  gave  way.  Immediately  Napoleon 
returned  from  Elba  he  found  the  draft  treaty  between  the 
three  powers  on  the  table  of  Louis  xviii.  and  at  once  sent  it 
to  Alexander.  That  monarch,  confronted  with  the  danger 
threatened  by  Napoleon's  landing  in  France,  contented  himself 
with  showing  the  draft  to  Metternich  and  then  threw  it  in 
the  fire.  The  whole  of  this  strange  story  is  of  the  utmost 
interest ;  it  proves  not  only  the  ability  of  Talleyrand,  but  the 
inherent  strength  of  France.  It  is  most  significant  that  within 
a  few  months  after  the  occupation  of  Paris  by  the  allies  for 
the  first  time  France  should  again  be  recognised  as  a  great 
power,  and  form  the  main  factor  in  breaking  up  the  cohesion 
of  the  alliance,  which  had  been  formed  against  her. 


Alliance  behveen  England,  Austria,  and  France  341 

The  result  of  Talleyrand's  skilful  policy  was  thus  to  unite 
Englan'd,  Austria,  and  France,  supported  by  many  secret  Treaty 
orniiS^'secondary'ltates,  such  as  Bavaria  and  ofad  Jan.  1815. 
Spain,  against  the  pretensions  of  Prussia  and  Russia.  Power- 
ful armies"  were  "immediately  set  on  foot.  France  in  par- 
ticular raised  her  military  forces  from  130,000  to  200,000  men, 
and  her  new  army  was  in  every  way  superior  to  that  with  which 
Napoleon  had  fought  his  defensive  campaigns  in  18 14,  for  it 
contained  the  veteran  soldiers  who  had  been  blockaded  in  the 
distant  fortresses  or  had  been  prisoners  of  war.  England  too 
was  enabled  to  make  adequate  preparations,  for  on  December 
the  24th,  1 8 14,  a  treaty  had  been  signed  at  Ghent  treaty  of 
between  the  United  States  and  England  which  Ghent, 
put  an  end  to  the  war  which  had  been  proceeding  ^^'  ^'''  *  ^'*' 
ever  since  18 12  on  account  of  England's  naval  pretensions. 
Bavaria  also  promised  to  put  in  the  field  30,000  men  for  every 
100,000  supplied  by  Austria.  Although  the  secret  treaty  of 
January  3d  was  not  divulged  until  after  the  return  of  Napoleon 
from  Ell)a,  the  determined  attitude  of  the  opposition  caused  the 
Emperor  Alexander  to  give  way.  It  was  decided  settlement 
that  instead  of  the  whole  of  Saxony,  Prussia  should  of  Saxony. 
only  receive  the  district  of  Lusatia,  together  with  the  towns  of 
Torgau  and  Wittenberg ;  a  territory  which  embraced  half  the 
area  of  Saxony  and  one-third  of  its  population.  The  King  of 
Saxony,  who  had  been  treated  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  whom 
the  Emperor  of  Russia  had  even  threatened  to  send  to  Siberia, 
was  released  from  captivity,  and  induced  by  the  Duke  of 
Wellington,  who  succeeded  Lord  Castlereagh  as  English  pleni- 
potentiary in  February  181 5,  to  agree  to  these  terms.  The 
salvation  of  Saxony  was  a  matter  of  great  gratification  to  Louis 
XVIII.,  who  remembered  that  though  the  king  had  been  the 
faithful  ally  of  Napoleon,  he  was  also  his  own  near  relative. 

Since  Prussia  was  obliged  to  give  up  her  claim  to  the  whole 
of  Saxony,  Russia  also  had  to  withdraw  from  her  settlement 
scheme  of  uniting  the  whole  of  Poland.     Never-  of  Poland, 
theless,  Russia  retained  the  lion's  share  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of 


342  European  History,  1814-1815 

Warsaw ;  in  1774  her  frontier  had  reached  the  Dwina  and  the 
Dnieper;  in  1793  she  obtained  half  of  Lithuania  as  far  as 
Wilna;  in  1795  she  annexed  the  rest  of  Lithuania  and 
touched  the  Nie'men  and  the  Bug;  in  1809  Napoleon  had 
granted  her  the  territory  containing  the  sources  of  the  Bug ; 
and  now  in  1815  her  borders  crossed  the  Vistula,  and  by  the 
annexation  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  including  that  city, 
penetrated  for  some  distance  between  Eastern  Prussia  and 
Galicia.  Prussia  received  back  its  share  of  the  two  first  parti- 
tions of  Poland,  with  the  addition  of  the  province  of  Posen  and 
the  city  of  Thorn,  but  lost  Warsaw  and  its  share  in  the  last 
partition ;  while  Austria  received  Cracow,  which  was  to  be 
administered  as  a  free  city.  Alexander  was  deeply  disap- 
pointed by  the  frustration  of  his  Pohsh  schemes,  but  he  never- 
theless kept  his  promise  to  Prince  Adam  Czartoryski  and 
granted  a  representative  constitution  and  a  measure  of  inde- 
pendence to  Russian  Poland. 

Though  the  great  diplomatic  struggle  arose  over  the  com- 
The  Germanic  bined  qucstion  of  Saxony  and  Poland,  the  most 
Confederation,  important  work  of  the  Congress  was  not  confined 
to  it  alone.  Committees  were  appointed  to  make  new 
arrangements  for  Germany,  Switzerland,  Italy,  and  to  setde 
other  miscellaneous  questions.  Of  these  committees  the  most 
important  was  that  which  reorganised  Germany.  It  had  been 
arranged  by  the  secret  articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris  that  a 
Germanic  Confederation  should  take  the  place  of  the  Holy 
Komanjmpire.  The  example  of  Napoleon  arid-lfis  mstftu- 
tion  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  was  followed  and 
developed.  Instead  of  the  hundreds  of  small  states  which  had 
existed  at  the  commencement  of  the  French  Revolution, 
Germany,  apart  from  Austria  and  Prussia,  was  organised  into 
only  Thirty-eight  states.  These  were  the  four  kingdoms  of 
Hanover,  Bavaria,  Wiirtemburg,  and  Saxony ;  the  seven  grand 
duchies  of  Baden,  Oldenburg,  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  Meck- 
lenburg-Strelitz,  Hesse-Cassel,  Hesse-Darmstadt,  and  Saxe- 
Weimar ;  the  nine  duchies  of  Nassau,  Brunswick,  Saxe-Gotha, 


TJic  Germanic  Confederation  343 

Saxe-Coburg,  Saxe-Meiningen,  Saxe-Hildburghausen,  Anhalt- 
Dessau,  Anhalt-Bernburg,  and  Anhalt-Kothen ;  eleven  princi- 
palities, two  of  Schwartzburg,  two  of  HohenzoUern,  two  of 
Lippe,  two  of  Reuss,  Hesse-Homburg,  Lichtenstein,  and 
VValdeck,  and  the  four  free  cities  of  Hamburg,  Frankfort, 
Bremen,  and  Liibeck.  The  number  of  thirty-eight  was  made 
up  by  the  duchies  of  Holstein  and  Lauenburg,  belonging  to 
the  King  of  Denmark,  and  the  grand  duchy  of  Luxembourg, 
granted  to  the  King  of  the  Netherlands.  In  its  organisation 
the  Germanic  Confederation  resembled  the  Confederation  of 
the  Rhine.  The  Diet  of  the  Confederation  was  to  be  always 
presided  over  by  Austria  and  was  to  consist  of  two  Chambers. 
The  Ordinary  Assembly  was  composed  of  seventeen  members, 
one  for  each  of  the  larger  states,  one  for  the  free  cities  com- 
bined, one  for  Brunswick,  one  for  Nassau,  one  for  the  four 
duchies  of  Saxony  united,  one  for  the  three  duchies  of  Anhalt 
united,  and  one  for  the  smaller  principalities.  This  Assembly 
was  to  sit  permanently  at  Frankfort  and  to  settle  all  ordinary 
rnatters.  In  addition  there  was  to  be  a  General  Assembly  to 
be  summoned  intermittently  for  iniportant  subjects,  consisting 
of  sixty-nine  members  returned  by  the  differetit  states  in  pro- 
portion to  their  size  and  population.  Each  state  was  to  be 
supreme  in  internal  matters,  but  private  wars  against  each 
other  were  forbidden  as  well  as  external  wars  by  individual 
states  on  powers  outside  the  limits  of  the  Confederacy.  In 
the  territorial  arrangements  of  the  new  Confederation,  the 
most  important  point  is  the  disappearance  of  all  ecclesiastical 
states.  The  Prince-Primacy,  which  Napoleon  had  established 
in  his  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  was  not  maintained,  and 
Dalberg,  who  had  filled  that  office  throughout  the  Empire, 
was  restricted  to  his  ecclesiastical  functions. 

The  most  difficult  problem  to  be  decided  was  the  final  dis- 
position of  the  districts  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Territorial 
Rhine,   which   had   been  ruled  by  France  ever  arrangements 
since  1794.     It  had  been  settled  by  the  secret  °"  *'"' '^'''"'■ 
articles  at  Paris  that  these  dominions  should  be  used  for  the 


344  European  History,  1814-1815 

establishment  of  strong  powers  upon  the  borders  of  France. 
The  main  difficulty  was  as  to  the  disposition  of  the  important 
border  fortresses  of  Mayence  and  Luxembourg.  Prussia  laid 
claim  to  both  these  places,  but  was  strongly  resisted  by 
Austria,  France,  and  the  smaller  states  of  Germany.  It  was 
eventually  resolved  that  Prussia  should  receive  the  northern 
territory  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  stretching  from 
Ellen  to  Coblentz,  and  including  Cologne,  Treves,  and  Aix- 
la-Chapelle.  In  compensation  for  the  Tyrol  and  Salzburg, 
which  she  was  forced  to  return  to  Austria,  and  in  recognition 
of  her  former  sovereignty  in  the  Palatinate,  Bavaria  was 
granted  a  district  from  the  Prussian  borders  to  Alsace,  includ- 
ing Mayence,  which  was  designated  Rhenish  Bavaria.  Finally, 
Luxembourg  was  formed  into  a  grand  duchy,  and  given  as  a 
German  state  to  the  House  of  Orange.  It  was  not  united  to 
the  new  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  which  was  formed  out  of 
Holland  and  Belgium,  but  was  to  retain  its  independence 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands.  The 
union  of  the  provinces  of. the  Netherlands  was  one  of  the 
favourite  schemes  of  England,  and  was  carried  into  effect  in 
spite  of  the  well-known  feeling  of  opposition  between  the 
Catholic  provinces  of  Belgium  and  the  Protestant  provinces 
of  Holland. 

As  in  its  re-organisation  of  Germany,  so  in  the  settlement  of 

Switzerland,  the  Congress  of  Vienna  followed  the  example  set 

by  Napoleon.     The  Emperor  had  quite  given  up 

Switzerland.       ,.,  ,.,,       -,  r        ■  11       t-it^- 

the  idea  which  had  fascinated  the  J^rench  Directory 
of  forming  Switzerland  into  a  Republic,  one  and  indivisible. 
He  had  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the  Swiss  people  themselves, 
and  organised  them  on  the  basis  of  a  confederation  of  indepen- 
dent cantons.  The  Congress  of  Vienna  continued  Napoleon's 
policy  of  forbidding  the  existence  of  subject  cantons  in  spite 
of  the  protests  of  the  Canton  of  Berne.  Napoleon's  cantons 
of  Argau,  Thurgau,  Saint-Gall,  the  Grisons,  the  Ticino,  and 
the  Pays  de  Vaud  were  maintained,  but  the  number  of  the 
cantons  was  raised  from  nineteen  to  twenty-two  by  the  formation 


The  Attitude  of  M 71  rat  345 

of  the  three  new  cantons  of  Geneva,  the  Valais,  and  Neuf- 
chatel,  which  had  formed  part  of  the  French  Empire.  The 
Canton  of  Berne  received  in  reply  to  its  importunities  the 
greater  part  of  the  former  Bishopric  of  Basle.  The  Swiss 
Confeiieration  as  thus  constituted  was  placed  under  the 
guarantee  of  the  great  powers  and  declared  neutral  for  ever. 
The  Helvetic  Constitution,  which  was  promulgated  by  a 
Federal  Act  dated^the  7th  of  April  1815,  wasnot  quite  so 
liberal  as  Napoleon's  Constitution.  Greater  independence 
\vas"secured  in  that  the  constitutions  of  the  separate  cantons 
and  organic  reforms  in  them  had  not  to  be  submitted  to  the 
Federal  Diet.  The  prohibition  against  internal  custom 
houses  was  removed.  The  presidency  of  the  Diet  was  reserved 
to  Zurich,  Berne,  and  Lucerne  alternately,  and  the  Helvetic 
Diet  became  a  Congress  of  Delegates  like  the  Germanic  Diet 
rather  than  a  Legislative  Assembly.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in 
spite  of  the  declaration  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  Prussia 
refused  to  renounce  her  claims  on  her  former  territory  of 
Neufchatel,  the  independence  of  which  as  a  Swiss  canton  was 
not  recognised  by  her  until  1857. 

The  resettlement  of  Italy  presented  more  than  one  special 
problem.     The  most  difficult  of  these  to  solve  was 
caused  l)y  the  engagements  entered  into  by  the  ^  ^' 

allies  with  Murat  in  18 14.  Talleyrand,  on  behalf  of  the  King  of 
France,  insisted  on  the  dethronement  and  expulsion  of  Murat, 
while  Metternich  from  friendship  for  Caroline  Murat  wished  to 
retain  him  in  his  kingdom.  The  Emperor  Alexander,  whoever 
prided  himself  on  his  fidelity  to  his  engagements,  wished  to 
protect  Murat,  and  had  at  Vienna  struck  up  a  warm  friendship 
with  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  Napoleon's  Viceroy  of  Italy. 
Murat,  ungrateful  though  he  was  personally  toward  Napoleon, 
had  yet  imbibed  his  master's  ideas  in  favour  of  the  unity  and 
independence  of  Italy.  During  the  campaign  of  1814,  he  had 
led  his  army  to  the  banks  of  the  Po,  and  he  persisted  in 
remaining  there  after  the  Congress  of  Vienna  had  met.  But 
the  diplomatists  at  Vienna  had  no  wish  to  accept  the  great 


34^  Enropeaji  History,  1814-1815 

idea  of  Italian  unity.  Murat's  aspirations  in  this  direction 
were  most  annoying  to  them,  and  it  was  with  real  pleasure  that 
they  heard  after  the  landing  of  Napoleon  from  Elba  that 
Murat  had  by  an  indiscreet  proclamation  given  them  an  excuse 
for  an  open  declaration  of  war.  The  Duke  di  Carhpo-Chiaro, 
Murat's  representative  at  Vienna,  had  kept  him  informed  of 
the  differences  between  the  allied  powers,  and  an  indiscreet 
note  asking  whether  he  was  to  be  considered  as  at  peace  or  at 
war  with  the  House  of  Bourbon  gave  the  plenipotentiaries 
their  opportunity.  War  was  immediately  declared  against 
him  ;  an  Austrian  army  defeated  him  at  Tolentino  on  the  3d  of 
May  1815,  and  he  was  forced  to  fly  from  Italy.  The  accept- 
ance of  Murat's  ambassador,  who  spoke  in  his  name  as  King 
of  the  Two  Sicilies,  made  it  difficult  for  the  Congress  to  know 
how  to  treat  with  Ruffo  who  had  been  sent  as  ambassador  by 
Ferdinand,  the  Bourbon  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  who  had 
maintained  his  power  in  the  island  of  Sicily  through  the 
presence  of  the  English  garrison.  Acting  on  the  ground  of 
legitimacy,  it  was  difficult  to  reject  Ferdinand's  claims,  which 
were  warmly  supported  by  France  and  Spain,  but  Murat's  ill- 
considered  behaviour  solved  the  difficulty,  and  after  his  defeat 
Ferdinand  was  recognised  as  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  Murat, 
later  in  the  year,  landed  in  his  former  dominions,  but  he  was 
taken  prisoner  and  promptly  shot. 

Another  Italian  question  which  presented  considerable 
difficulty  was  the  disposal  of  Genoa  and  the  surrounding 
territory.  When  Lord  William  Bentinck  occupied  that  city, 
he  had  in  the  name  of  England  promised  it  independence  and 
even  hinted  at  the  unity  of  Italy.  Castlereagh  unfortunately 
felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  disavow  Bentinck's  declaration,  and 
Genoa  was  united  to  Piedmont  as  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Sardinia.  The  third  difficult  question  was  the  creation  of  a 
state  for  the  Empress  Marie  Louise.  An  independent  sover- 
eignty had  been  promised  to  her.  She  was  naturally 
supported  by  her  father,  the  Emperor  Francis  of  Austria,  and 
was  ably  represented  at  Vienna  by  her  future  husband,  Count 


Rearrangements  in  Italy  and  Scandinavia        347 

Neipperg.  It  was  eventually  resolved  that  she  should  receive 
the  duchies  of  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla,  but  the  succes- 
sion was  not  secured  to  her  son,  the  King  of  Rome,  but  was 
granted  to  the  rightful  heir,  the  King  of  Etruria,  who,  until 
the  succession  fell  in,  was  to  rule  at  Lucca.  The  other 
arrangements  in  Italy  were  comparatively  simple.  Austria 
received  the  whole  of  Venetia  and  Lombardy,  in  the  place  of 
Mantua  and  the  Milanese,  which  she  had  possessed  before 
1789.  The  Grand  Duchy  of  Tuscany,  with  the  principality  of 
Piombino,  was  restored  to  the  Grand-Duke  Ferdinand,  the 
uncle  of  the  Emperor  Francis  of  Austria,  with  the  eventual 
succession  to  the  Duchy  of  Lucca.  The  Pope  received  back 
his  dominions  including  the  Legations  of  Bologna  and  Ferrara, 
and  Duke  Francis,  the  grandson  of  Hercules  in.,  was  recognised 
as  Duke  of  Modena,  to  which  duchy  he  would  have  succeeded 
had  not  Napoleon  absorbed  it  in  his  kingdom  of  Italy. 

The  arrangements  with  regard  to  the  other  states  of  Europe 
made  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  were  compara- 

.      ,  .  ,    ,.  1  ,  Other  States. 

lively  unimportant,  and  did  not  present  the  same 

difficult  problems  as  the  resettlement  of  Germany,  Switzerland, 

and  Italy.     Norway  in  spite  of  its  disinclination  was  definitely 

ceded  to  Sweden,  but  Bernadotte  had  to  restore 

to  France  the  West-Indian  island  of  Guadeloupe, 

which  had  been  handed  over  to  him  by  England  in  1813,  as 

part  of  the  price  of  his  alliance.     Denmark  had  by  the  Treaty 

of  Kiel  with  Bernadotte  been  promised  Swedish 

.       .  r    -K-r  rrii  •  Denmark. 

Pomerania  in  the  place  of  Norway.  Ihis  pro- 
mise was  not  carried  out.  Denmark  like  Saxony  had  been 
too  faithful  an  ally  of  Napoleon  not  to  be  made  to  suffer. 
Swedish  Pomerania  was  given  to  Prussia,  and  Denmark  only 
received  the  small  Duchy  of  Lauenburg.  By  these  arrange- 
ments both  Sweden  and  Denmark  were  greatly  weakened, 
and  the  Scandinavian  States,  by  the  loss  'of~FinTand  and 
Pomerania,  surrendered  to   their  powerful  neigh-  . 

bours,Prussiaand  Russia,  the  command  of  the  Baltic 
Sea.     Spain,  owing  to  the  ability  of  the  Count  of  Labrador, 


348  European  History,  1814-1815 

and  the  support  of  Talleyrand,  not  only  lost  nothing  except  the 
island  of  Trinidad,  which  had  been  conquered  by  England, 
but  was  allowed  to  retain  the  district  round  Olivenza,  which 
had  been  ceded  to  her  by  Portugal  in  1801.  The  desertion  of 
Portugal  by  England  in  this  particular  is  the^ chief 
ortuga  .  |3]q|.-oj:^  Lord  Castlcrcagh's  policy  al:  Vienna.  The 
Portuguese  army"  had  Tought  gallantly  with  WeHTngton,  and 
there  was  no  reason  why  she  should  have  been  forced  to  con- 
sent to  the  definite  cession  of  Olivenza  to  Spain  when  other 
countries  were  winning  back  their  former  borders.  Portugal 
was  also  made  to  surrender  French  Guiana  and  Cayeiine^to 
France.  England,  though  she  had  borne  the  chief 
"^  ^"  pecuniary  stress  of  the  war  and  had  been  more 
instrumental  than  any  other  power  in  overthrowing  Napoleon, 
received  less  compensation  than  any  other  country.  She  kept 
MaTta7thussettirng  the  question  which  led  to  th'e  rupture  of 
the  Peace  of  Amiens ;  she  received  Heligoland,  which  was 
ceded  to  her  by  Denmark,  as  commanding  the  mouth  of  the 
Elbe  ;  and  she  was  also  granted  the  protectorate  of  the  Ionian 
Islands,  which  enabled  her  to  close  the  Adriatic.  Among 
colonial  possessions  England  took  from  France  the  Mauritius, 
Tobago,  and  Saint  Lucia,  but  she  returned  Martinique  and  the 
Isle  of  Bourbon,  and  forced  Sweden  and  Portugal  to  restore 
Guadeloupe  and  French  Guiana.  With  regard  to  Holland, 
England  retained  Ceylon  and  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  but 
she  restored  Java,  Curagao,  and  the  other  Dutch  possessions. 
In  the  West  Indies  also,  she  retained,  as  has  been  said,  the 
former  Spanish  island  of  Trinidad. 

One  reason  for  Castlereagh's  moderation  at  Vienna  is  to  be 
The  Slave  found  in  the  pressure  that  was  exerted  upon  him 
Trade,  |j^  England  to  secure  the  abolition  of  the  slave- 

trade.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  while  the  English  plenipoten- 
tiary was  taking  such  an  important  share  in  the  resetdement 
of  Europe,  the  English  people  werc-.mainly  interested  in  the 
question  ot  the  slave-trade.  The  great  changes  which  were 
leacUng  to  new  combinations  in  Europe,  the  aggrandisement  of 


Abolition  of  the  Slave  Trade  349 

Prussia,  the  reconstitution  of  Germany,  the  extension  of 
Austria,  all  passed  without  notice,  but  meetings,  in  Lord  Castle- 
reagh's  own  words,  were  held  in  nearly  every  village  to  insist 
upon  his  exerting  his  authority  to  abolish  the  trade  in  negro 
slaves.  Castlereagh  therefore  lent  his  best  efforts,  in  obedience 
to  his  constituents,  to  this  end.  The  other  ambassadors  could 
not  understand  why  he  troubled  so  much  about  what  seemed 
to  them  a  trivial  matter.  They  suspected  a  deep  design,  and 
thought  that  the  reason  of  England's  humanity  was  that  her 
West  Indian  colonies  were  well  stocked  with  negroes,  whereas 
the  islands  she  was  restoring  were  empty  of  them.  The  pleni- 
potentiaries of  other  powers  possessing  colonies  in  the  tropics 
therefore  refused  to  comply  with  Castlereagh's  request  and  it 
was  eventually  settled  that  the  slave-trade  should  be  abolished 
by  France  after  five,  and  by  Spain  after  eight  years..  Castle- 
reagh had  to  be  content  with  this  concession,  but  to  satisfy 
his  English  constituents  he  apt  a. declaration  condemning  the 
slavuiradc  assented  to  Ijy  all  the  powers  at  the  The  Naviga- 
Grmgrcss.  Another  point  of  great  importance  tion  of 
which  was  settled  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was 
with  regard  to  the  navigation  of  rivers  which  flow  through 
more  than  one  state.  It  had  been  the  custom  for  all  the 
petty  sovereigns  to  impose  such  heavy  tolls  on  river  traffic  that 
such  rivers  as  the  Rhine  were  made  practically  useless  for 
commerce.  This  question  was  discussed  by  a  committee  at 
the  Congress,  and  a  co'lc  for  the  international  regulation  of 
rivers  was  drawn  up  and  ij^cncrally  agreed  to. 

THeselriatters  took  long  to  discuss,  and  might  have  taken 
longer  had  not  the  news  arrived  at  the  beginning   Close  of  the 
of  March  181 5  that  Napoleoa  liad_lcfi.Jilba  and   vilTifnT^" 
become  once  more  undisputed  ruler  of  France.   June  1815. 
In  the   month   of    February  the   Duke   of    Wellington   had 
succeeded    Lord    Castlereagh   as   English    representative  at 
Vienna,  for  the  latter  nobleman  had  to  return  to  London  to 
take  his  place  in  Parliament.     At  the  news  of  the  striking  event 
of  Napoleon's  being  once  more  at  the  head  of  a  Frcnc  h  army 


350  European  History,  1814-1815 

all  jealousies  at  Vienna  ceased  for  the  time.  The  Duke  of 
Wellington  was  taken  into  consultation  by  the  allied  monarchs, 
and  it  was  resolved  to  carry  into  effect  the  provisions  of  the 
Treaty  of  Chaumont.  The  great  armies  which  had  been  pre- 
pared for  a  struggle  amongst  themselves  were  now  turned 
by  the  allies  against  France.  A  treaty  of  alliance  was_signed 
at  Vienna  between  Austria,  Russia,  Prussia,  and_Ejigbj3d,  on 
the  25th  of  March  181 5,  by  which  those  powers  promised  to 
furnish  180,000  men  each  for  the  prosecution  of  war,  and 
stipulated  that  none  of  them  should  lay  down  arms  until  the 
power  of  Napoleon  was  completely  destroyed.  It  was 
arranged  that  three  armies  should  invade  France,  the  first  of 
250,000  Austrians,  Russians,  and  Bavarians  under  Schwartzen- 
berg  across  the  Upper  Rhine,  the  second  of  150,000  Prussians 
under  Bliicher  across  the  Lower  Rhine,  and  the  third  of  150,000 
English,  Hanoverians  and  Dutch  from  the  Netherlands.  Sub- 
sidies to  the  extent  of  ;^i  1,000,000  were  promised  by 
England  to  the  allies.  These  arrangements  made,  the  allied 
monarchs  and  their  ministers  left  Vienna.  But  the  final 
general  Act  of  the  Congress  was  not  drawn  up  and  signed 
until  the  8th  of  June  181 5,  ten  days  before  the  battle  of 
Waterloo. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  allied  armies  after  the  abdication 
The  First        °^  Napolcon  at  Fontainebleau  had  retired  and  left 
Reign  of         France  to  the  rule  of  Louis  xviii.     That  King  on 
Louis  XVIII.  returning  to  France  had  made  most  liberal  pro- 
mises  in  the  declaration  known  as  the  Declaration  of  Saint 
.J,  ti^ij  OrreTiT'These  principles  were  embodied  in  a  Charter,  which 
"^        vvasgrantedon.the4thof  June  i8i£.    By  this  Charter  represen- 
tative institutions  and  entire  individual  liberty  were  promised, 
and  also  the  maintenance  of  the  administrative  creations  of 
the  Empire.    Under  the  new  Constitution  there  were  to  be  two 
chambers,  the  one  of  hereditary  peers,  the  other  of  elected 
representatives.     The  promises  of  the  Chc.rter  were  very  fair, 
and  had  they  been  duly  carried  out,  France  might  have  been 
entirely  contented,  but  unfortunately  for  himself  Louis  xviii. 


Return  of  Napoleon  351 

had  not  learned  experience  in  liis  exile.  In  spite  of  the 
Charter_he  regarded  himself  as  a  ruler  by  right  divine. 
Emigres,  even  emigres  who  had  borne  arms  against  France  and  \ 
consistently  abused  their  fatherland,  were  promoted  to  the 
highest  offices  in  the  State.  The  King  surrounded  himself 
with  reactionary  courtiers,  and  what  was  worse  with  reactionary 
ministers.  The  favour  shown  to  returned  emigres,  the  haughty 
attitude  of  the  Princes  of  the  blood,  and  the  violent  proclama- 
tions of  the  returned  bishops  and  clergy  made  the  people  of 
France  fear  that  the  promises  made  in  the  Charter  were  but  a 
^haiiL-  and  that  the  next  step  would  be  that  the  estates  of  the 
Church  and  of  the  Crown  which  had  been  sold  during  the 
Revolution  would  be  resumed.  The  feeling  of  distrust  was 
universal.  The  rule  of  Louis  xvni.  had  been  accepted  only 
as  a  gupirantee  of  peace.  It  was  never  popular,  and  the  former 
subordinates  of  Napoleon  began  to  regret  the  Imperial  regime. 
If  this  was  the  feeling  among  the  civil  population,  it  was  still 
more  keenly  felt  in  the  army.  Prisoners  of  war,  and  the 
blockaded  garrisons,  who  had  returned  to  France,  felt  sure 
that  Napoleon's  defeat  in  1814  had  been  but  accidental  and 
wished  to  try  conclusions  once  more  with  Europe.  In_all 
ranks  a  desire  was  expressed  to  wipe  out  the  disgrace  of  the 
occupation  of  Paris  by  the  allies. 

On   the    I  St   of  March    181^  Napoleon,   who   had    been 
informed  of  the  universal  feeling  in  France,  landed   Napoleon's 
in  the  Gulf  of  San  Juan,  and  began  the  short  reign   e'^^T  ^'""^ 
which  is  known  as  the  HundredDays.     He  was    March,  1815. 
accompanied  by  the  800  men  of  the  Guard  whom   he   had 
been  allowed  to  have  at  Elba,  and  was  received  with   the 
utmost   enthusiasm    by   all    classes.       His  journey   through 
France  was  a  triumplial  procession.     The  King's  brother,  the 
Comte  d'Artois,  vainly  attempted   to  organise  resistance  at 
Lyons.     Marshal  Ncy,  who  had  promised  to  arrest  his  patron, 
joined  him  with  the  army  under  his  command  on  the  17th  of 
March,  and  on  the  20th  Napoleon  re  entered  Paris  and  took 
up  his  quarters  at  the  Tuileries.     Louis  xviii.  had  fled  on  the 


352  European  History,  1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 

news  of  Ney's  defection,  and  escaping  from  France  took 
shelter  at  Ghent.  Napoleon  had  learnt  bitter  lessons  from  his 
misfortunes.  He  declared  that  he  would  grant  full  and 
complete  individual  liberty,  and  also  the  freedom  of  the  press, 
and  on  the  23d  of  April  he  promulgated  what  he  called  the 
Additional  Act  consecrating  these  principles.  He  felt  his 
error  in  depending  too  entirely  upon  his  bureaucracy,  and  he 
appealed  on  the  ground  of  patriotism  to  the  men  of  the 
Revolution  whom  he  had  in  the  days  of  his  power  carefully 
kept  from  office.  These  men  rallied  round  him,  and  he 
appointed  their  most  noteworthy  representative,  Carnot,  his 
Minister  of  the  Interior.  He  declared  his  acceptance  of  the 
two  chambers  ordained  by  the  Charter,  and  most  of  the 
peers  created  by  Louis  xviii.  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  once 
again  to  Napoleon. 

After  rousing  national  enthusiasm  by  appeals  to  patriotism 
Campaign  of  ^^"^^  ^y  the  liberal  provisions  of  the  Additional  Act, 
Waterloo.  NapoIcon  Organised  his  army,  and  in  his  favourite 
June  I  15-  fashion  decided  to  strike  before  any  invasion  of 
France  took  place.  Of  the  three  armies  prepared  for  the 
invasion  the  one  nearest  within  reach  was  that  commanded  by 
the  Duke  of  Wellingtori.  That  General  on  leaving  Vienna 
had  been  placed  at  the  head  of  a  miscellaneous  force  of 
English,  Hanoverians,  Dutch,  and  Belgians.  He  greatly 
regretted  the  absence  of  most  of  his  veterans  of  the  Peninsula 
who  were  still  in  America,  and  complained  of  the  number  of 
raw  troops  under  his  command.  He  agreed  to  act  in  harmony 
with  the  Prussians  under  Bliicher,  who  brought  his  army  into 
the  Netherlands.  Napoleon  determined  to  strike  before 
Wellington  and  Bliicher  had  united.  He  crossed  the  frontier 
at  the  head  of  130,000  men,  and  by  his  skilful  and  rapid 
movements  practically  surprised  the  allied  generals.  On  the 
i6th  of  June  1815,  he  defeated  Bliicher  at  Ligny,  while  Ney 
with  his  left  fought  a  drawn  battle  with  the  English  advanced 
divisions  at  Quatre-Bras.  By  these  engagements^^be  English 
and  Prussian  armies  were  separated.     Napoleon  then  resolved 


Battle  of  Waterloo  353 

to  attack  the  English  with  the  bulk  of  his  army,  and  detached 
Marshal  Grouchy  to  pursue  the  Prussians.  Bliicher,  however, 
promised  to  come  to  Wellington's  assistance  if  the  English 
were  attacked,  and  Wellington  relying  on  this  promise  took  up 
his  position  at  Waterloo.  On  the  iSth  of  June  the  battle  of 
Waterloo  was  Jought.  The  English  army  held  its  position  in 
spitToT  repeated  and  furious  attacks,  until  Bliicher  came  up 
on  the  French  right.  Unable  to  continue  the  struggle  against 
two  foes,  the  French  arm>'.^:as  obliged  tO-give.Hiay,and  after  the 
repulse  of  the  Guard,  vyhich  might  have  covered  his  retreat. 
Napoleon  recognised  that  he  was  completely  routed.  He  fled 
to  Paris,  and  on  the  2  2d  of  June  he  abdicated  in  favour  t)f  his 
son7tTie~King  of  Rome.  He  nominated  an  executive  commis- 
sioiTof  government,  and  then  went  on  board  ship  in  the  hope 
of  escaping  to  America.  In  this  project  he  failed,  and  on  15th 
July  he  surrendered  to  Captain  Maitland  on  board  H.M.S. 
BelleropJion.  The  army  of  Wellington  and  Bliicher  pursued 
the  defeated  foe,  but  the  rout  had  been  too  complete  for  the 
French  to  make  another  stand.  Cambrai  the  only  place  that 
attempted  to  resist  was  easily  taken,  and  on  the  3d  of  July 
Wellington  and  Bliicher  re-occupied  Paris,  Meanwhile  the 
grand  army  of  Schwartzenberg  had  also  invaded  France,  and 
the  country  was  once  more  in  the  possession  of  the  allies. 

The  terms  of  the  second  Treaty  of  Paris  proved  that  the 
allied  monarchs  understood  the  difference  between   Second 
the  opposition   made   by  France  to  Europe   in    parfs^joth 
1814  and    1815.     In   1814  the  Treaty  of  Paris   Nov.  1815. 
which  was  then  concluded  was,  if  naL  particularly  liberal  to 
France,  at  least  perfectly  just.     The  allied  monarchs  and  their 
ministers  had  appreciated   the  fact  that  in  18 14  they  were 
fighting  Napoleon  and  not  France.     The  campaign  of  181 5 
had  been  of  a  different  character.     The  French  nation  and 
not  merely  the  French  army  had  given  proof  of  their  attach- 
ment both  to  the  Empire  and  to  Napoleon's  person.     It  was 
therefore   considered  necessary,  not  only  to  impose  harsher 
terms   upon   France,  but  to   exact  securities   for  the  future. 

PERIOD  VII.  z 


354  European  History,  i8 14-18 15 

Several  schemes  were  proposed,  of  which  one  was  to  detach 
Alsace,  Lorraine,  and  French  Flanders,  if  not  the  whole  of 
Picardy,  and  to  reduce  the  limits  of  France  to  what  they  were 
before  the  conquests  of  Louis  xiv.  This  scheme,  which  was 
earnestly  supported  by  Prussia,  who  hoped  to  get  the  lion's 
share  of  the  districts  taken  from  France,  was  warmly  opposed  by 
Austria  and  England.  The  latter  power  was  not  to  be  bribed 
by  the  proposed  extension  of  the  frontier  of  its  new  creation, 
the  Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands.  And  the  former  objected 
entirely  to  any  increase  of  the  power  of  Prussia.  Lord  Castle- 
reagh  in  his  opposition  to  these  extravagant  suggestions  of 
Prussia  was  supported  by  the  Emperor  Alexander  and  his 
minister,  Nesselrode,  and  eventually  it  was  agreed  that  France 
should  be  reduced  to  its  exact  limits  of  1789.  Thisjneant 
that  France  lost  all  the  cessions  made  to  it  in  18 14,  except 
Avignon  and  the  Venaissin.  Chambery  and  the  part  of 
Savoy  then  granted  to  France  were  restored  to  the  King  of 
Sardinia ;  the  districts  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Geneva  were 
also  returned  to  that  canton,  and  the  fortress  of  Huningen  on 
the  borders  of  Switzerland  was  ordered  to  be  dismantled  ;  and 
the  various  rectifications  of  the  frontier  on  the  eastern  and 
north-eastern  borders  were  no  longer  sanctioned.  A  war  con- 
tribution of  700,000,000  francs  was  laid  upon  France,  in  addi- 
tion to  which  she  was  to  maintain,  at  the  cost  of  250,000,000 
francs  a  year,  an  army  of  150,000  men  in  the  possession  of 
her  chief  frontier  fortresses  for  a  period  of  five  years. 

These  were  the  most  important  conditions  of  peace  con- 
tained in  the  second  Treaty  of  Paris,  which  was  signed  on  20th 
of  November  181 5.  But  what  France  felt  more  bitterly  than 
pecuniary  contributions,  or  even  the  loss  of  territory,  was  the 
decision  of  the  aUied  powers  that  the  numerous  pictures  and 
works  of  art,  which  had  been  accumulated  in  Paris  during  the 
wars  of  the  Revolution  and  the  Empire,  should  be  returned  to 
their  former  owners.  The  Prussians  were  not  satisfied  with 
this,  they  wished  to  punish  Paris  more  severely.  Bliicher  was 
only  prevented  by  the  intervention  of  Lord  Castlereagh  and 


The  Holy  A  lliance  3  5  5 

the  Duke  of  Wellington  from  exacting  a  contribution  of  a 
110,000,000  francs  from  the  inhabitants  of  Paris  alone.  The 
Prussians  even  made  preparations  to  blow  up  the  Bridge  of 
Jena,  whose  name  perpetuated  their  greatest  military  humilia- 
tion, and  were  only  prevented  from  their  purpose  by  the  ex- 
pressed determination  of  Louis  xviii.  to  stand  upon  the  bridge 
and  be  blown  up  with  it  if  they  persisted,  and  Bliicher  had  to 
be  satisfied  with  the  alteration  of  the  name  of  the  bridge  from 
the  Bridge  of  Jena  to  the  Bridge  of  the  Military  Napoleon  sent 
School.  The  question  of  the  disposition  of  the  ^°  ^t-  Helena, 
person  of  Napoleon  was  one  of  some  difficulty.  He  reached 
Torbay  on  board  the  Bellerophon  on  the  24th  of  July  1815, 
and  the  English  Ministers  did  not  know  what  to  do  with  their 
illustrious  prisoner.  They  dared  not  trust  him  in  any  part  of 
Europe  or  America  from  which  he  could  repeat  his  expedition 
from  Elba.  Bliicher  loudly  declared  that  he  ought  to  be  shot 
at  Vincennes  like  the  Due  d'Enghien,  but  the  English  Govern- 
ment thought  it  would  be  sufficient  to  confine  him  on  an 
isolated  island.  For  this  purpose  they  borrowed  the  island  of 
SaTnTHelena  from  the  East  India  Company,  and  on  the  8th 
of  August,  Napoleon  set  sail  for  his  place  of  exile  on  board 
H.M.S.  Northumberland. 

A  month  after  the  departure  of  Napoleon  for  St.  Helena, 
the  Emperor  Alejcgndcit-the  Emperor  Eiafl£i§,>ind   -j>he  Holy 
King  Frederick  William  signed  the  treaty  which    Alliance, 
is  known  as  the  Holy  Alliance.     By  this  treaty  it     ^p*"  ^  '^ 
was  declared  that  tlic  Christian  religion  was  the  sole  base  of 
government,  and  the  contracting  monarchs  promised  to  aid 
eacFother  on  all  occasions  like  brothers,  and  to  recommend 
to  their  peoples  the  exercise  of  the  duties  of  the  Christian 
religion.     Lord  Castlereagh  declined  on  behalf  of  the  Prince 
Regent  to  join  theHoly  Alliance,  but  on  the  28th  of  Novem- 
ber 18 1 5,  after  the  signature  of  the  Peace  of  Paris,  he  agreed 
to   an  alliance  that  should    include   all  the  four  powers,  of 
which  the  aims  were  to  keep  from  the  throne  of  France  either 
Napoleon  or  any  relation  of  his,  to  combine  together  for  the 


356  European  History,  1814-1815 

security  of  their  separate  states,  and  the  general  tranquilHty  of 
Europe,  and  to  hold  at  fixed  dates  congresses  for  the  settle- 
ment of  disputed  questions. 

The  second  restoration  of  Louis  xviii.  differed  from  the 
The  Second  first  as  the  sccoud  Treaty  of  Paris  differed  from 
LouU  xvni°.  ^^^  predecessor.  After  the  events  of  the  Hundred 
juiyi8i5.  Days,  the  Bourbon  King  could  nn  mgrp  delude 
himself  with  the  idea  that  he  was  welcome  to  the  people  of 
France.  He  owed  his  seat  upon  the  throne  only  to  the 
absence  of  Napoleon  and  the  presence  of  the  allied  armies  in 
France,  and  he  prepared  on  this  occasion  to  punish  those  who 
had  deserted  liimir"  He  refused  to  grant  an  amnesty,  and  on 
the  24th  of  July  18 15,  he  proscribed  fifty-seven  of  the  leading 
men  in  France,  of  whom  nineteen  were  ordered  to  be  tried  by 
court-martial,  and  thirty-eight  were  banished.  The  most  illus- 
trious of  the  victims  who  perished  under  this  proscription  was 
Marshal  Ney,  who  was  shot  at  Paris  on  the  7th  of  December, 
after  being  condemned  to  death  by  the  Chamber  of  Peers. 
This  procedure  was  rendered  necessary  because  it  would  have 
been  difficult  to  find  a  court-martial  to  condemn  the  bravest 
of  the  French  marshals.  Marshal  Moncey,  who  was  nomin- 
ated to  preside  over  such  a  court-martial,  refused  in  an 
eloquent  letter  which  caused  him  to  be  sent  to  prison  for 
three  months.  Far  worse  than  these  executions  was  the  result 
of  the  outbreak  of  brigandage  in  the  south  of  France.  Under 
the  pretext  of  being  Royalists,  the  Companies  of  Jehu,  which 
had  ravaged  the  south  of  France  in  the  days  of  the  Thermi- 
dorians  and  of  the  Directory,  again  set  to  work.  Political,  reli- 
gious, and  personal  passions  excited  to  massacre.  Pillage  and 
murder  were  rife  throughout  the  south  of  France,  and  among 
the  victims  who  were  slain  in  this  White  Terror  of  181 5  were 
Marshal  Brune,  and  Generals  Ramel  and  Lagarde.  Special 
courts  were  formed  by  a  law  voted  on  the  12th  of  December 
181 5,  to  punish  political  offences.  These  provost's  courts 
were  as  severe  and  almost  as  unjust  as  the  revolutionary 
tribunals  in  the  provinces  during  the  Reign  of  Terror,  and 


The  Govertivient  of  tJie  Restoration  m  France     357 

many  hundreds  of  executions  took  place.  Finally,  in  January 
181 6,  what  was  ironically  called  a  Law  of  Amnesty  was  passed. 
This  law,  from__the  list  of  its._exceptionSj  was  practically  a 
gigantic  proscription.  Among  others,  all  surviving  members 
of  theXonvention  who  had  voted  for  the  death  of  Louis  xvi. 
were  exiled  if  they  had  in  any  way  accepted  the  authority  of 
Napoleon  during  the  Hundred  Days,  which  most  of  them  had 
done.  Under  this  Law  of  Amnesty  most  of  the  great  statesmen 
who  had  been  concerned  in  the  government  of  France  since 
1793  were  driven  into  exile.  Conspicuous  among  them 
were  Carnot,  Merlin  of  Douai,  Sieyes,  Cambaceres,  and 
David,  the  greatest  painter  of  his  time. 

Restored  for  a  second  time  to  the  throne  of  France,  X.ouis 
XVII  I.  declined  to  take  warning  from  the  result  ^ 

—       -^ "  Government  of 

of  his  former  policy.  He  again  showered  his  the  Second 
favbtrrs 'OTi  returned  emigres,  and  pursued  a  Restoration, 
thoroughly  reactionary  policy.  As  soon  as  he  was  firmly 
seated"at  tHe  Tuileries,  with  the  Prussians  and  the  English 
encamped  round  Paris,  he  dismissed  Talleyrand  and  Fouche 
from  office  and  formed  a  new  and  strongly  RoyalisJ  ministry 
under  the  presidency  of  the  Due  de  Richelieu,  who  had  spent 
the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  in  exile  as  one  of  the  chief 
administrators  of  Russia.  The  king  avowed  his  intention  of 
keeping  the  promises  he  made  in  the  Charter  of  18 14,  but 
those  promises  were  carried  out  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
them  absolutely  illusory.  He  took  advantage  of  the  general 
adhesion  given  to  Napoleon  on  his  return  from  Elba  to 
exclude  from  the  Upper  Chamber  or  House  of  Peers  most  of 
the  leading  men  in  France,  leaving  the  majority  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  iormtx  emigres,  and  of  men  who  by  the  excess  of  their 
royalism  wished  to  palliate  their  offence  in  not  having  emi- 
grated. The  Lower  House,  or  Chamber  of  Representatives, 
even  exceeded  the  House  of  Peers  in  its  violent  royalism. 
The  deputies,  chiefly  elected  under  the  direct  pressure  of 
threats  of  vengeance,  were  ready  to  adopt  any  reactionary 
measure  suggested  to  them.     Louis  xviii.  gave  this  Assembly 


3  5  S  Eji  ropean  History,  1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 

the  name  of  the  '  Chambre  Introuvable,'  which  he  intended  as 
a  comphment,  but  which  has  survived  as  a  term  of  derision. 
Among  the  first  laws  voted  were  the  suspension  of  individual 
liberty,  and  of  the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  the  request  was 
then  made  that  the  King,  in  his  goodness,  would  revise 
fourteen  articles  of  the  Charter  which  were  too  liberal.  But 
even  this  chamber,  aided  by  the  presence  of  foreign  armies, 
could  not  make  France  revert  to  the  condition  in  which  it  had 
been  before  1789.  A  hint  of  the  resumption  of  ecclesiastical 
or  national  domains  would  have  set  the  whole  country  in  an 
uproar,  and  the  Chamber  had  to  be  satisfied  with  voting  a  large 
sum  of  money  out  of  the  ordinary  taxes  as  compensation  to 
the  emigres  for  their  sufferings  in  exile. 

The  spirit  of  reaction  went  much  further  in  Spain  than  in 
The  Reaction  France.  Ferdinand  vii.,  on  returning  to  his  capital 
in  Spain.  jj^  jyj^y  1814,  issucd  a  proclamation  attacking  the 

Cortes,  which  had  done  so  much  to  recover  the  country  from 
the  hands  of  the  French.  In  his  own  words  :  '  A  Cortes  con- 
voked in  a  manner  never  before  known  in  Spain  has  been  profit- 
ing by  my  captivity  in  France,  and  has  usurped  my  rights  by 
imposing  on  my  people  an  anarchical  and  seditious  Constitu- 
tion based  on  the  democratic  principles  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion.' The  King  of  Spain  then  proceeded  to  annul  by  his 
own  absolute  authority  everything  that  had  been  done  during 
his  absence.  He  re-established  the  Inquisition,  and  proscribed 
and  condemned  to  death  all  who  had  taken  part  in  reforming 
the  institutions  of  Spain,  whether  under  the  authority  of 
Joseph  Bonaparte  or  under  that  of  the  National  Cortes. 
Many  hundreds,  if  not  thousands,  of  Spanish  patriots  were  put 
to  death  in  a  vain  attempt  of  Ferdinand  vii.  to  restore  things 
as  they  had  been  in  former  days.  The  attempt  to  carry  out  a 
complete  reaction  resulted  in  utter  failure.  Insurrections 
broke  out  in  all  directions,  and  the  Spainsh  colonfes  in  Soutli 
America  took  advantage  of  the  troubles  in  the  fatherland  to 
Naples.  strike  a  blow  for  their  own  freedom.     It  is  satis- 

factory to  be  able  to  state  that  the  head  of  the  third  reigning 


Results  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  359 

branch  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  behaved  with  more  modera- 
tion and  wisdom  than  Ferdinand  vii.  of  Spain  or  Louis  xviii. 
of  France.  Ferdinand  iv.,  King  of  the  Two  Sicihes,  returned 
to  his  capital  at  Naples  in  June  1815.  He  can  hardly  be 
blamed  for  ordering  the  execution  of  Murat  whom  he  had 
always  regarded  as  a  usurper,  and  it  is  greatly  to  his  credit 
that  he  made  some  endeavour  to  retain  the  excellent  adminis- 
tration on  the  French  system  which  had  been  established  by 
Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Murat. 

The   final   overthrow   of  Napoleon   and   his   exile   to   St. 
Helena  allowed  the  new  system  for  the  govern-   Rgg^itgof 
ment  of  Europe  as  laid  down  by  the  Congress  of  the  Congress 
Vienna  to  be  tried.     That  system  may  be  roughly   °f  Vienna, 
designated  as  the  systenT "of  the  Great  Powers.     Before  1789, 
certain  states,  such  as  France  and  England  and  Spain,  were, 
from  fortuitous  circumstances,  or  the  course  of  their  history, 
larger,  more  united,  and  therefore  more  fitted  for  war,  than 
others,  but  the  greater  part  of  the  Continent  was   split  up 
into  small,  and  in  the  case  of  Germany,  into  very  small  states. 
Several  of  these  small  states,  such  as  Sweden  and  Holland, 
had  at  different  times  exercised  a  very  considerable  influence, 
and  the  policy  of  Frederick  the  Great  had  added  another  to 
them,  in  the  military  state  of  Prussia.     At  the  Congress  of 
Vienna   the   tendency   was    to    diminish    the    number   and 
power    of   the    secondary   states,    and    to    destroy    minute 
sovereignties.      Sweden  and  Denmark  were  relegated  to  the 
rank  of  third-rate  powers  ;  the  petty  principalities  of  Germany 
were  built  up  into  third-rate  states.     Austria  and  Prussia  were 
established  as  great  powers,  but  the  increase  of  their  territory 
l)ro~iIght  with  it  dissimilar  results.     Prussia  became  the  pre- 
ponderant state  of  Germany,  while   Austria,  whose  Imperial 
House  had  so  long  held  the  position  of  Holy  Roman  Emperor, 
became  less  German,   and   now  depended    for   its   strength 
on  its  Italian,  Magyar,  and  Slavonic  provinces.     The  irrup- 
tion of  Russia  into  the  European  comity  of  nations  was  another 
significant  feature.     By  its  annexation  of  the  greater  part  of 


360  European  History,  1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 

the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  Russia  thrust  itself  between 
Prussia  and  Austria  territorially,  while  its  leading  share  in  the 
overthrow  of  Napoleon  made  its  place  as  a  European  power 
unassailable.  It  may  be  doubted  if  the  policy  of  Peter  the 
Great  and  the  Empress  Catherine  was  thus  carried  out.  The 
tendency  of  those  rulers  was  to  make  the  Baltic  and  the  Black 
Sea  Russian  lakes,  and  to  build  up  an  Empire  of  the  East ; 
affairs  in  Central  Europe  only  interested  them  in  so  far  as  they 
prevented  interference  with  their  Eastern  designs,  and  did  not 
lead  to  the  erection  of  powerful  states  on  the  Russian  border. 
Nothing  is  more  remarkable  in  the  settlement  of  Europe 
The  Princi-  ^^  ^^^  Congress  of  Vienna  than  the  entire 
pie  of  Nation-  neglcct  of  the  principle  of  nationality.  Yet  it 
^  ^^^'  was  the  sentiment   of  national  patriotism  which 

had  enabled  France  to  repulse  Europe  in  arms,  and  had 
trained  the  soldiers  with  whom  Napoleon  had  given  the  law 
to  the  Continent  and  had  overthrown  the  mercenary  armies 
of  his  opponents.  It  was  the  principle  of  nationality  which 
had  crippled  Napoleon's  finest  armies  in  Spain,  and  which 
had  produced  his  expulsion  from  Russia.  It  was  the  feeling 
of  intense  national  patriotism  which  had  made  the  Prussian 
army  of  1813,  and  enabled  Prussia  after  its  deepest  humilia- 
tion to  take  rank  as  a  first-class  power.  But  the  diplo- 
matists at  Vienna  treated  the  idea  as  without  force.  They 
had  not  learnt  the  great  lesson  of  the  French  Revolution, 
that  the  first  result  of  rousing  a  national  consciousness  of 
political  liberty  is  to  create  a  spirit  of  national  patriQtTsrn^ 
The  Congress  of  Vienna  trampled  such  notions  under  foot. 
The  partition  of  Poland  was  consecrated  by  Europe ;  Italy 
was  placed  under  foreign  rulers;  Belgium  and  Holland,  in 
spite  of  the  hereditary  opposition  of  centuries,  were  united 
under  one  king.  The  territories  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  which  were  happy  under  French  rule,  and  had  been 
an  integral  part  of  France  for  twenty  years,  were  roughly  torn 
away,  and  divided  between  Prussia,  Bavaria,  and  the  House 
of  Orange,    under    the    fancied    necessity,   induced   by   the 


\ 


1 


Results  of  the  French  Revolution.  361 

exploded  notion  of  maintaining  the  balance  of  power  in 
Europe,  of  building  up  a  bulwark  against  France.  Such  short- 
sighted policy  was  certain  to  be  undone.  Holland  and 
Belgium  separated  ;  Italy  became  united  ;  Poland  maintained 
the  consciousness  of  her  national  unity,  and  has  more  than 
once  endeavoured  to  regain  her  independence ;  France  has 
never  ceased  to  yearn  after  her  '  natural '  frontier,  the  Rhine  ; 
the  states  of  Germany  have  developed  a  national  German 
patriotism  which  has  led  to  the  creation  of  the  modern 
German  Empire.  This  feeling  of  conscious  nationality  was 
the  result  of  the  French  Revolution  and  the  wars  of  Napoleon  ; 
its  existence  is  the  strength  of  England,  France^Russia,  and 
Germany,  its  absence  is  the  weakness  of  Austria.  In  so  far 
as  the  spirit"of  nationality  was  neglected  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna,  its^wbrk  was  but  temporary;  in  its  resurrection, 
which  has  filled  the  history  of  the  present  century,  the  work 
of  tlie  French  "Revolution  has  been  permanent. 

But  affer  all,  the  growth  of  the  spirit  of  nationality  is  only 
a  secondary  result  of  the  French  Revolution  upon 

•'  ...  Permanent 

Europe;  it  did  not  arise  in  France  until  foreign  results  of  the 
powers  attempted  to  interfere  with  the  develop-  ^^^^^"^jj^^j^^^ 
nient  of  the  French  people  after  their  own  fashion  ; 
it  did  not  arise  in  Europe  until  Napoleon  began  to  interfere 
with  the  development  of  other  nations.  The  primary  results 
of  the.Fiench  Revolution, — the  recognition  of  individual 
Ijberty^jjthich  implied  the  abolition  of  serfdom  and  of  social 
privileges;  the  establishment  of  political  liberty,  which  implied 
the  abolition  of  despots,  however  benevolent,  and  of  political 
privileges ;  the  maintenance  of  the  doctrine  of  the  sovereignty 
of  the  people,  which  implied  the  right  of  the  people,  tiirougn 
their  representatives,  to  govern  themselves,— have  also  survived 
the  Congress  of  Vienna.  When  Europe  tried  to  interfere,  the 
French  people  sacrificed  these  great  gains  to  the  spirit  of 
nationality,  and  bowed  before  the  despotism  of  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety  and  of  Napoleon ;  they  have  since  regained 
them.      The  French  taught  these  principles  to  the  rest  of 


362  European  History,  1 8 1 4- 1 8 1 5 

Europe,  and  the  history  of  Europe  since  181 5  has  been  the 
history  of  their  growth  side  by  side  with  the  idea  of  nationaUty. 
How  the  two,  Hberty  and  nationahty,  can  be_  preserved  in 
harmony  is  the  great  problem  of  the  future ;  the  history  of 
Europe  from  1789  to  181 5  affords  many  examples  of  the 
difficulty  of  the  problem  and  of  the  dangers  which  beset  its 
solution. 


APPENDICES 


364 


1789. 


I790. 
I79I- 


1793- 
1794- 


1796. 
1797- 


i8o7. 


A  P  P  E  N- 

The  Rulers  and  Ministers  of  the 

{Capitals  indicate  Rulers ;  small  capitals.  Chief 


Holy  Roman  Empire  ; 
after  1805,  Austria. 


1810. 
1811. 
1812. 


1813. 
1814. 


JOSEPH  II.  (Emperor 

since     1765  ;     ruler     of 

Austria  since  1780.) 

Kaunitz  ("since  1756.) 

Philip  Cobcnzl  (since 

1780.) 

LEOPOLD  II.  (Feb.) 


FRANCIS  II.  (March). 


COLLOREDO 

Tlmgut  (June). 


Louis  Cobenzl  (April) 


Great  Britain. 

GEORGE     III.    (since 
1760). 

William   Pitt  (since 
Dec.  1783). 
Duke  of  Leeds  (since 
Dec.  1783). 


.  Lo7-d  Grenvillc  (June) 


Tluigut  (Jan.)  . . 
Lek}-bach{Oc\..) 


Louis  COBENZL. 


Philip  Stadion. 


Metternich. 


LOUIS      XVI.      (since 

1774)- 

Coiiite  de  Montmorin 
(since  1787). 


A.  de  Valdec  de  Lee- 

sart  (Nov.) 

REPUBLIC  (Sept.) 
Duinouyicz  f  IVIarch). 
Chanibonas  (June). 
Bigot  de  Ste.  Croix 
(Aug). 
Lebrun  Tondu (Aug.) 


Deforgues  (June) 

. .  (Ministry  abolished — 

April  '94 — Oct.  '95). 

DIRECTORY  (Oct.) 

Delacroix  (Nov.) 

.... Talleyrand  (,]\i\f). 


CONSULATE  (Nov.) 
Reinhardt  (July). 
Talleyrand  (Nov.) 


Henry     Addington 
(March). 

Lord      Hawkesbury 
(March.) 

William  Pitt  (May). 

Lord  Harrowby  ,, 
. . Lord Mulgravc(]an.) 
Lord  Grenville(  Feb.) 
Charles  James  Fox 
(Feb.) 

I  'iscount    Ho7mck 
(Sept.) 
Duke  of   Portland 
(March). 
Geors;e   Canning 
(March). 


Spencer   Perceval 
(Dec.) 

Lord  Bathurst  (Oct.) 
LordlVellesley{T>ec.) 


Lord     Castlereagh 
(March). 
Earl   of  Liverpool 
(June). 


NAPOLEON,  Emperor. 


.Chatnpagny  (Aug.) 


.Mareti^KyxW). 


. .  . .  Caulaincourt  (Nov.) 
LOUIS  XVIII. 

Talleyrand  (April). 


DIX    I. 

Great  Powers  of  Europe,  17S9-1815. 

Ministers;  and  italics,  Foreign  Ministers.) 


365 


Prussix 

Russia. 

Spain. 

FREDERICK    WIL- 
LIAM II.  (since  17S6). 
Hertzberg  {smc^  17  Sd)- 

CATHERINE   II.  (since 

1762). 

Osterinann  (since  1775). 

CHARLES     IV,     (since 
Dec.  1788). 

Florida  Blanca  (since 
1773)- 

1789. 

1790. 
I7gr. 

Aranda  (July) 

GODOY  (Nov.). 

1792. 

1793- 
1794. 

1795- 

FREDERICK    WIL- 
LIAM III.  (Nov.) 

PAUL  I   (Nov  )       .... 

1796. 

1797. 

179S. 

1799. 
1800. 
1801. 

OSTERMANN. 

Paniiie. 

ALEXANDER  I.  (Mar.). 
Panine. 

Kotckoiibcy. 

Saavedra  (M.nrch) 

Urquijo  (August). 

HARDENBERG(Aug.)    .  .  . 

Haugwitz  (Feb.) 

Hardeniserg  (Nov.) 

VORONZOV. 

Adam    CzartorysJci 
(May). 

Baron  Budberg  (Aug.) 

1802. 
1S03. 
1804. 

1805. 
1806. 

Rouinianzov  (Sept.) 

1807. 

Goltz  (]n\y). 

JOSEPH  BONAPARTE. 
Azanza. 

1808. 
1809. 

HARDENBERG(July).  ..  . 

1810. 
1811. 
1812. 

Nesselrode. 

FERDINAND  VII. 

1813. 
1814. 

366 


A  P  P  E  N- 

The  Rulers  of  the  Second-rate 


Sweden. 

Denmark. 

Turkey. 

Portugal. 

I7S9 

Gustavus  HI. 
(Since  1771.) 

Christian  vii. 
(Since  1766.) 

Abdul  Hamid. 

(Since  1774-) 
Selimiii.     (April.) 

Maria  i. 
(Since  1777.) 

1790 

I79I 
1792 

Gustavus  IV. 
(March.) 

1793 

1794 

179s 

1796 

1797 

1798 

1799 

1800 

1 801 

IS02 

1803 

1804 

1805 

1806 

1807 
1 80S 
1809 
I8I0 

Mustapha  iv. 

(May.) 
Mahmoud  11. 

(July.) 

Charles  xiii. 
(May.) 

Frederick  vi 

(March.) 

iSii 

I8I2 

I8I3 

i3i4 

1815 

DIX    II. 

Powers  of  Europe,  1789-1S15. 


367 


Sardinia. 

The  Two 

Sicilies. 

Bavaria. 

Wiirtemburg. 

Victor  Amadeus  iii. 
(Since  1773.) 

Ferdinand  iv. 
(Since  1759.) 

Charles  Theodore. 
(Since  1777.) 

Charles  Eugene. 
(Since  1735.) 

1789 

1790 
1791 
1792 
1793 
1794 

Charles  Emmanuel 
IV.     (Oct.) 

Frederick  Eugene. 
(Oct.) 

179s 
1796 
■797 
179S 

Frederick  i. 
(Dec.) 

Maximili.inJoseph 

1799 
1800 

iSoi 

Victor  Emmanuel 
I.     (June.) 

1S02 
1803 
1804 

Naples. 

1805 

Joseph  Bonaparte. 
(March.) 

1806 
1807 

Joachim  Murat. 
(August.) 

1808 
1809 

1810 

1811 

1S12 

1813 

1814 

181S 

368 


European  History 


APPEN- 
The  Family 


Charles  Bonaparte  == 
b.  1746,  d.  1785. 


Joseph 

b.  176S, 

d.  1844. 

King  of 

Naples, 

1806-1808. 

King  of 

Spain, 

1808-1814. 

=(1794), 

Marie  Julie 

Clary. 

I 


Alexandre 
de  Beau- 
harnais, 
b.  1760, 
d.  1794. 


Zenaide, 
b.  1801, 
d.  1854, 
=  1822, 

her 
cousin, 
Charles 
Lucien, 
Prince 

of 
Canino 

I 

and  had 

issue. 


Charlotte, 
b.  1802, 
d.  1839, 
=  1827, 

her 

cousin, 

Napoleon 

Louis,  son 

of  Louis. 

s.p. 


(1779)  Josephine 
Tascher 

de  la 
Pagerie, 
b.  1763, 
d.  1814. 


NAPOLEON 
b.  1769, 
d.  1821. 


Eugene  de  =  (1806)  Augusta 


Beauharnais 

b.  1781, 

d.  1824. 

Viceroy  of 

Italy,  1805- 

1814. 

Duke  of 

Leuchten- 

berg. 

and  had  issue, 


of  Bavaria. 


Hortense, 
b.  1783, 
d.  1837, 
=  1802, 
Louis 
Bonaparte, 
King  of 
Holland. 


(1810) 
Marie 
Louise, 

of  Austria, 
b.  1791, 
d.  1847. 

Duchess  of 
Parma, 
1815-47. 


NAPOLEON  XL, 

b.  1811,  d.  1S32, 

King  of  Rome, 

1811. 

Duke  of 

Reichstadt,  1818. 


Napoleon 

Napoleon  = 

=    (1827) 

Charles, 

Louis, 

Charlotte 

b.  1802, 

b.  1804, 

Bona- 

d. 1807, 

d.  1831. 

parte. 

chosen  as 

Grand 

Napoleon's 

Duke  of 

heir 

Berg, 

(1805). 

1808-1814. 

s.p. 


European  History 


569 


DIX  III. 

OF  Napoleon. 


Letizia  Ramolino, 
b.  1750,  d.  1839. 


LuciEN, 
b-  I775> 
d.  1840, 

Prince  of 
Canino, 
=  (179.4), 

Christine 
Boyer, 

=  (1802), 
Alexandrine 

de  Bles- 
champ, 


and  had 
issue. 


Louis, 
b.  1778, 
d.  1846, 
King  of 
Holland 
(i8o6-i8io) 
=  (.802), 
Hortense 
de  Beau- 
harnais. 


Jerome, 

b.  1784, 

d._i86o, 

King  of 

Westphalia 

(1807-1814) 

=  (1803) 

Eliza 

Patterson 

=(1807) 

Catherine 

ofWurtem- 

burg. 


Elisa, 

b-  1777, 

d.  1820, 

Grand 

Duchess  of 

Tuscany 

(1808-1814), 

=(1797), 

Felix 

Baciocchi, 


and  had 
issue. 


NAPOLEON  IIL,  =  (1853)  Eugenie 


b.  1808,  d.  1873 

Emperor  of  the 

French  (1851-1870). 


de  Montijo. 


Napoleon  Eug&ne, 

Prince  Imperial, 

(1856-1879). 


Pauline, 

b.  1780, 

d.  1825, 

Duchess  of 

Guastalla 
(1808-1814), 
=  (1801), 
Charles 
Leclerc, 
=  (1803), 

Camillo, 
Prince 

Borghese. 


Napoleon, 
b.  i8oi, 
d.  1804. 


Jerome 

Napoleon, 

b.  1814, 

d.  1847. 


Napoleon 
Joseph, 
Prince 

Napoleon, 
b.  1822, 
d.  1890, 

=(1859), 
Clothilde 
of  Savoy. 


Mathilde, 
b.  1820, 
=  Prince 

Demidov. 


Victor  Louis 

Napoleon,     Napoleon, 

b.  1862.         b.  1864. 


Caroline, 
b.  1782, 
d.  1839, 
=(1800), 
Joachim 
Murat, 
King  of 
Naples 
(1808-1814). 


and  had 
issue. 


Ljetitia, 

b.  1866, 

=  ])uke  of 

Aosta. 


PERIOD  VII. 


2  A 


37° 


AP  pen- 
Napoleon's 


Names. 


Berthier,  Louis  Alexandre. 

MuRAT,  Joachim. 

MoNCEY,  BonAdrien  Jeannot. 
JoURDAN,  Jean  Baptiste. 

Mass^na,  Andre. 

AuGEREAU,    Charles     Pierre 

Francois. 
Bernadotte,  Jean  Baptiste 

Jules. 

SOULT,  Jean  de  Dieu  Nicolas. 


Born. 


Brune, 
Anne. 
Lannes,  Jean 


20  Nov.  1753 

25  March  1767 

31  July  1754 
29  April  1762 

6  May  1756 

21  Oct.  1757 

26  Jan.  1763 

29  March  1769 


General 

of 
Brigade. 


General 

of 
Division. 


Marshal. 


Guillaume  Marie  13  May  1763 
I  April  1769 
3  Feh.  1768 


Mortier,  Adolphe  Edouard 
Casimir  Joseph. 


Ney,  Michel. 


Davout,  Louis  Nicolas. 

Bessi^res,  Jean  Baptiste. 

Kellermann,  Frangois  Chri- 
stophe. 

Lefebvre,  Frangois  Joseph. 

P^rignon,  Dominique  Cathe- 
rine de. 

S^rurier,  Jean  Mathieu 
Philibert. 

Victor,  Victor  Claude  Perrin, 
called. 

M  ACDONALD,  Jacques  Etienne 
Joseph  Alexandre. 

OuDiNOT,  Nicolas  Charles. 


Marmont,  Auguste  Frederic 

Louis  Viesse  de. 
SucHET,  Louis  Gabriel. 

Gouvion-Saint-Cyr,      Lau- 
rent. 

PONIATOWSKI,  Joseph,  Prince, 

Grouchy,  Emmanuel  de. 


10  Jan.  1769 


10  May  1770 

6  Aug.  1768 
28  May  1735 


15  Oct.  175s 
31  May  1754 
S  Dec.  1742 
7  Dec.  1764 
17  Nov.  1765 
25  April  1767 

20  July  1774 
2  March  1770 
13  April  1764 

7  May  1762 
23  Oct.  1766 


22  May  1792 
(Mariichal  de 

Camp) 
10  May  1796 


18  Feb.  1794 
27  May  1793 

22  Aug.  1793 

26  June  1794 
II  Oct.  1794 


17  March  1797 

23  Feb.  1799 

1  Aug.  1796 

24  Sept.  1794 

18  July  1800 

9  March  1788 
(Marechal  de 

Camp) 

2  Dec.  1793 

22  Aug.  1793 
20  Dec.  1793 
26  Aug.  1793 
14  June  1794 

10  June  1798 

23  March  1798 

10  June  1794 

7  Sept.  1792 


13  June  179s 

25  July  1799 

9  June  1794 
30  July  1793 

20  Dec.  1793 
25  Dec.  1793 
22  Oct.  1794 

21  April  1799 

17  Aug.  1797 

10  May  1799 
25  Sept.  1799 

28  March  1799 

3  July  1800 

13  Sept.  1802 

ig  March  1792 

(Lieut. - 

General) 

10  Jan.  1794 

25  Dec.  1793 

13  June  1795 

10  March  1797 

28  Nov.  1794 

12  April  1799 

9  Sept.  1800 

10  July  1799 

2  Sept.  1794 

13  June  1795 


19  May  1804 


8  JulyiSit 
27  Aug.  1812 


DIX    IV. 

]\Iarshals. 


371 


Titles 


Prince-Duke  of  Neufchatel  15  March 

1S06  ;  Prince  of  Wagram  31  Dec. 

1809. 
Prince  i  Feb.  1S05;  Grand  Duke  of 

Berg   15    March    1S06;    King    of 

Naples  I  Aug.  iSoS. 
Duke  of  Conegliano  2  July  1800. 

Count  I  March  1S08. 


Duke  of  Rivoli  24  April  180S  ;  Prince 

of  Essling  31  Jan.  1810. 
Duke  of  Casfiglione  26  April  1808. 

Prince  of  Ponte  Corvo  5  June  1806  ; 

Crown  Prince  of  Sweden  21  Aug. 

1810. 
Duke  of  Dalmatia  29  June  180S. 


Count  I  March  1S08. 

Duke  of  Montebello  15  June  1808. 

Duke  of  Treviso  2  July  1808. 


Duke   of    Elchingen,   5    May   180S; 

Prince  of  the  Moskowa  25  March 

1813. 
Duke    of   Auerstadt    2    July   1808 ; 

Prince  of  Eckmiihl  28  Nov.  1809. 
Duke  of  Istria  28  May  1809. 
Count  I  March  1808;  DukeofValmy 

2  May  1808. 

Count  I  March  1808;  Dukeof  Dantzic 

10  Sept.  1808 
Count  6  Sept.  1811. 

Count  I  March  1808. 

Duke  of  Belluno  10  Sept.  1808. 

Duke  of  Taranto  g  Dec.  1809. 

Count  2  July  1808  ;  Duke  of  Reggio 
14  April  1810. 

Duke  of  Ragusa  28  June  1808. 

Count  24  June  1808;  Duke  of  All;u- 

fera  3  Jan.  1813. 
Count  3  May  1E08. 


Notes. 


Count  28  Jan.  1809. 


Peer  of  France    1814  ;  committed   suicide  or  was 
murdered  at  Bamberg  i  June  1815. 

Shot  at  Pizzo  in  Italy  13  Oct.  1S15. 


Governor  of  the  Hulel  des  Invalides  1833-42  ;  died 

at  Paris  20  April  1842. 
Peer  of  France  1S14  and   i8ig  ;   Governor  of  the 

Hutel  des  Invalides   1830-33  ;   died  at   Paris  23 

Nov.  1833. 
Died  at  Paris  4  April  1817. 

Peer  of  France  1814  ;  died  at  La  Houssaye  12  June 

1816. 
King  of  Sweden  5  Feb.  1818;   died  at  Stockholm 

8  March  1844. 

Minister  for  War  Dec.  1S14— March  1815  ;  Peer  of 
France  June  1815:  e.xiled  1815-19;  Peer  of 
France  1827  ;  Minister  for  War  1830-34,  1840-45  ; 
Marshal-General  1847;  died  at  Saint  Amans 
26  Nov.  1S51. 

Peer  of  France  2  June  1815  ;  murdered  at  Avignon 
2  Aug.  1815. 

Mortally  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Aspern  ;  died  at 
Vienna  31  May  iSog. 

Peer  of  France  1S14  and  1819;  Ambassador  to 
Russia  1830-31  ;  Chancellor  of  the  Legion  of 
Honour  1831  ;  Minister  for  War  1834-35  !  killed 
by  the  explosion  of  an  infernal  machine  at  Paris 
28  July  1835. 

Peer  of  France  1814  ;  shot  at  Paris  7  Dec.  1815. 


Minister  for  War  1815;  Peer  of  France  1819;  died 

at  Paris  i  June  1823. 
Killed  at  Lutzen  i  May  1813. 
Peer  of  France  1814  ;  died  at  Paris  13  Sept.  1820. 


Peer  of  France  1814  and   1819;   died  at  Paris  14 

Sept.  1820. 
Peer  of  France  1814;  created  a  Marquis  1817;  died 

at  Paris  25  Dec.  1818. 
Governor  of  the  Hotel  des  Invalides,  1804-15;  Peer 

of  France  1814  ;  died  at  Paris  21  Dec.  1819. 
Peer  of  France   1815  ;   Minister  of  War   1821-23; 

died  at  Paris  i  March  1841. 
Peer  of  France  1814 ;  Chancellor  of  the  Legion  of 

Honour  1815-31  ;  died  at  Courcelles  7  .Sept.  1840. 
Peer  of  France  1814;  Chancellor  of  the  Ltfgion  of 

Honour   1839-47 ;    Governor  of   the    Hotel   des 

Invalides  1842-47  ;  died  at  Paris  13  Sept  1847. 
Peer  of  France  1814  ;  Andjnssador  to  Russia  1826-28 ; 

died  at  Venice  22  July  1852. 
Peer  of  France  1814  and  1819  ;  died  near  Marseilles 

3  Jan.  1826. 
Peer  of  France  1814  ;  Minister  for  War  July-Scpt. 

1815,  1817-ig;  created  a  Marquis  1819;  died  at 

Hyeres  17  March  1830. 
Drowned   in   the   Elster  at  the   battle  of  Leipzig 

19  Oct.  1813. 
Exiled  1815-20;  restored  as  Marshal  1831;   died 

29  May  1847. __^_ 


372 


A  P  P  E  N- 
Napoleon's  Ministers  during  the 


Foreign  Affairs. 

Interior. 

Finances. 

War. 

1799. 

9  Nov.  Charles  Maurice  de 
TALLEYRAND  -  PERI- 
GORD. 

(Prince  of  Benevento  5 
June  1806.) 

12    Nov.      Pierre     Simon 
LAPLACE. 
(Count  24  April  1808.) 

25    Dec.     Lucien    BONA- 
PARTE. 

10  Nov.  Martin  Michel 
Charles  GAUDIN. 
(Count  26  April  1808  ; 

Duke  of  Gaeta  15 

Aug.  1809.) 

10    Nov.     Louis    Alex- 
andre BERTHIER. 

1800. 

" 

6  Nov.  Jean  Antoine  CHAP- 
TAL. 

(Count   26    April    1808; 
Count  of   Chanteloup 
25  March  1810.) 

12  April.  Lazare  Nicolas 
Marguerite  CARNOT. 

8  Oct.  Louis  Alexandre 

Bhrthier. 

(Prince  of  NeufchAtel 
13  March  18 ,6 ; 
Prince  of  Wa-rani 
31  Dec.  1S09.) 

I80I. 

•• 

•• 

" 

1802. 

•• 

" 

•• 

1803. 

1804. 

•• 

I  Aug-.  Jean  Baptiste  Nom- 
pfere  de  CHAMPAGNY. 

" 

180s. 

„ 

„ 

,, 

1806. 

„ 

„ 

„ 

1807. 

8  Auij.  Jean  Baptiste  Nom- 
pere  de  CHAMPAGNY. 
(Count    24    April    1808 ; 
Duke    of    Cadore    15 
Aug.  1809.) 

9  Aug.  EmmanuelCRETET. 
(Count  of  Champmol  26 
April  1808.) 

9  Aug.    Henri  J.icques 

GuiUaunic  CLARKE. 

(Count  ofHunebwurg 

24  April  i8o8;  Uuke 

of  Feltre   15   Aug. 

1S09.) 

1S08. 

„ 

„ 

„ 

1809. 

I8I0. 

I  Oct.  Jean  Pierre  Bachas- 
son  de  Montalivet. 
(Conite  27  Nov.  1808.) 

I8II. 

I8I2. 
I8I3. 

17  April.  Hugues  Bernard 
MARET. 
(Count     3     May    1809; 

Duke   of  Bassano   15 

Aug.  1809.) 

■• 

•• 

20  Nov.  Armand  Augustin 
Louis  C  AULAINCOURT.; 
(Duke  of  Vicenza  7  June 

1808.) 

•• 

•• 

I8I4. 

" 

•' 

" 

I 


DIX   V. 

Consulate  and  Empire  i 799-1814. 


373 


Oct.  Denis  DecrES. 
(Count June  1808;  Duke 
28  April  1813.) 


Justice. 


19  July.  Jean  Jacques  Re- 
gis CAMBACERtS. 
(Duke  of  Parma  24  April 
1808.) 

25    Dec.     Andre    Joseph 
Aerial. 
(Count  z6  April  i8o3.) 


r  5  Sept.  Claude  Ambroise 
REGNIEU. 
(Count    24    April    1808 ; 

Duke    of     Massa    15 

Aug.  1809.) 


20  July.  Joseph  FOUCHE. 


)  July.  Joseph  FOUCHE. 
(Count    24    April    1808; 
Duke    of   Otranto    15 
Aug.  1809.) 


Tunc  8.   Anne  Jean  M.irio 
Ren^  Savary. 

(Duke  of  Rovigo  1808.) 


Public  Worship. 


July.  Jean  Etienne 
Marie  PORTALIS, 


Aug.    TiMx    JuHen 
Jean  BIGOT   Di; 
Pkeameneu. 
(Count    24    April 
1808.) 


1803. 


180S. 
1S06. 

1807. 


374 


A  P  P  E  N- 

CONCORDANCE    OF   THE   REPUBLICAN 

(Extracted  from  Stephens'  History  of  the 


I  Vendemiaire, 


I  Brumaire, 


I  Frimaire, 


I  Pluviuse, 
ri         „ 

I  Venture, 
II         „ 

21  ,, 

I  Germinal, 
II  ). 

21  1, 

I  Floreal, 

21  I) 

I  Prairial, 
II         >> 

21  „ 

I  Messidor, 

II  u 
21  n 

I  Thermidor, 

II  ji 

21  II 

I  Fructidor, 


ist  Complementary  Day, 
or  '  Sans-Culottide,' 

5th  Complementary  Day 
or  '  Sans-Culottide,' 

6th  Complementary  Day 
or  '  Sans-Culottide.' 


Year  II. 
I793-I794- 


22  September  1793. 

2  October. 
12  October. 
22  October. 

I  November. 
II  November. 
21  November. 

I  December. 
11  December. 
21  December. 
31  December. 

10  January  1794. 

20  January. 

30  January. 
9  February. 

19  February. 
I  March. 

11  March. 

21  March. 

31  March. 
10  April. 

20  April. 
30  April. 
10  May. 
20  May. 
30  May. 

9  June. 
ig  June. 
29  June. 

9  July- 
19  Ju'y- 

29  July. 

8  August. 
iS  August. 
28  August. 

7  September. 

17  September. 
21  September. 


Year  III. 
1794-1795- 


22  September  1794. 

2  October. 
12  October. 
22  October. 

I  November. 
II  November. 
21  November. 

I  December. 
II  December. 
21  December. 
31  December. 

10  January  1795. 

20  January. 

30  January. 
9  February. 

19  February. 
I  March. 

11  March. 

21  March. 

31  March. 
10  April. 

20  April. 
30  April. 
10  May. 
20  May. 
30  May. 

9  June. 
19  June. 
29  June. 

9  July- 
19  Juiy- 
29  July. 

8  August. 
18  August. 
28  August. 

7  September. 

17  September. 

21  September. 

22  September. 


Year  IV. 
1795-1796. 


23  September  1795. 

3  October. 
13  October. 
23  October. 

2  November. 
12  November. 
22  November. 

2  December. 
12  December. 
22  December. 

I  January  1796. 
II  January. 
21  January. 
31  January. 

10  February. 

20  February. 
I  March. 

11  March. 

21  March. 
31  March. 
10  April. 
20  April. 
30  April. 
10  May. 
20  May. 
30  May. 

9  June. 
19  June. 
29  June. 

9  Juiy- 
19  July- 

29  July. 

8  August. 
iS  August. 
28  August. 

7  September. 

17  September. 
21  September. 


Note. — Each  month  in  the  Republican 


DIX   VI. 

AND  Gregorian  Calendars. 

French  Ret'olu/ion,  vol.  ii.  (Longmans  and  Co.)) 


375 


Year  V. 

Year  VI. 

Year  VII. 

Year  VIII. 

1796-1797. 

1797-1798. 

1798-1799. 

1709-1800. 

22  September  1796. 

22  September  1797. 

22  September  1798. 

23  September  1799. 

2  October. 

2  October. 

2  October. 

3  October. 

12  October. 

12  October. 

12  October. 

13  October. 

22  October. 

22  October. 

22  October. 

23  October. 

I  November. 

I  November. 

I  November. 

2  November. 

II  November. 

II  November. 

II  November. 

12  November. 

21  November. 

21  November. 

21  November. 

22  November. 

I  December. 

I  December. 

I  December. 

2  December. 

II  December. 

II  December. 

II  December. 

12  December. 

21  December. 

21  December. 

21  December. 

22  December. 

31  December. 

31  December. 

31  December. 

I  January  1800. 

10  January  1797. 

10  January  179S. 

10  January  1799. 

II  January. 

20  January. 

20  January. 

20  January. 

21  January. 

30  January. 

30  January. 

30  January. 

31  January. 

9  February. 

9  February. 

9  February. 

10  February. 

19  February. 

19  February. 

rg  February. 

20  February. 

I  March. 

I  March. 

I  March. 

I  March. 

II  March. 

II  March. 

II  March. 

II  March. 

21  March. 

21  March. 

21  March. 

21  March. 

31  March. 

31  March. 

31  March. 

31  March. 

10  April. 

10  April. 

10  .April. 

10  April. 

20  April. 

20  April. 

20  April. 

20  April. 

30  April. 

30  April. 

30  April. 

30  April. 

10  May. 

10  May. 

10  May. 

10  May. 

20  May. 

20  May. 

20  May. 

20  May. 

30  May. 

30  May. 

30  May. 

30  May. 

9  June. 

9  June. 

9  June. 

9  June. 

19  June. 

19  June. 

19  June. 

19  June. 

29  June. 

29  June. 

29  June. 

29  June. 

9  July. 

9  July- 

9  July. 

9  July. 

19  July. 

19  July. 

19  July. 

19  July. 

29  July. 

29  July. 

29  July. 

29  July. 

8  August. 

8  August. 

8  August. 

8  August. 

18  August. 

18  .\ugust. 

18  August. 

18  August. 

28  August. 

28  August. 

28  August. 

28  August. 

7  September. 

7  September. 

7  September. 

7  September. 

17  September. 

17  September. 

17  September. 

17  September. 

21  September. 

21  September. 

21  September. 

21  September. 

•• 

22  September. 

Calendar  consisted  of  thirty  days 


f 


INDEX 

The  dates  given  in  brackets  are  those  of  the  birth  and  death  of  the  person  indexed  ; 
where  only  the  date  of  death  is  known  it  is  preceded  by  a  t. 

Full  names  and  titles  are  given. 

Proper  names  commencing  with  'da,'  '  de,'  'd','  are  indexed  under  the  succeeding 
initial  letter. 


Abdul  Hamid  (1725-89),  Sultan  of 
Turkey,  44. 

Abensberg,  battle  of  (20  April  1809), 
272. 

Abercromby,  Sir  Ralph,  English 
general  (1735-1801),  224. 

Aberdeen,  George  Gordon,  Earl  of, 
English  diplomatist  (1784-1860), 
301,  311,  316,  323. 

Abo,  treaty  of  (April  1812),  302. 

Aboukir  Bay,  French  fleet  defeated  in, 
by  Nelson  (i  August  1798),  195. 

Abrantes,  Duke  of.     See  Junot. 

Abrial,  Andr6  Joseph,  Comte,  French 
statesman  (1750-1828),  216. 

Acre,  siege  of  (1799),  208. 

Acton,  Joseph,  Neapolitan  statesman 
(1737-1808),  23. 

Adda,  the,  Bonaparte  forces  the  pas- 
sage of,  at  Lodi  (1796),  174 ;  Suv- 
6rov,  at  Cassano  (1799),  203. 

Addiiigton,  Henry,  Viscount  Sid- 
mouth,  English  statesman  (1757- 
1844),  225. 

Additional  Act,  the,  declared  by 
Napoleon  (23  April  1815),  352. 

Adige,  the,  Italy  up  to,  ceded  to 
Austria  by  treaty  of  Campo-For- 
mio  (1797),  192;  by  treaty  of 
LuneviUe  (1801),  220;  Austrian 
positions  on,  turned  by  Macdonald 
(1800),  219. 

Adlersparre,  George,  Baron,  Swedish 
general  (1760-1837),  279. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  a  free  city  of  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  35,  150,  230, 

344- 
Albuera,  battle  of  (16  May  1811),  297. 


Albufera,   battle  of  (26   Dec.    1811), 
297. 

Duke  of.     See  Suchet. 

Aldenhoven,  battle  of  (2  Oct.  1794), 

ISO- 
Alessandria,  fortress  built  at,  by  Vic- 
tor Amadeus  in.,  27,  203,  204,  218. 
Alexander  i.,  Emperor  of  Russia 
(1777-1825),  attitude  at  his  acces- 
sion, 234  ;  joins  coalition  against 
France,  242,  243  ;  defeated  at  Aus- 
terlitz,  244 ;  at  Eylau  and  Fried- 
land,  248,  249 ;  interview  with 
Napoleon  at  Tilsit,  249,  250; 
makes  treaty  of  Tilsit,  250  ;  con- 
quers Finland,  254,  278  ;  acqui- 
sitions in  Poland,  and  dislike  of 
Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  261 ;  in- 
terview with  Napoleon  at  Erfurt, 
262;  conduct  in  1809,  274;  war 
with  Turkey,  281  ;  makes  treaty  of 
Bucharest,  281  ;  refuses  a  sister  to 
Napoleon,  294 ;  causes  of  dissen- 
sion with  Napoleon,  299-301 ; 
makes  treaty  of  Abo  with  Berna- 
dotte,  302  ;  summons  Stein  to  his 
Court,  304  ;  his  policy  of  retreat 
before  Napoleon  (1812),  305  ;  fights 
battle  of  Borodino,  305  ;  negotiates 
with  Napoleon,  306  ;  forms  friend- 
ship with  Frederick  William  III.  of 
Prussia,  308;  distrust  of  Napoleon, 
310  ;  agrees  to  Proposals  of 
Frankfort,  316 ;  desires  to  invade 
France,  317;  refuses  to  retreat, 
319,  320;  enters  Paris,  329;  inlhi- 
enced  by  Talleyrand,  329,  330; 
si:)eech  to  the  French  .Senate,  330, 


378 


European  History,  1 789-1 815 


331 ;  greatness  of  his  share  in  over- 
throwing Napoleon,  334;  at  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  337 ;  his  de- 
sire for  the  whole  of  Poland,  339 ; 
forced  to  give  way,  340,  341 ;  gave 
constitution  to  Poland,  342  ;  pro- 
tected Murat  and  Eugene  de  Beau- 
harnais,  345 ;  signs  treaty  against 
Napoleon  (1815),  350  ;  opposes  pai-- 
tition  of  France,  354 ;  joins  the 
Holy  Alliance,  355. 

Alexandria,  195,  224. 

Alicante,  Bentinck  repulsed  at  (1812), 

307- 

Alkmaar,  Convention  of  (18  Oct. 
1799),  205. 

Almeida,  siege  of  (1811),  296. 

Alps,  French  reach  the  summit  of 
Mont  Cenis  (1795),  151  ;  Suvorov 
crosses  (1799),  204,  205  ;  Bonaparte 
(1800),  218 ;  Macdonald  (1800), 
219. 

Alsace,  rights  of  the  Princes  of  the 
Empire  in,  79;  proposals  of  Mira- 
beau  and  Merlin,  80  ;  letter  of  Leo- 
pold on,  89,  90 ;  co77chisio>i  of  the 
Diet  of  the  Empire  on,  108 ;  in- 
vaded by  Wtirmser,  130,  139 ;  re- 
covered by  the  French  (1794),  140  ; 
proposal   to    detach    from    France 

(1815),  354- 
Altdorf,  Suvorov  reaches  (1799),  204. 
Altenkirchen,    battle    of    (20     Sept. 

1796),  178. 
Alton,   Richard,  Count  d",   Austrian 

general  (1732-90),  43,  47,  48,  63,  64. 
Alvensleben,    Philip  Charles,    Count 

von,     Prussian    statesman    (1745- 

1802'),  153,  170,  179. 
Alvinzi  (Alvinczy),  Joseph,  Austrian 

general  (1735-1810),  176. 
America,  South,  264,  358. 
United  States  of.     See  United 

States. 
Ami  dii  Peiiple,  Marat's  journal,  61. 
Amiens,  treaty  of  (1802),  225. 
Amnesty,    general,    decreed    by    the 

Convention  (1795),  166. 

law  of,  promulgated  (1815),  357. 

Amsterdam,  32,  149,  255. 
Ancients,  Council  of.     See  Council. 
Ancona,  175,  207,  277, 
Angouleme,  Maria  Therese  Charlotte, 

Duchess  of,  daughter  of  Louis  xvi. 

(1778-1851),  168. 
Louis  Antoine,  Duke  of,  son  of 


the  Comte  d'Artois  (1775-1844),  326, 
327. 

Anhalt,  the  Dukes  of.  Princes  of  the 
Empire  (1789),  34,  343. 

Anhalt-Kothen,  Louis,  Dukeof(i76i- 
1819),  293. 

Anhalt-Zerbst,  the  Empress  Cathe- 
rine, a  princess  of,  18. 

Ankarstrom,  John  James,  Swedish 
officer  (1761-1792),  no. 

Anselme,  Jacques  Bernard  Modeste 
d',  French  general  (1740-1812),  117. 

Anspach,  Napoleon  violates  Prussian 
neutrality  by  mai-ching  through 
(1805),  244.  ,       .        . 

Antwerp,  riot  agamst  the  Austnans 
suppressed  at  (1788),  47 ;  aban- 
doned to  the  Belgian  patriots 
(1789),  64 ;  Napoleon's  buildings 
at,  276  ;  Carnot's  defence  of  (1814), 
321  ;  its  retention  cause  of  Napo- 
leon's fall,  324. 

Aoust,  Eustache,  Comte  d',  French 
general  (1764-94),  140. 

Appenzell,  democratic  canton  of 
Switzerland,  maintained  by  Bona- 
parte (1803),  228. 

Aranda,  Don  Pedro  Pablo  Abaracay 
Bolea,  Count  of,  Spanish  states- 
man (1718-99),  4,  21,  126. 

Archbishop  -  Electors  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  34,  39,  40. 

Arcis-sur-Aube  battle  of  (20  March 
1814),  328, 

Areola,  battle  of  (i5  Nov.  1796),  176. 

Aremberg,  Louis  Engelbert,  Duke  of 
(1750-1820),  93. 

Prosper  Louis,  Duke  of  (17B5- 

1863),  282. 

Argau,  canton  of  Switzerland,  formed 
by  Bonaparte  (1803),  228;  recog- 
nised by  Congress  of  Vienna  (1815), 

344- 
Aristocracy,  Napoleon  s,  286. 
Armistices:    Cherasco    (1796),    174; 

Foligno     (1796),     17s ;     Giurgevo 

(1790),  88  ;  Pleswitz  (1813),  309. 
Arndt,  Ernest  Maurice,  German  poet 

(1769-1862),  291. 
Arragon,  Suchet's  campaigns  in,  275, 

295- 
Arras,  atrocities  of  Le  Bon  at  (1794), 

139- 
Artois,   Charles  Philippe,  Comte  d', 
younger    brother    of    Louis    xvi., 
afterwards    King    Charles    X.     of 


Index 


379 


France  (1757-1836).  55,  59,  102, 
139,  167,  172,  351. 

Aschaffenburg,  principality  of,  granted 
to  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  225, 
260. 

Aspem  or  Essling,  battle  of  (21,  22 
May  1809),  273. 

Assignats  issued  in  France,  74  ;  their 
efifect,  98. 

Aubert-Dubayet,  Jean  Baptiste  Anni- 
bal,  French  general  (1759-1797)1 
166,  182. 

Auckland,  William  Eden,  Lord,  Eng- 
lish diplomatist  (1744-1814),  65,  93. 

Auerstadt,  battle  of  (14  Oct  1806), 
247. 

Duke  of.     See  Davout 

Augereau,  Charles  Pierre  Francois, 
Duke  of  CastigUone,  French  gen- 
eral (1757-1816),  191,  219,  321 ; 
App.  iv. 

Augsburg,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesiastical 
prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 

34- 
bishopric  of,  mei^ed  in  Bavaria 

(1803),  227.  .         ,     ^ 

city    of,    a    free    city    of   the 

Empire(i789),  35;  taken  by  Moreau 
(1800),  219 ;   maintained  as  a  free 
city  (1803),  226  ;   Massena's  head- 
quarters (1809),  272. 
Augusta,  Princess,  of  Bavaria  married 

to  Eugene  de  Beauhamais,  258. 
Augustus,   Prince,  of  Prussia  (1779- 

1843).  337- 

Aulic  Council,  the,  35. 

AusterliU,  battle  of  (2  Dec  1805), 
244. 

Austria,  position  in  1789,  14-17 ;  in- 
fluence in  the  Empire.  35 ;  obtained 
cessions  by  the  treaty  of  Sistova 
(1791).  88;  got  nothing  in  the 
second  partition  of  Poland  (1793),. 
122 ;  received  Cracow,  etc.  at  third 
partition  of  Poland  (1795),  152;  re- 
ceived Venice  for  Lombardy  by 
treaty  of  Canipo-Formio  (1797). 
192  ;  and  by  treaty  of  Lunevi  le 
(1801),  220;  obtained  Trent  and 
Brixen.  but  lost  much  influence  in 
the  resettlement  of  Germany  (1803), 
226 ;  formed  into  an  empire  (1805*. 
236  ;  lost  Venice.  Istria,  the  Tyrol, 
etc.  by  treaiy  of  Pressburg  (1805), 
245 ;  lost  Trieste.  Galicia,  Salzburg, 
etc.  by  treaty  of  Vienna  (1809),  274; 


at  Congress  of  Vienna  (1814)  got 
back  Cracow,  342,  and  Lombardy 
and  Venetia,  347.  See  Francis  n., 
Joseph  11.,  Leopold  11. 

Austrian  Netherlands.     See  Belgiimi. 

Auvergne,  movement  against  the  Con- 
vention in  (1793),  131. 

Avignon,  city  of,  wishes  to  join  France 
(1790),  76 ;  secured  to  France  by 
first  treaty  of  Paris  (1814),  333 ;  and 
by  second  treaty  of  Paris  (1815), 
354- 

Babeuf,  Francois  Noel  (Grac- 
chus), French  socialist  (1764-97), 
181. 

Badajoz,  treaty  of  (1801),  223 ;  taken 
by  Soult  (1810),  296 ;  by  Welling- 
ton (1812).  306. 

Baden,  condition  in  1789,  37  ;  made 
an  electorate  (1803),  225  ;  inrreased 
by  the  seculajisations  (1803),  227  ; 
made  a  grand  duchy  (1806),  ^45; 
received  Ortenau  and  the  Breisgau 
(1809),  258;  a  state  of  the  Con- 
federation of  the  Rhine  (1808),  260; 
of  the  Germanic  Confederation 
(1815),  342,  See  Charles  Frederick, 
Charles  Louis  Frederick. 

Bagration,  Peter,  Prince,  Russian 
general  (1762-1812),  281,  305. 

Bai.ly,  Jean  Sylvain,  French  states- 
man (1736-03),  53.  59.  138. 

Baird,  Sir  Da\-id,  English  general 
(1757-1829).  224,  ^     ,.  ^ 

Ball.  Sir  Alexander  John,  Eogush 
admiral  (1759-1809),  195. 

Baltic  Sea,  effort  to  exclude  English 
commerce  fi'om,  222 ;  command  of, 
given  to  Russia  and  Prussia  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  347. 

Bamberg,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesiastical 
prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 

34- 
bishopric  of,  merged  in  Bavaria 

(18031.  227. 
Bank  of  France,  founded  by  Bona- 
parte, 215. 
Bsoitry    Bav,    French    expedition   to 

(1796).  185. 
Barbe-^Ia^bois.  Fran9ois.  Comte  de. 

French  statesman  (1745-1837),  188, 

191.  214. 
Barclay   de  Tolly.  Michael.   Prince. 

Russian   general    (1755-181S),  305, 

309.  313- 


38o 


European  History,  1 789-18 1 5 


Barentin,  Charles  Louis  Fran9ois  de 
Paule   de,    French  minister  (1738- 

1819)1  51- 

Barfere,  Bertrand,  French  orator  (1755- 
1841),  117,  133,  134,  145.  149.  155- 

Barnave,  Antoine  Pierre  Joseph 
Marie,  French  pohtician  (1761-93), 
100. 

Barras,  Paul  Franpois  Jean  Nicolas, 
Comte  de,  French  statesman  (1755- 
1829),  147,  164,  165 ;  nominates 
Bonaparte  to  command  the  army 
of  Italy,  174  ;  his  attitude  as  a 
Director,  181  ;  co-operates  in  coup 
d'dtat  of  Fructidor  1797,  191  ;  only 
original  Director  left  (July  1799), 
209,  210  ;  resigns  (Nov.  1799),  211. 

Barrosa,  battle  of  (5  March  1811), 
297. 

Bartenstein,  treaty  of  (April  1807),  248. 

Barthelemy,  Fran9ois,  Marquis  de, 
French  diplomatist  (1747-1830), 
156,  188,  189,  191. 

Basire,  Claude,  French  politician 
(1764-94),  117.  .      .     , 

Basle,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesiastical 
prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 
34,  41 ;  with  fiefs  in  Alsace,  79. 

bishopric  of,  part  ceded  to  Baden 

(1803),  227 ;  part  to  canton  of  Berne 

(1815).  345- 
canton    of    Switzerland,    mam- 

tained  by  Bonaparte  (1803),  228. 

treaties  of  (1795),  156,  157. 

Basque  Roads,  affair  in   the  (1809), 

276. 
Bassano,  Duke  of.     See  Maret. 
Bastille,  capture  of  the  (14  July  1789), 

57.  58- 

Batavian  Repubhc  founded  (1795), 
150;  imitates  the  French  constitu- 
tions, 193 ;  turned  into  the  king- 
dom of  Holland  (1806),  254,  255. 

Battles  :  Abensberg  (1809),  272  ;  Al- 
buera  (1811),  297  ;  Albufera  (1811), 
297 ;  Aldenhoven  ( 1794) ,  1 50 ;  Alexan- 
dria(i8oi),  224;  Altenkirchen(  1796), 
178  ;  Arcis-sur-Aube  (1814),  328  ; 
Areola  (1796),  176;  Aspern  (Es- 
shng)  (1809),  273  ;  Auerstadt  (1806), 
247;  Austerlitz  (1805),  244;  Barrosa 
(1811),  297  ;  Bautzen  (1813),  309  ; 
Bergen  (1799),  205;  Biberach  (1800), 
219  ;  Borodino  (1812),  305  ;  Braila 
(1809),  281  ;  Brienne  (1814),  319 ; 
Burgos  (1808),  269  ;  Busaco  (1810), 


296  ;  Cairo  (1799),  208  ;  Caldiero 
(1796),  176;  Caldiero  (1805),  244; 
Camperdown  (1797),  194;  Cassano 
(1799),  203  ;  Castighone(i796),  175; 
Ceva  (1796),  174;  Champaubert 
(1814), 319;  Copenhagen  (1801),  222; 
Corunna(  1809),  270 ;  Craonne  ( 1814), 
328  ;  Dego  (1796),  174  ;  Dennewitz 
(1813),  313;  Dresden  (1813),  312; 
Dubienka  (1792),  122  ;  Eckmiihl 
(1809),  273;  Elchingen  (1805),  244; 
Engen  (1800),  219;  Espinosa  (1808), 
269;  Essling  (Aspern)  (1809),  273; 
Ettlingen  (1796),  178  ;  Eylau  (1807), 
248;  Famars  (1793),  130;  Figueras 
(1794),  150;  First  of  June  (1794), 
145  ;  Fleurus  (1794),  144  ;  Foksany 
(1788),  45 ;  Friedland  (1807),  249; 
Fuentes  de  Onor  (1811),  297;  the 
Geisberg(i793),  140;  Genola(i799), 
204;  Giurgevo  (1790),  88;  Gross- 
Beeren  (1813),  312;  Gross-Gorschen 
(Lutzen)(i8i3),  309;  Hanau(i8i3), 
314  ;  Heliopolis  (1800),  224  ;  Ho- 
henlinden  (1800),  219 ;  Hondschoten 
(1793),  140;  jemmappes  (1792), 
118  ;  Jena  (1806),  247  ;  Kaiserslaut- 
ern  (1794),  144;  the  Katzbach 
(1813),  312  ;  Kioge  (1807),  252  ; 
Laon  (1814),  328  ;  Leipzig  (1813), 
314  ;  Ligny  (1815),  352 ;  Loano 
(1795).  151.  173;  Lodi  (1796),  174; 
Liitzen  (Gross  Gorschen)  (1813), 
309;  Maciejowice  (1794),  152;  Ma- 
gnano  (1799),  202;  Maida  (1806), 
256;  Marengo  (1800),  218;  Matchin 
(1791),  96;  Medellin  (I809),  275; 
Medina  del  Rio  Seco  (1808),  267  ; 
the  Mincio  (1814),  322  ;  Millesimo 
(1796),  174  ;  Moeskirchen  (1800), 
219;  Mondovi  (1796),  174  ;  Monte- 
bello  (1800),  218  ;  Montenotte 
(1796),  174;  Montereau  (1814),  319; 
Montmirail  (1814),  319;  Mount 
Tabor  (1799),  208  ;  Nangis  (1814), 
319;  Neerwinden  (1793),  127;  Neu- 
markt  (1797),  186  ;  the  Nile  (Abou- 
kir  Bay)  (1798),  195 ;  the  Nive 
(1813),  316 ;  the  Nivelle  (1813), 
316;  Novi  (1799),  204;  Ocana 
(1809),  276;  Orthez  (1814),  321; 
Pacy-sur-Eure  (1793),  131  ;  Paris 
(1814),  329  ;  the  Pyramids  (1798), 
195 ;  Quatre  Bras  (1815),  352 ;  Raab 
(1809),  273;  Raclawice  (1794),  151; 
Rivoli  (1797),   176  ;  Roli9a  (1808). 


Index 


381 


265  ;  the  Rymnik  (1788),  45 ;  Sacilio 
(1899),  273;  St.  Vincent  (1797), 
183  ;  Salamanca  (1812),  306  ;  Sa- 
orgio  (1794),  144;  Silistria  (1809), 
281 ;  Stockach  (1799),  202;  Svenska 
Sound  (1790),  95  ;  Talavera  (1809), 
275,  276  ;  Tobac  (1788),  45  ;  Tol- 
entino(i8i5),346;  Toulouse  (1814), 
332  ;  Trafalgar  {1805),  245  ;  the 
Trebbia  (1799),  203  ;  Tudela  (1808), 
269;  Unzniarkt  (1797).  186;  Valmy 
(1792),  115  ;  Valsarno  (18 13),  315  ; 
Vauchanips  (1814),  319  ;  Vimeiro 
(1808),  265,  266  ;  Vittoria  (1813), 
315  ;  VVagram  (1809),  274  ;  Water- 
loo (1815),  353  ;  Wattignies  (1793). 
140 ;  Zielence  (1792),  121,  122  ; 
Zurich  (1799),  204. 

Bautzen,  battle  of  (20  May  1813),  309. 

Bavaria,  the  Emperor  Joseph's  de- 
signs on,  16,  17  ;  its  Elector  also 
Elector- Palatine,  34;  condition  in 
1789,  37;  invaded  by  Moreau  (1796), 
178  ;  treaty  of  Pfaffenhofen,  180  ; 
promised  to  Austria  by  Bonaparte 
(1797),  193;  occupied  by  Moreau 
(1800),  219  ;  increased  by  the  secu- 
larisations (1803),  227  ;  invaded  by 
the  Austrians  (1805),  243  ;  receives 
the  Tyrol  and  becomes  a  kingdom 
(1806),  245  ;  receives  Salzburg 
(1809),  257;  member  of  the  Con- 
federation of  the  Rhine,  260 ;  in- 
vaded by  the  Austrians  (1809),  272  ; 
great  internal  reforms,  289  ;  mem- 
ber of  the  Germanic  Confederation 
(1815),  342;  receives  Mayence  for 
the  Tyrol  (1815),  344.  See  Charles 
Theodore,  Maximilian  Joseph. 

Baylen,  capitulation  of  (i8o8),  267, 
268. 

r^avonne  besieged  by  the  English 
(1813,  1814),  316,  321. 

Reauharnais,  Eugene  de,  stepson  of 
Napoleon  (1781-1824),  236,  238, 
239,  244,  25s,  256,  273,  308,  315, 
321,  322,  345. 

Beaulieu,  Jean  Pierre,  Baron  dc,  Aus- 
trian general  (1725-1820),  174. 

Beccaria,  Ceesar  Bonesana,  Marquis 
de,  Italian  philosopher  (1738-94), 
26. 

Belgium,  opposition  to  the  Emperor 
Joseph's  reforms  in  (1788),  15  ;  his 
apparent  success,  43  ;  armed  re- 
sistance in,   47  ;    abolition  of  Bel- 


gian liberties,  47,  48  ;  the  Austrians 
driven  from  (1789),  64  ;  the  Belgian 
Republic  formed  (Jan.  1790),  65  ; 
struggle  between  the  Van  der 
Nootists  and  Vonckists,  92,  93 ; 
reconquered  by  the  Austrians  (Dec. 
1790),  94;  conquered  by  the  French 
under  Dumouriez  (1792),  118;  an- 
nexed to  the  French  Republic,  118  ; 
rises  against  the  French  (1793). 
126 ;  Dumouriez  driven  from  ( 1793), 
127  ;  reconquered  by  the  French 
(1794),  144;  organised  as  part  of 
the  French  Republic,  150 ;  ces- 
sion to  France  agreed  to  by 
Austria  at  Leoben,  186 ;  and  at 
Campo-Formio  (1797),  192,  193  ; 
organised  into  nine  French  depart- 
ments, 230  ;  England  insists  on  its 
separation  from  France,  318  ;  in- 
vaded by  the  Prince  of  Orange 
(1814),  321  ;  Napoleon  refuses  to 
give  up,  324  ;  united  with  Holland 
into  the  kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands (1815),  344,  360. 
Belgrade,    taken    by    the    Austrians 

(1789),  45-  ,       , 

Bellegarde,  Henri,  Comte  de,  Aus- 
trian general  (1755-1831),  on  the 
Mincio  (1814),  322. 

Belluno,  Duke  of.     See  Victor. 

Bender,  city  of,  taken  by  the  Rus- 
sians (1789),  45. 

Blaise  Colombeau,  Baron,  Aus- 
trian general  (1713-98),  65,  93,  94. 

Benevento,  principality  of,  belonged 
to  the  Pope  in  1789,  24 ;  Talley- 
rand made  prince  of,  277. 

Benezech,  Pierre,  French  administra- 
tor (1745-1802),  166. 

Benningsen,  Levin  Augustus  Theo- 
philus.  Count,  Russian  general 
(1745-1826),  221,  248,  249,  311. 

Bentinck,  Lord  \,\'illiam  Charle.s 
Cavendish,  English  general  (1774- 
1839),  307.  315.  322,  346. 

Beresford,  William  Carr,  Viscount, 
English  general  (1770-1856),  266, 
297. 

Berg,  grand  duchy  of,  created  for 
Murat  (1806),  its  extent,  252; 
member  of  the  Confederation  ot 
the  Rhine,  260  ;  conferred  on  son 
of  Louis  15onaparte  (1808),  283. 

Bergen,  battles  of  (19  Sept.  and  2  Oct. 
1799),  205. 


382 


Europemi  History,  1 789- 1 8 1 5 


Bergen-op-Zoom,  English  repulsed 
from  (1814),  321. 

Berlin,  occupied  by  Napoleon  (1806), 
247;  decree  issued  at  (1807),  251  ; 
University  of,  founded,  303,  304  ; 
the  French  driven  from  (1S13), 
308. 

Bernadotte,  Jean  Baptiste  Jules, 
Prince  of  Ponte  Corvo  (1806), 
Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  (1810), 
King  Charles  Xiv.  of  Sweden 
(1818),  (1764-1844),  French  ambas- 
sador to  Austria  (1798),  197;  in- 
sulted at  Vienna,  198  ;  Minister  of 
War  (1799),  210  ;  attacked  by  the 
Russians  (1807),  247;  commanded 
the  Saxons  at  Wagram  (1809),  274  ; 
Prince  of  Ponte  Corvo,  277 ;  elected 
Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  (1810), 
279  ;  signs  treaty  of  Abo  with  Em- 
peror Alexander  (1812),  302  ;  in- 
trigues with  Napoleon,  307,  308  ; 
invaded  Germany  (1813),  309;  wins 
battle  of  Gross  Beeren,  312  ;  and 
of  DennewitE,  313  ;  defeated  the 
Danes  and  exchanged  Pomerania 
for  Norway  (1814),  320 ;  rejected 
for  throne  of  France,  330 ;  got 
Norway,  but  had  to  give  up  Guade- 
loupe (1815),  347;  one  of  Napo- 
leon's marshals,  App.  iv. 

Bernard,  Great  St.,  Bonaparte  crosses 
(1800),  218. 

Little  St.,    French    reach    the 

summit  of  (1795),  151. 

of    Saintes,    Adrien    Antoine, 

French  politician  (1750-1819),  139. 

Berne,  chief  oligarchical  canton  of 
Switzerland  in  1789,  41  ;  occupies 
Geneva  (1792),  125  ;  occupied  by 
the  French  (1798),  199  ;  Vaud  and 
Argau  separated  from  (1803),  228  ; 
obtained  part  of  the  Bishopric  of 
Basle  (1815),  345. 

Bernis,  Franpois  Joachim  de  Pierre, 
Cardinal    de,     French    statesman 

(1715-94).  19- 

Bernstorf,  Count  Andrew,  Danish 
statesman  (1735-97),  32,  46,  120. 

Count  Christian,  Danish  states- 
man (1769-1835),  338. 

Berthier,  Louis  Alexandre,  Prince  of 
Neufchatel  and  Wagram,  French 
general  (1753-1815),  200,  216,  241, 
239,  283,  App.  iv. 

' de    Sauvigny,    Louis    B^nigne 


Fran9ois,  French  administratoi 
(1742-89),  59. 

Bessarabia,  conquered  by  the  Rus- 
sians under  Potemkin  (1789),  45  ; 
under  Bagration  (iSio),  281  ;  part 
of,  ceded  to  Russia  by  treaty  of 
Bucharest,  281. 

Bessieres,  Jean  Baptiste,  Duke  of 
Istria,  French  general  (1768-1813), 
267,  297,  309,  App.  iv. 

Beugnot,  Jacques  Claude,  Comte, 
French   administrator  (1761-1835), 

331- 
Biberach,  battle  of  (9  May  1800),  219. 
Bidassoa,  the  passage  of,  forced  by 

the  Spaniards  (1739),   ^3°  I  by  the 

French  (1794),  140. 
Bigot dePreameneu,  Felix  Julien  Jean, 

Comte,   French  jurist  (1747-1825), 

215- 
Bilbao,  taken  by  the  French  (1795), 

151- 
Billaud-Varenne,    Jacques    Nicolas, 

French  statesman  (1756-1819),  193, 

134,  138,  139,  147,  149,  155. 
Biron,   Armand   Louis   de   Gontaut, 

Due  de,  French  general  (1747-93), 

138. 
Bischofswerder,  Hans  Rudolf,  Baron 

von,   Prussian    statesman   (ti8o3), 

31.  87. 
Bishops,  the  Princeof  Germany, 34, 39. 
Black   Legion  of  Brunswick  raised, 

293- 

Blake,  Joachim,  Spanish  general 
(f  1827),  defeated  at  Albufera(i8ii), 
247. 

Bliicher,  Gebhard  Lebrecht  von. 
Prince  of  Wahlstatt,  Prussian  gen- 
eral (1742-1819),  309,  312,  318,  319, 
328,  329,  350,  352,  353,  355. 

Boeckh,  Augustus,  German  scholar 
(1785-1861),  304. 

Bohemia,  opposition  to  Joseph's  re- 
forms in,  15  ;  the  reforms  suspen- 
ded, 66  ;  pacified  by  Leopold,  84. 

Boissy  d'Anglas,  Fran9ois  Antoine, 
Comte,  French  statesman  (1756- 
1826),  155,  165,  168,  182. 

Bologna,  belonged  to  the  Pope,  24 ; 
occupied  by  Bonaparte  (1796),  175  ; 
merged  in  the  Cisalpine  Republic, 
192  ;  in  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  255  ; 
restored  to  the  Pope  (1815),  347. 

Bonaparte,  Carohne,  Queen  of 
Naples.     See  Caroline. 


Index 


383 


Bonaparte,  Elisa  (1777-1820),  283. 

Jerome    (1784-1860),     King    of 

Westphalia.     See  Jerome. 

Joseph  (1768-1844),  239  (1806), 

255.     See  Joseph. 

Louis    (1778-1846),    239,    254, 

255.     See  Louis. 

Lucien   (1775-1840),    210,    216, 

223. 

Napoleon  (1769-1821)  at  the  siege 

of  Toulon  {1793),  140 ;  brings  up 
artillery  for  the  defence  of  the  Con- 
vention (1795),  164;  defeats  the 
insurgents  of  Vend^miaire,  165  ; 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
army  of  Italy  {1796),  174;  defeats 
the  Sardinians,  174  ;  conquers 
Lombardy,  174 ;  makes  armistice 
with  the  Pope,  175  ;  defeats  the 
Austrians  at  Castiglione,  175,  at 
Areola  and  Rivoli,  176 ;  invades  the 
Tyrol  and  signs  Preliminaries  of 
Leoben,  186  ;  opposed  the  Clichi- 
ans,  189  ;  sends  Augereau  to  Paris 
to  help  the  Directors,  191  ;  formed 
the  Cisalpine  Republic,  192  ;  signs 
treaty  of  Campo-Formio  (1797). 
192;  commands  army  of  the  Inte- 
rior, 194  ;  takes  Malta  and  invades 
Egypt  (1798),  195  ;  campaign  in 
Syria  (1799),  208;  returns  to 
France,  208  ;  makes  coup  d'ilat  of 
18  Brumaire,  210,  211  ;  provisional 
First  Consul,  211 ;  First  Consul, 
214  ;  internal  policy,  215  ;  forms 
the  Bank  of  France  and  Code 
Civil,  215 ;  foreign  policy,  216, 
217  ;  wins  battle  of  Marengo  and 
conquers  Italy,  218  ;  First  Consul 
of  the  Cisalpine  Republic,  220  ;  his 
Spanish  policy,  223  ;  concludes  the 
treaty  of  Amiens  (1802),  225  ;  re- 
organises Switzerland,  228  ;  Me- 
diator of  the  Swiss  Confederation, 
229 ;  makes  Concordat  with  the 
Pope,  229  ;  forms  the  prefectures, 
230 ;  educational  reforms,  231 ; 
First  Consul  for  life  (1802),  232; 
arrests  the  English  in  France  and 
occupies  Hanover  (1803),  233; 
execution  of  the  Due  d'Enghien 
<i8o4),  235;  Emperor  of  the  French 
(1804),  236.     6V(r  Napoleon. 

Pauline,     Princess     Borghcse 

(1780-1825),  283. 
Bonn,  the  university  of,  ^lo,  150. 


Bonnier -d'Alco,  Ange  Elisabeth 
Louis  Antoine,  French  politician 
(1749- 1 799),  202. 

Bordeaux,  131,  327. 

Borodino,   battle   of  (7  Sept.    1812), 

305- 
Bosnia,    invaded    by    the   Austrians 

(1788),  43- 
Bouille,     Francois     Claude    Amour, 

Marcjuis  de,  French  general  (1739- 

1800),  72,  97,  98,  100. 
Boulogne,      Napoleon's     camp      at 

(1804-s),  241,  242. 
Bourbon,  Isle  of  (Reunion),  restored 

to  France  (1815),  348. 
Bourdon,      Leonard     Jean     Joseph, 

French  politician  (1758-1816),  147. 
Bourdon    de   Vatry,    Marc  Antoine, 

French    administrator   (1761-1828), 

210. 
Bourges,  federalist  army  proposed  to 

be  formed  at  (1793),  131,132. 
Bournonville,  Pierre  de  Riel,  Comte 

de,     French    general    (1752-1821), 

330. 

Brabant,  Constitution  of,  abolished 
by  the  Emperor  Joseph  (1789),  47. 

Braila,  batde  of  (1810),  281. 

Branicki,  Francis  Xavier,  Polish 
statesman  (ti8i9),  121. 

Braschi,  Giovanni  Angelo.  See  Pius 
VI.,  Pope. 

Breda,  48,  64. 

Breisgau,  the,  granted  to  the  Duke 
of  Modena  (1803),  226  ;  to  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Baden  (1805),  258. 

Bremen,  a  free  city  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  35 ;  retained  its 
independence  (1803),  226;  annexed 
to  Napoleon's  Empire  (1810),  282  : 
one  of  the  four  free  cities  of  the 
Germanic     Confederation     (181 5), 

343- 

Brescia  formed  part  of  the  Cisalpine 
Republic,  192. 

Brest,  blockaded  by  English  fleet, 
184  ;  new  French  lleet  built  at,  by 
Napoleon,  241. 

Brienne.battleof  (29th  Jan.  1814),  319. 

Brigandage  rife  in  France  und(*r  the 
Directory,  181  ;  put  down  by  the 
Consulate,  215  ;  rife  in  Calabria, 
256. 

Brissot,  Jean  Pierre,  French  poli- 
tician (i754-i793),  loi,  106,  107, 
116,  129, 


384 


European  History,  1 789- 1 8 1 5 


Brissotin  section  of  the  Girondin 
party  in  the  Convention,  ii6. 

Brittany,  opposition  to  the  Conven- 
tion in,  131  ;  pacified  by  Hoche, 
180,  181. 

Brixen,  bishopric  of,  united  to  Aus- 
tria (1803),  226. 

Broglie,  Victor  Fran9ois,  Due  de, 
French  general  (1718-1804),  56. 

Bruges,  64. 

Bruix,  Eustache,  French  admiral 
(1759-1805),  196. 

Bruniaire,  coup  (.Vital  of  tlie  i8th 
(1799),  210,  211. 

Brune,  Guillaume  Marie  Anne,  French 
general  (1763-1815),  199,  205,  219, 
254.  356.  App.  iv. 

Brunswick,  Duchy  of,  merged  in  king- 
dom of  Westphalia  (1806),  258  ;  a 
member  of  the  Germanic  Con- 
federation (1815),  342. 

Brunswick-Liineburg,  Duke  of.  See 
Charles  William  Ferdinand. 

Brunswick-Oels,  Duke  of.  See  Fre- 
derick William. 

Brussels,  15,  47,  48,  64,  94,  118,  144. 

Bucharest,  45,  281. 

Buenos  Ayres,  264. 

Bulow,  Frederick  William  von,  Prus- 
sian general  (1755-1816),  309,  312, 
313  ;  detached  to  join  Bliicher  in 
France  (1814),  319,  320,  328. 

Burgos,  battle  of  (10  Nov.  1808),  269  ; 
Wellington  fails  to  take  (1812),  and 
retreats  from,  307. 

Burke,  Edmund,  English  orator 
(1730-97),  120. 

Burrard,  Sir  Harry,  English  general 
(1755-1815),  266. 

Busaco,  battle  of  (27  Sept.  1810), 
296. 

Buttmann,  Philip  Charles,  German 
scholar  (1764-1829),  304. 

Buzot,  Fran9ois  Nicolas  Leonard, 
French  politician  (1760-94),  116. 

Buzotins,  a  section  of  the  Girondins, 
116. 

Cabarrus,  Francois,  Spanish 
statesman  (1752-1810),  21. 

Cadiz,  besieged  by  the  French  (1810- 
12),  296,  297. 

Cadore,  Duke  of.     See  Champagny, 

Cadoudal,  Georges,  Chouan  leader 
(1771-1804),  234,  235. 

Caen,  army  organised  by  the  Giron- 


dins   against    the    Convention     at 

(1793).  131- 
Caillard,    Antoine    Bernard,    French 

diplomatist  (1737-1807),  215. 
Cairo,    taken   by   Bonaparte   (1798), 

195  ;    the    Mamelukes   defeated   at 

(1799),  208  ;  taken  by  the  English 

(1801),  224. 
Caisse  d'amortissement  founded,  287, 

288. 
Calabria,  brigandage  in,  encouraged 

by  the  English,  256. 
Calder,  Sir  Robert,  English  admiral 

(1745-1818),  242. 
Caldiero,    battle  of  (12  Nov.    1796), 

176  ;  battle  of  (30  Oct.  1805),  244. 
Cambaceres,    Jean    Jacques     Regis, 

Duke  of  Parma,  French  statesman 

(1753-1824),  156,  159,  166,  182,  210, 

214,  239,  287,  357. 
Cambon,  Joseph,   French   statesman 

(1754-1820),  129,  133,  288. 
Cambrai,  353. 
Camperdown,  battle  of  (11  Oct.  1797), 

194. 
Campo-Chiaro,  Duke  of,  Neapolitan 

statesman,  338,  346. 
Campo-Formio,    treaty    of  (17    Oct. 

(1797),  192,  193. 
Campomanes,  Don  Pedro  Rodriguez, 

Count  of,  Spanish  statesman  (1723- 

1802),  21. 
Canning,  George,  English  statesman 

(1770- 1 827),  295. 
Cantons  of  Switzerland,  228,  345. 
Cape  of  Good    Hope   taken    by  the 

English   (1805),    264;    retained  by 

them  (1815),  348. 
Capitulations  :  of  Ulm  (1805),    243  ; 

of    Baylen    (1808),    267,    268  ;    of 

Kulm  (1813),  313. 
Capo-d'Istria,   John,    Count,    Greek 

statesman  (1776-1831),  337. 
Carniola   ceded  to  Napoleon  (1809), 

274. 
Carnot,  Lazare   Nicolas  Marguerite, 

French  statesman  (1753-1823),  133, 

134,  140,   148,   165,   177,   181,    191, 

214,  216,  321,  352,  357. 
Caroline,   Marie,   Queen  of  the  Two 

Sicilies  (1752-1814),  23. 
Murat,  Queen  of  Naples  (1782- 

1839),  322,  345. 
Carrier,  Jean  Baptiste,   French  poli- 
tician (1756-1794),  139,  141,  149. 
Cassano,  battle  of  (27  April  1799),  203. 


Index 


385 


Castiglione,  battle  of  (15  Aug.  1796), 

175- 

Duke  of.     See  Augereau. 

Castlereagh,  Robert  Stewart,  Vis- 
count, Marquis  of  Londonderry, 
English  statesman  (1769-1822),  his 
views  on  the  way  to  carry  on  the 
war  with  Napoleon,  295  ;  returns 
to  office  (1812),  301 ;  his  policy  to 
form  a  fresh  coalition,  301,  302  ; 
efforts  to  get  Austria  to  join  (1813), 
311  ;  sends  expedition  to  Holland, 
314 ;  sent  with  full  powers  to 
France  (1814),  318  ;  persists  in  the 
war  and  calls  up  reinforcements  for 
Bliicher,  319,  320;  opposition  to 
the  retention  of  Belgium  by  France, 
324;  signs  treaty  of  Chaumont, 
327 ;  friendship  with  Metternich, 
331  ;  signs  treaty  of  Paris,  332  ; 
one  of  the  two  men  who  did  most 
to  overthrow  Napoleon,  334  ;  Eng- 
lish representative  at  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  (1814),  337;  signs  treaty 
with  France  and  Austria  against 
Russia  and  Prussia,  340 ;  disavows 
Bentinck's  Italian  proclamation, 
346 ;  gets  the  Slave  Trade  con- 
demned, 349;  succeeded  by  Wel- 
lington at  Vienna,  349 ;  opposes 
Prussia's  schemes  for  punishing 
France  (1815),  354  ;  refuses  to  join 
the  Holy  Alliance,  355. 

Catalonia,  144,  150,  151,  275. 

Cathcart,  William  Schaw,  Lord, 
English  general  (1755-1843).  264, 
301,  323,  337. 

Catherine  11.,  Empress  of  Russia 
(1729-96)  a  benevolent  despot,  4  ; 
attitude  to  other  Powers  of  Europe 
(1789),  12, 13  ;  alliance  with  Joseph 
II.,  17  ;  extension  of  Russia  under, 
18  ;  policy  in  Poland,  18  ;  internal 
policy,  19 ;  war  with  the  Turks 
(1789-90I,  43-45  ;  with  the  Swedes 
(1789-90),  45,  46  ;  deprived  of  the 
Austrian  alliance  by  Leopold,  95  ; 
makes  peace  with  Sweden  at  Vcrela 
(1790),  95,  96  ;  with  the  Turks  at 
Jassy  (1792),  96;  attitude  towards 
the  French  Revolution,  109,  121  ; 
invades  Poland  (1793),  ^^^  ■  signs 
second  partition  of  Poland,  122; 
asserts  she  is  fighting  Jacobinism 
in  Poland,  125  ;  invades  Poland 
(1795),  151  ;  extinguishes  indcpen- 

PERiOD  vn. 


dence  of  Poland,  152  ;  receives  the 
Comte  d'Artois,  172;  death  (1796), 
185. 

Catherine,  Grand  Duchess  of  Olden- 
burg, Queen  of  Wtirtemburg  (1788- 
i8iq),  300,  337. 

Princess,  of  Wtirtemburg  (1783- 

1835),  marries  Jerome  Bonaparte, 
King  of  Westphalia  (1807),  258. 

Cattaro,  moutlis  of  the  river,  ceded 
by  Russia  to  France  at  Tilsit  (1807), 
250. 

Caulaincourt,  Armand  Augustin 
Louis  de,  Duke  of  Vicenza,  French 
statesman  (1772-1827),  234,  239, 
311,  316,  317,   323,  324,  329,  331, 

332- 
Cayenne  restored  to  France  (1814), 

348. 
Ceva,  battle  of  (16  April  1796),  174. 
Ceylon,  taken  by  the  English  (1796), 

264  ;  retained  in  1815,  348. 
Chabot,   Fran9ois,  French  politician 

(1759-94).  II7-  ^       ,.  . 

Chalier,  Mane  Joseph,  French  politi- 
cian (1747-93*.  131- 

Chambery,  annexed  to  France  (1814), 
333  ;  restored  to  King  of  Sardinia 

(1815).  354.  ^,    .   ,  „     , 

'Chambre  Introuvable     (1815),  357, 

358- 

Champagny,  Jean  Baptiste  Nomp^re 
de,  Uuke  of  Cadorc,  French  states- 
man (1756-1834),  241. 

Champaubert,  battle  of  (10  Feb. 
1814),  319. 

Champ  de  Mars,  Pans,  massacre  of 
(17  July  1791).  loi. 

Championnet,  Jean  Etienne,  French 
general  (1762-1800),  200,  203,  204. 

Chaptal,  Jean  Antoine,  Comte, 
French  administrator  (1756-1832), 
216,  241. 

Charles  ill.,  King  of  Spain  (1716-88), 
benevolent  dt-spot,  his  reforms,  4, 
21 ;  commenced  his  career  as  a  re- 
forming monarch  at  Naples,  23. 

IV.,  King  of  Spain  (1748-1819), 

21.  77,  79.  193.  126,  157,  183,  223, 
232,  252,  253.  267, 

xiii..  King  of  Sweden,  for- 
merly Duke  of  Sudermania  (1748- 
1818),  46,  no,  120,  171,  253, 
279. 

n. ,    King    of    Etruria   (1799 

1863),  253,  347- 

2  B 


386 


European  History,  1789- 1 815 


Charles  Augustus,  Duke  of  Saxe- 
Weimar  (1757-1828),  38,  337,  342. 

Emmanuel  IV. ,  King  of  Sar- 
dinia (1751-1819),  200. 

Eugene,  Duke  of  Wurtemburg, 

(1728-93),  37,  38. 

Frederick,       Margrave        of 

Baden-Baden  and  Baden  Durlach 
(1728-1811),  37,  79,  167,  180,  225, 
227,  245,  258,  260. 

Louis  Frederick,   Grand  Duke 

of  Baden  (1786-1816),  258,  337,  342. 

Theodore,    Elector  of  Bavaria 

and  Elector  Palatine  (1729-99),  37, 
172,  180. 

William    Ferdinand,    Duke   of 

Brunswick  -  Liineburg,  Prussian 
general  (1735-1806),  32,  113,  114, 
115,  116,  126,  246. 

Archduke,    Austrian     general 

(1771-1847),  elected  Grand  Duke  of 
Belgium  (1790),  94;  commands  the 
Austrian  army  in  Germany  ( 1796), 

177  ;  repulses  Jourdan  and  Moreau, 

178  ;  effect  of  his  success,  180 ; 
commands  Austrian  army  in  the 
Tyrol  (1797),  185;  defeated  by 
Bonaparte,  and  signs  Preliminaries 
of  Leoben,  186  ;  defeats  Jourdan 
(1799),  202  ;  and  advances  to  the 
Rhine,  204  ;  forced  to  retreat,  205  ; 
campaign  against  Moreau  (1800), 
superseded,  219  ;  invades  Italy 
(1805),  243;  defeated  at  Caldiero, 
244  ;  reorganises  Austrian  army, 
271  ;  invades  Bavaria  (1809),  272  ; 
defeated  at  Eckmiihl,  273  ;  fights 
battle  of  Aspern,  273  ;  defeated  at 
Wagram,  274. 

Charter,  the,  of  4  June  1814,  350. 

Chatham,  John  Pitt,  Earl  of,  English 
general  (1756-1820),  276. 

Chatillon,  Congress  of  (1814),  323,  324. 

Chaumette,  Pierre  Gaspard,  French 
politician  (1763-94),  141. 

Chaumont,  treaty  of  (i  March  1814), 
327,  328. 

Chauvelin,  Fran9ois  Bernard,  Mar- 
quis de,  French  politician  (1766- 
1832),  120. 

Cherasco,  armistice  of  (28  April 
1796),  174. 

Chernishev,  Alexander,  Count,  Rus- 
sian general,  308,  312,  313,  337. 

Chestret,  M. ,  elected  burgomaster  of 
Li^ge  (1789),  49. 


Chiaramonti,       Gregorio       Barnaba 

Luigi.     See  Pius  vii. ,  Pope. 
Choczim,  taken  by  the  Austrians  and 

Russians  (1788),  43. 
Choiseul,  Etienne  Fran9ois,  Due  de, 

French  statesman  (1719-85),  made 

the  '  Facte  de  Famille '  with  Spain, 

14. 
Christian    VII.,    King    of   Denmark 

(1749-1808),  32,  46,  171. 
Cintra,  Convention  of  (30  Aug.  1808), 

266. 
Circles,  the  executive  divisions  of  the 

Holy  Roman  Empire,  36;  abolished 

(1803),  225. 
Cisalpine    Republic,    192,    203,    220, 

255- 
Ciudad  Rodrigo,  taken  by  Wellington 

(  Jan.  1812),  306. 
Clancarty,    Richard  Trench,  Earl  of, 

English     diplomatist     (1767-1837), 

337- 
Clarke,    Henri    Jacques    Guillaume, 

Duke    of    Feltre,    French   general 

(1765-1818),  241. 
Claviere,   Etienne,   French   politician 

(1735-93).  41.  114.  125. 

Clement  Wenceslas  of  Saxony,  Arch- 
bishop-Elector of  Treves  in  1789, 
40. 

Clementine  Museum  at  Rome  re-or- 
ganised by  Pope  Pius  vi. ,  24. 

Clerfayt,  Francois  Sebastien  Charles 
Joseph  de  Croix,  Comte  de,  Aus- 
trian general  (1733-98),  88, 150,  172. 

Clichian  party,  182,  187,  188,  189, 
190,  191. 

Club,  Cordeliers.     See  Cordeliers. 

de  Clichy,  182,  187. 

Jacobin.  See  Jacobin. 

of  1789,  lOI. 

Cobenzl,  Count  Louis,  Austrian 
statesman    (1753-1808),     192,    220, 

233.  243.  270. 

Count  Philip,  Austrian  states- 
man (1741-1810),  126. 

Coblentz,  150,  230,  344. 

Coburg,  Frederick  Josias  of  Saxe- 
Coburg-Saalfeld,  Prince  of,  Aus- 
trian general  (1737-1815).  43.  44. 
45,  88,  127,  130,  144. 

Cochon  deLapparent, Charles,  French 
administrator  (1749-1825),  182,  191. 

Cochrane,  Thomas,  Lord,  Earl  of 
Dundonald,  English  admiral 
(1775-1860),  276. 


Index 


387 


Code,  Civil,  bases  of,  laid  by  the 
Convention,  156  ;  Bonaparte's 
commission  to  draw  up,  215. 

Codes  of  law  promulgated  by  Napo- 
leon, 287. 

Colli,  Louis  Leonard  Gaspard  Ve- 
nance,  Baron,  Sardinian  general 
(1760-1811),  174. 

Colloredo,  Count  Jerome,  Prince- 
Archbishop  of  Salzburg  in  1789,  39. 

Collot-d'Herbois,  Jean  RIarie,  French 
politician  (1750-96),  117,  133,  134, 
138,  147,  149,  155. 

Cologne,  Archbishop  of,  an  Elector 
in  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  34. 

archbishopric  of,  excellent- 
ly ruled  in  1789,  40 ;  merged  in 
France,  225 ;  ceded  to  Prussia 
(1815),  344. 

city    of,    a    free    city    of   the 

Holy  Roman  Empire,  35  ;  taken 
by  the  French  (1794),  150;  ceded 
to  Prussia  (1815),  344. 

Committee  of  General  Defence,  127. 

of  General  Security,    135,    136, 

146,  148. 
of  Mercy,  143. 

of     Public    Safety,    the    first 

chosen  (April  1793),  127,  128  ;  its 
work,  132,  133  ;  formation  of  the 
Great,  133  ;  growth  of  its  power, 
134;  its  system  of  government — the 
Reign  of  Terror,  135  ;  its  instru- 
ments— the  Committee  of  General 
Security,  135,  136 ;  the  deputies 
on  mission,  136,  137  ;  laws  of  the 
Suspects  and  the  Maximum,  137; 
the    Revolutionary   Tribunal,    137, 

138  ;     its    power    organised,    138, 

139  ;  its  success,  139-141  ;  opposi- 
tion to,  141-143 ;  overthrows  the 
Hcbertists,  142 ;  the  Dantonists, 
145  ;  its  triumphs  on  land,  143, 
144 ;  failure  at  sea,  144,  145  ; 
Robespierre's  position  in,  146  ;  re- 
newed by  a  quarter  monthly  after 
Robespierre's  fall,  1^8  ;  its  supre- 
macy maintained,  but  its  system 
changed,  148,  149  ;  filled  by  mem- 
bers of  the  Plain,  156. 

Commune  of  Paris  overthrows  the 
monarchy  (Aug.  1792),  115;  its 
energy,  114  ;  insists  on  expulsion 
of  the  Girondins  (June  1793),  129  ; 
becomes  Hcjbertist  and  ojjposes  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety,  141  ; 


becomes  Robespierrist,  and  is  deci- 
mated by  the  Convention,  147. 

Conclusum  of  the  Empire,  how 
arrived  at,  33,  34. 

Concordat  between  the  Pope  and 
Bonaparte  (1802),  229,  230,  277. 

Conde,  taken  by  the  Austrians(i793), 
130. 

Conde,  Louis  Joseph  de  Bourbon, 
Prince  de,  French  general  (1736- 
1818),  106, ,167,  178,  206,  207. 

Condillac,  Etienne  -  Bonnot,  Abbe 
de,  French  philosopher  (1715-80), 

25- 

Conegliano,  Duke  of.     See  Moncey. 

Confederation,  Germanic.  See  Ger- 
manic. 

of  the  Rhine.     See  Rhine. 

of  Switzerland  See  Switzer- 
land. 

of  Targovitsa,  asks  Catherine 

to  intervene  in  Poland  (1795), 
121. 

Conferences:  Erfurt  (1808),  262; 
Pilnitz  (1791),  102;  Reichenbach, 
(1790),  87;  Tilsit  (1807),  249, 
250. 

Congresses:  Chatillon  (1814),  323, 
324 ;  the  Hague  (1799),  93>  94  ; 
Prague (1813),  311  ;  Rastadt  (1798), 
186,  192,  202;  Reichenbach  (1790), 
87  ;  Sistova  (1790),  88 ;  Vienna 
(1814-15),  336-350. 

Consalvi,  Hercules,  Cardinal,  Italian 
statesman  (1757-1824),  277,  337. 

Conscription,  established  in  France 
(1798),  201  ;  in  Germany,  289. 

Constance,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesi- 
astical Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  34. 

bishopric      of,      merged      in 

Grand  Duchy  of  Baden  (1803), 
227. 

city    of,    taken    by    Masscna 

(1799),  205, 

Constantine,  Grand  Duke,  brother  of 
the  Emperor  Alexander  (1779-1 831), 
312,  337. 

Constantinople,  great  riot  at  (1807), 
281. 

Coijstituent  Assembly :  the  Tiers 
Etat  declares  itself  the  National 
Assembly  (June  1789),  53;  oath  of 
the  Tennis  Court,  and  Siiance 
Royale,  54  ;  session  of  4  August, 
60 ;     makes    the    Constitution    of 


388 


European  History,  17 89-181 5 


1791,  68-73;  authority  passed  to, 
97  ;  discredited  the  executive,  98  ; 
dissolved  (1791),  105. 

Constitution,  the  French,  of  1791, 
68-73 ;  revised,  loi  ;  completed, 
103  ;  compared  with  the  Polish  of 
T791,  104,  105  ;  its  local  arrange- 
ments confirmed  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Year  in.,  162. 

the  French,  of  1793,    132,   138, 

141. 

the  French,    of    the    Year   III. 

(1795),  156,  159,  160,  161,  162. 

the  French,  of  the  Year  viii. 

(1799),  212-214 ;  the  Consulate, 
213  ;  the  Legislature,  214,  215. 

the    French,    of    the    Empire 

(1805),  240. 

the   French,    promised   by   the 

Charter  (1814),  350. 

the   Polish,  of  1791,  104,    105 ; 

abrogated,  122. 

Consulate,  the,  in  France,  213. 

Consuls,  the  (1799-1804),  Bonaparte, 
Cambaceres,  Le  Brun,  214. 

the  Provisional  (1799),  Bona- 
parte, Sieyes,  Roger  Ducos,  211. 

Continental  Blockade  against  Eng- 
land, 250,  251,  255,  261,  282, 
300,  301. 

Convention,  National,  116,  117,  118, 
119,- 120,  127,  132,  134,  147,  i,s5. 
163,  164,  165,  166. 

Conventions:  Alexandria  (1800), 
218;  Alkmaar  (1799),  205;  Cintra 
(1808),  268;  Leoben  (1797),  186; 
Reichenbach  (1790),  87,  88  ;  Tau- 
roggen  (1812),  308. 

Copenhagen,  battle  of  (2  April  1801), 
222  ;  bomlDarded  and  the  Danish 
fleet  seized  by  the  English  (1807), 
252. 

Cordeliers  Club  at  Paris,  loi, 
141. 

Corfu,  occupied  by  the  French  (1797), 
192.     See  Ionian  Islands. 

Cornwallis,  Charles,  Marquis,  English 
general  (1738-1805),  197. 

Corsica,  ceded  to  France  by  Genoa 
(1768),  27;  occupied  by  the  English 
(1793),  145;  abandoned  by  them 
(1796),  183. 

Corunna,  battle  of  (16  Jan.  1809), 
270. 

Corvde,  or  forced  labour,  5,  6,  16. 

Council   of  Ancients,  established   in 


France  (1795),   161,    162,  189,  190, 

209,  210,  211. 
Council  of  Five  Hundred,  estabhshed 

in  France  (1795),     161,    162,    182, 

189,  190,  209,  210,  211. 
of  State,  established  in  France 

under  the  Consulate  (1799),   213, 

231,  240. 
Cotirt,    Napoleon's,   238,    239,    285, 

286. 
Couthon,  Georges  Auguste,  French 

politician      (1756-94),      133,      135, 

147. 
Cracow,    university   of,    reorganised, 

104  ;  Kosciuszko  raises  standard  of 

Polish  independence  at  (1794),  151 ; 

given  to  Austria  at  third  partition 

of  Poland  (1795),    152;    joined  to 

Grand   Duchy  of  Warsaw  (1809), 

274  ;  given  to  Austria  as  a  free  city 

(1815),  342. 
Cradock,    Sir    John    Francis,    Lord 

Howden,    English    general    (1762- 

1839),  269,  275. 
Craonne,  battle    of   (7  March  1814), 

328. 
Croatia  ceded   to  Napoleon  (1809), 

274. 
Cuesta,  Don  Gregorio  Garcia  de  la, 

Spanish  general   (1740-1812),   267, 

27s,  276. 
Curapao,    restored    to    Holland    by 

England  (1815),  348. 
Custine,  Adam   Philippe,  Comte  de, 

French  general  (1740-Q3),  118,  138. 
Czartoryski,    Prince   Adam    George, 

Polish  statesman  (1770-1865),  337, 

339- 


Dalberg,  Charles  Theodore  de, 
German  prelate  (1744-1817),  Co- 
adjutor-Archbishop-Electorof  May- 
ence  in  1789,  39  ;  retained  as  Arch- 
Chancellor  of  the  Empire  with  new 
territory  (1803),  225  ;  Grand  Duke 
of  Frankfort  ( 1806),  259  ;  received 
Fulda  and  Hanau  and  became 
Prince  Primate  of  the  Confedera- 
tion of  the  Rhine,  260 ;  suggested 
that  Napoleon  should  be  Emperor 
of  Germany,  302  ;  lost  his  terri- 
torial sovereignty  (1815),  343. 

Emeric     Joseph,      l3uc      de, 

French  statesman  (1773-1833), 
330.  338- 


Index 


389 


Dalmatia,  belonged  to  Venice  in  17S9, 
27;  ceded  to  Austria  (1797),  192; 
annexed  by  Napoleon  (1805),  245. 
See  Illyrian  Provinces. 

Duke  of.     5V«  Soult. 

Dalrymple,  Sir  Hew  Whiteford, 
English  general  (1750-1830),  266. 

Danton,  George  Jacques,  French 
statesman  (1759-94),  loi,  107,  114, 
117,  120,  127,  129,  133,  134,  135, 
136,  142,  143. 

Dantzic  promised  to  Prussia  by  the 
treaty  of  Warsaw,  85  ;  the  Poles 
refuse  to  surrender,  87 ;  given  to 
Prussia  at  second  partition  of  Po- 
land (1793),  122;  besieged  and 
taken  by  the  French  (1806),  247, 
248 ;  French  garrison  left  in  1812, 
308  ;  besieged  (1812-14),  V-9- 

Duke  of.     See  Lefebvre. 

Danubian  Principalities,  the,  pro- 
mised to  Alexander  by  Napoleon 
(1807),  250. 

Dardanelles,  the,  forced  by  an  English 
fleet  (1807),  280. 

Daru,  Pierre  Antoine  Noel  Bruno, 
Comtc,  French  administrator  (1767- 
1829),  241. 

Daunou,  Pierre  Claude  Francois, 
French  politician  (1761-1840),  156. 

Dauphine,  influence  of  the  Assenilaly 
in  (1788),  on  the  elections  to  the 
States-General  in  France,  51. 

David,  Jacques  Louis,  French  painter 
(1748-1825),  357. 

Davout,  Louis  Nicolas,  Duke  of 
Auerstadt,  Prince  of  Eckmiihl, 
French  general  (1770-1823),  247, 
272,  319,  320,  App.  iv. 

Dcbry,  Jean  Antoine,  French  poli- 
tician (1760-1834),  202. 

Declaration  of  the  Rights  of  Man 
(1789).  60. 

of  Saint-Ouen  (1814),  332,  333. 

Decrcs,  Denis,  Duke,  French  admiral 
(1761-1820),  216,  240. 

Defermon,  Joseph,  Comte,  French 
administrator  (1756-1831),  240. 

Dcgo,  battle  of  (15  April  1796),  174. 

Delacroix,  Charles,  French  politician 
(1740-1805),  166,  189,  190. 

Demarcation,  line  of,  protecting 
Northern  Germany,  agreed  to  at 
treaty  of  Basle  between  France  and 
Prussia  (1795),  157;  its  effect  on 
the  position  of  Prussia,  170 ;  pro- 


posal to  extend  (1796),  179;  vio- 
lated by  the  occupation  of  Hanover 
(1804),  242;  this  violation  leads 
Prussia  to  prepare  for  war,  246. 

Denmark,  under  Russian  influence 
in  1789,  13 ;  its  prosperity  and  re- 
forms, 32  ;  the  king  a  member  of 
the  Holy  Roman  Empire  as  Duke 
of  Holstein,  34;  attacks  Sweden 
(1788),  but  forced  to  make  peace, 
46 ;  remains  neutral  during  the 
general  war  with  France,  120,  124, 
171 ;  joins  League  of  the  North 
and  is  attacked  by  England  (1801), 
222;  Copenhagen  bombarded  and 
the  Danish  fleet  seized  by  England 
(1807),  254;  Sweden  declares  war 
against  (1808),  279;  a  faithful  ally 
of  Napoleon,  302  ;  invaded  by  Ber- 
nadotte  and  forced  to  exchange 
Norway  for  Swedish  Pomerania 
(1814),  320;  gets  the  Duchy  of 
Lauenburg  for  Swedish  Pomerania 
(1815),  347;  cedes  Heligoland  to 
England  (1815),  348. 

Dennewitz,  battle  of  (6  Sept.   1813), 

313- 

Deputies  of  the  Convention  sent  on 
mission,  128  ;  put  down  the  Giron- 
din  movement,  131  ;  an  instrument 
of  the  Keign  of  Terror  ;  their  work 
— in  the  provinces,  136;  with  the 
armies,  136,  137. 

Desaix,  Louis  Charles  Antoine, 
French  general  (1768-1800),  178, 
208,  219. 

Desmoulins,  Camille,  French  poli- 
tician (1762-94),  56,  133,  142,  143. 

Despots,  the  benevolent,  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  4,  5  ;  the  Emperor 
Joseph  II.,  15,  16;  the  Empress 
Catherine  of  Russia,  19;  Charles 
III.  of  Spain,  21 ;  Leopold  of  Tus- 
cany, 24;  Ferdinand  of  Parma,  25; 
Frederick  the  Great  of  Prussia,  29; 
Gustavus  III.  of  Sweden,  33;  Charles 
Theodore  of  IJavaria  and  Charles 
Frederick  of  Baden ,  37. 

Deux-Ponts  (Zwcibriicken),  duchy  of, 
38,  79;  merged  in  France  (1803), 
227. 

Diderot,  Denis,  French  philosopher 
(1713-84),  4,  9,  19 

Diet,  the  Imperial,  of  the  Holy 
Roman  ICmpirc  (Reichstag),  33, 
35- 


390 


European  History,  17  89-181 5 


Diet,  the,  of  the  Confederation  of  the 
Rhine  (1806),  260. 

the,  of  the  Germanic  Confedera- 
tion (1815),  343. 

Dignitaries,  the  Grand,  of  Napoleon's 
Empire,  239. 

Dillon,  Arthur,  French  general  (1750- 

94).  115- 

Theobald,  French  general  (1743- 

92),  III. 

Directors,  the,  of  the  French  Republic 
(1795-99):  elected  Oct.  1795,  Barras, 
Carnot,  Letourneur,  Revelliere- 
Lepeaux,  Reubell,  165,  166 ;  May 
1797,  Barthelemy  succeeds  Letour- 
neur, 188  ;  Sept.  1797,  Francois  de 
Neufchateau  and  Merlin  of  Douai 
succeed  Barthelemy  and  Carnot, 
191 ;  May  1798,  Treilhard  succeeds 
Fran9ois  de  Neufchateau,  195 ; 
May  1799,  Sieyes  succeeds  Reubell, 
209;  June  1799,  Ducos,  Gohier, 
and  Moulin  succeed  Merlin  of 
Douai,  ReveUiere-Lepeaux,  and 
Treilhard,  211. 

Directory,  the,  its  functions  as  estab- 
lished by  the  Constitution  of  the 
Year  III.,  160,  161;  foreign  policy 
left  to  Reubell,  169,  179 ;  military 
affairs  to  Carnot,  177 ;  its  internal 
policy,  180,  181 ;  struggle  with  the 
Clichians,  189,  190 ;  coup  d'itat  of 
Fructidor  1797,  191  ;  interferes  in 
the  elections  of  1798  to  the  Legis- 
lature, 196;  its  weakness  (1799), 
209  ;  struggle  with  the  Legislature 
(1799),  209;  abolished  18  Brumaire 
(1799),  211. 

Dombrovvski,  John  Henry,  Polish 
general  (1755-1818),  206. 

'  Dotations,'  286. 

Dresden,  battle  of  (27  Aug.  1813), 
312. 

Drouet,  Jean  Baptiste,  French  poli- 
tician (1763-1824),  168. 

Dubienka,  battle  of  (17  July  1792), 
122. 

Dubitza  taken  by  the  Austrians  ( 1788), 

43- 

Dubois-Crance,  Edmond  Louis  Alexis, 
French  politician  (1747-1814),  210. 

Duckworth,  Sir  John  Thomas,  Eng- 
lish admiral  {1747-1817),  280. 

Ducos,  Roger,  French  politician (1754- 
1816),  209,  211. 

Dugommier,  Jean  Fran9ois  Coquille, 


French  general  (1721-94),  140,  144, 

150,  151. 
Dumont,    Andre,    French    politician 

(1764-1836),  139. 
Dumouriez,  Charles  Francois,  French 

general  (1739-1823),  no,  in,   112, 

114,  115,   116,   118,   119,   120,   126, 

127. 
Duncan,    Adam,    Viscount,     English 

admiral  (1731-1804),  193,  194. 
Dunkirk    besieged   by   the   Duke   of 

(1793),  130;  relieved  by  Houchard, 

140. 
'  Duodecimo  duchies '  of  Germany  in 

1789,  40. 
Duphot,    Leonard,    French    general 

(1770-97),  200. 
Dupont  de  I'Etang,   Pierre,   Comte, 

French    general    (1765-1838),    267, 

268,  331. 
Dufort,     AnK^dee     Bretagne     Male, 

Comte  de,  French  courtier  (1770- 

1836),  99. 
Duroc,    Geraud   Christophe   Michel, 

Duke    of    Friuli,    French    general 

(1772-1813),  217,  234,  239. 
DUsseldorf,  37,  172,  259. 

Ecclesiastical  princes  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  34,  39,  40 ;  their 
states  secularised  (1803),  170. 

Eckmiihl,  battle  of  (22  April  1S09), 

273- 

Prince  of.     Sec  Davout. 

Education,  national  system  estab- 
lished before  1789  in  Spain,  21;  in 
Portugal,  22  ;  in  Tuscany,  24  ;  in 
Parma,  25  ;  in  Lombardy,  26  ;  in 
Denmark,  32 ;  in  Baden,  37  ;  at- 
tempted in  Poland,  104 ;  reforms 
in,  attempted  by  the  Convention  in 
France,  156  ;  Bonaparte's  scheme 
of,  231 ;  Napoleon's  system  of, 
258 ;  established  in  Prussia  by 
Humboldt,  303,  304. 

Egypt,  conquered  by  Bonaparte 
(1798),  195;  his  administration  of, 
and  reconquest  (1799),  208  ;  French 
expelled  from,  by  the  English 
(1801),  224;  failure  of  English  ex- 
pedition to  (1808),  264. 

Ehrenbreitstein,  fortress,  taken  by 
Marceau  (179s),  172. 

Elba,  declared  a  French  island,  230  ; 
granted  to  Napoleon  (1814),  332; 
his  escape  from  (1815),  349,  351. 


Index 


191 


Elchingen,battleof(2oOct.  1805),  244. 

Duke  of.     See  Ney. 

Elections,  the,  to  the  States-General 
in  France  (1789),  50,  51. 

Electors,  the  eight,  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire  in  1789,  34 ;  the 
ten  established  in  1803,  225. 

Elizabeth,  Madame,  sister  of  Louis 
XVI.  (1764-94),  61,  68. 

Elliot,  Hugh,  English  diplomatist 
(1752-1830),  78. 

Elsinore,  batteries  at,  passed  by  the 
English  fleet  (1801),  222. 

Elten,  abbey  of,  merged  in  Prussia 
(1803),  227;  and  again  (1815),  344. 

Elwangen,  the  Abbot  of,  an  ecclesi- 
astical Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  34. 

Emigres,  Belgian,  strong  measures 
taken  against  (1789),  48. 

French,  59,  63,  81,  97,  106,  108, 

109,  113,  137,  154,  166,  167,  169, 
172,  188.  214,  215,  351,  357.  358. 
See  Conde. 

Emperor  of  the  French,  Napoleon  de- 
clares himself  (1804),  236  ;  refuses 
to  be  Emperor  of  Germany,  302. 

Holy  Roman,  position  of,   34  ; 

1-Vancis  II.  abandons  the  title  ot 
(1804),  236.  See  Francis  II., 
Joseph  II.,  Leopold  11. 

Empire,  Holy  Roman,  17,  33-36,  79- 
80,  108,  121,  193,  225-227. 

Napoleon's,  its    establishment, 

237,  233 ;  Grand  Dignitaries  of, 
239 ;  institutions  and  adminis- 
trative system,  240;  greatest  ex- 
tension of  (1810),  282,  283. 

Engen,  battle  of  (3  May  1800),  219. 

Enghien,  Louis  Antoine  Henri  de 
Bourbon,  Due  d'  (1722- 1804),  shot 
at  Vincennes,  235. 

England,  condition  of,  8;  Member  of 
the  Triple  Alliance,  13,  32  ;  alliance 
with  Portugal,  21  ;  condition  in 
1789.  27,  28  ;  looks  favourably  on 
the  French  Revolution,  63  ;  the  affair 
of  Nootka  Sound,  77,  78  ;  the  Em- 
peror Leopold  appeals  to,  86  ;  atti- 
tude towards  the  French  Republic, 
120 ;  France  declares  war  against 
(1793),  120  ;  paymaster  of  the  coali- 
tion against  France,  125,  126  ;  oc- 
cupies Toulon,  139  ;  and  Corsica, 
145  ;  withdrew  subsidies  from  Prus- 
sia, 153 ;  national  feeling  in,  against 


France,  154;  supported  the  French 
imigrds,  154,  166,  167;  did  not  wish 
for  peace  with  France,  169  ;  Spain 
declares  war  against,  183  ;  at- 
tempts at  peace,  184,  190  ;  block- 
ades and  defeats  the  Dutch  fleet, 
193,  194  ;  takes  Minorca  and  Malta, 
195  ;  forms  the  second  coalition, 
197  ;  Bonaparte  attacks  her  com- 
merce through  the  Neutral  League 
of  the  North,  222  ;  drives  the 
French  out  of  Egypt,  224 ;  the 
Peace  of  Amiens,  225  ;  recom- 
mencement of  the  war  with  France, 
233  ;  Napoleon's  project  of  invad- 
ing, 241,  242  ;  forms  the  third 
coalition,  243  ;  the  Continental 
Blockade  against  and  its  effect, 
251 ;  seizes  the  Danish  fleet,  252  ; 
decides  to  actively  intervene  on  the 
Continent,  263,  295  ;  hitherto  con- 
tented with  taking  colonies  and 
detached  expeditions,  264 ;  sends 
an  army  to  Portugal,  265,  266 ; 
promises  subsidies  to  Austria 
(1809),  271;  the  Walcheren  Expedi- 
tion, 276  ;  Castlereagh's  and  Can- 
ning's theories,  295  ;  forms  fresh 
coalition,  301,  302  ;  greatness  of 
her  share  in  overthrowing  Napo- 
leon, 334  ;  colonial  gains  made  at 
the  Congress  of  Vienna,  348  ;  in- 
sists on  abolition  of  the  Slave 
Trade,  348,  349 ;  refuses  to  join 
the  Holy  Alliance,  355.  See  Castle- 
reagh,  Pitt. 

Erfurt,  bishopric  of,  merged  in  Prus- 
sia (1803),  227. 

conference  at  (1808),  262. 

Erthal,  Baron  Francis  Louis  of, 
Prince-Bishop  of  Bamberg  and 
Wiirtzburg  in  1789,  39. 

Baron     Frederick    Charles    of, 

ArcViliishop-Elector  of  Mayence 
and  Prince-Bishop  of  Worms  in 
1789,  39. 

Espinosa,  battle  of  ( 1 1  Nov.  1808),  269. 
Essen,  abbey  of,  merged  in  Prussia 

(1803),  227. 
Essling  or  Aspern,  battle  of  {21,  22 

May  1809),  273. 

Prince  of     See  Massena. 

Esterhazy,   Nicholas  Joseph,  Prince 

(1714-90),  91. 
Etruria,  kingdom  of,  220,  253.     Su 
Louis. 


392 


European  History,  1789-1815 


Ettliiigen,  battle  of  (June  1796),  178. 
Eugene  de   Beauharnais,  Viceroy  of 

Italy.     See  Beauharnais. 
Evvart,  Joseph,    English    diplomatist 

(1760-92),     English     representative 

at   the   Congress   of    Reichenbach 

(1790),  87. 
Eylau,  battle  of  (8  Feb.  1807),  248. 

Fabry,  M.,  elected  burgomaster  of 

LiiJge  (1789),  49. 
Famars,  battle  of  (24  May  1793),  130. 
Faypoult,  Guillaume  Charles,  French 

administrator  (1752-1817),  166,  182. 
Felino,  Marquis  of.     See  Tillot. 
Feltre,  Duke  of.     See  Clarke. 
F6raud,  Jean,  French  politician  (1764- 

1795),  killed  in  rising  of  i  Prairial, 

I5S- 
Ferdinand,  VII.,  King  of  Spain  (1784- 
1833),  267,  358. 

IV.,   King  of    the  Two  Sicilies 

(1751-1825),  23.  120,  121,  171,  200, 
203,  256,  264,  346,  359. 

III.,  Grand  Duke  of  Tus- 
cany, second  son  of  the  Emperor 
Leopold  (1769-1824),  83,  120,  157, 
171,  200,  206,  220,  225,  226,  260, 

347- 

Duke  of  Parma  and  Piacenza, 

25.  174.  175- 

Archduke,  third   son   of  Maria 

Theresa  (1754-1806),  26. 

Ferrara,  Legation  of,  belonged  to  the 
Pope  in  1789,  24 ;  occupied  by 
Bonaparte  (1796),  175  ;  part  of  the 
Cisalpine  Republic  (1797),  192;  of 
the  kingdom  of  Italy  (1805),  255  ; 
restored  to  the  Pope  (1815),  347. 

Ferrari,  Raphael  di,  Doge  of  Genoa 
in  1789,  27. 

Fersen,  Axel,  Count  (1759-1810),  152. 

Fesch,  Joseph,  uncle  of  Napoleon 
(1763-1839),  239,  277. 

Feudalism,  3,  6,  8,  28,  60,  199,  256, 
259,  288,  289,  290,  297,  303,  361. 

Fichte,  John  Theophilus,  German 
philosopher  (1762-1814),  304. 

Figueras,  battle  of  (20  Nov.  1794), 
150,  151. 

Filangieri,  Gaetano,  Neapolitan  poli- 
tical writer  (1752-88),  23. 

Finance,  Napoleon's  system  of,  287, 
288. 

Finland,  belonged  to  Sweden  (1789), 
32 ;  campaigns  of  Gustavu,s  in.  in 


1788,  45,  46  ;  (1790),  95;  conquered 
by  the  Emperor  Alexander  (1808), 
250,  254,  279  ;  ceded  to  Russia  by 
Bernadotte  in  exchange  for  Nor- 
way (1812),  302. 

Firmian,  Charles  Joseph,  Count, 
Austrian  statesman  (1716-82),  26. 

Fitzherbert,  Alleyne,  Lord  St. 
Helens,  Enghsh  diplomatist  (1753- 
1839),  78. 

Five  Hundred,  Council  of.  See 
Council. 

Flanders,  the  Estates  of,  declare 
their  independence  of  Austria 
(1789),  64. 

Flesselles,  Jacques  de,  French  ad- 
ministrator (1721-89),  58. 

Fleurus,  battle  of  (26  June  1794),  i44- 

Florence,  200,  2S3.     See  Tuscany. 

Florida  Blanca,  Joseph  Monino, 
Count  of,  Spanish  statesman  (1728- 
1809),  21,  'JT,  78. 

Flushing  taken  by  the  English  (1809), 
276. 

Foksany,  battle  of  (31  July  1789),  45. 

Foligno,  armistice  of,  between  the 
Pope  and  Bonaparte  (1796),  175. 

Fontainebleau,  treaty  of  (1808),  252, 
253  ;  Pope  Pius  VII.  taken  to,  278  ; 
Napoleon  abdicates  at  (1814),  331. 

Fontanes,  Louis  de,  Fi'ench  writer 
(1757-1821),  288. 

Forfait,  Pierre  Alexandre  Laurent, 
French  administrator  (1752-1807), 
216. 

Fouche,  Joseph,  Duke  of  Otranto, 
French  politician  (1763-1820),  210, 
216,  241,  357. 

Foullon  de  Uoue,  Joseph  Fran9ois, 
French  administrator  (1715-89),  59. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  English  states- 
man (1749-1806),  245,  247,  264. 

France,  serfdom  and  feudalism  practic- 
ally extinct,  6  ;  why  the  Revolution 
broke  out,  8  ;  position  in  1789,  19, 
20  ;  elections  to  the  States-General 
(1789),  49,  51  ;  result  of  the  capture 
of  the  Baslille  in  (July  1789),  59, 
60  ;  divided  into  departments,  68, 
69  ;  state  of,  in  1791,  98  ;  effect  of 
the  flight  to  Varennes  on,  loi,  102; 
wishes  for  war,  107  ;  exasperated 
by  Brunswick's  proclamation,  113  ; 
invaded  (1792),  114;  (1793),  130; 
opposition  to  the  Convention 
(1793),    131,    132;    submits   to  the 


Index 


393 


Reign  of  Terror,    141  ;   becomes  a 
vast  arsenal,  143  ;  alter  the  victory 
of  Fleurus  rejects  the  Terror,  148  ; 
detests  the  Convention  because  of 
the  Terror  (1795),  163;   but  would 
not  rise  against  it,    164 ;    internal 
peace  established  (1796),  180  ;  state 
of  (1796),   181  ;    acquiesced  in  the 
cottp  d'ilat  of  Fructidor  (1797),  191  ; 
state  of  (1798),  weary  of  politics, 
196 ;     welcomed    Bonaparte's    re- 
turn  (1799),    210;    pacified  under 
the  Consulate,   215 ;    organisation 
into  prefectures,  230  ;  popularity  of 
Bonaparte  in  (1802),  231;  enthusias- 
tically welcomes  the  Empire,  237  ; 
conduct    to    the     Pope    damaged 
Napoleon's    popularity    in,    278 ; 
Napoleon's  autocratic  rule  in,  abo- 
lition of  individual  liberty  and  re- 
presentative  institutions,   284 ;   in- 
disposed   to     support     Napoleon 
(1813),  315;    would  not  rise  to  de- 
fend France  in    1814   as   in    1793, 
322  ;  weary  of  the  military  policy  of 
Napoleon  and  physically  exhausted , 
324-326  ;    reduced   to  its  limits  of 
1792,  333;    distrusts  Louis  xviii., 
351  ;     welcomes    Napoleon    back 
(1815),   351,  352;    difference  of  its 
attitude  in   1814   and    1815,    353, 
354  ;    reduced  to  its  limits  of  1789, 
354 ;     reactionary    government   of 
Louis  XVIII.,  357,  358. 
Francis  II.,    Holy  Roman  Emperor, 
I.  Emperor  of  Austria  (1768-1835), 
succeeded      his      father     Leopold 
(1792),   no;   elected  and  crowned 
Emperor,  112  ;   war  with  France, 
112,  113  ;  loses  Belgium,  n8:  re- 
garded himself  as  duped  by  being 
left    out    of    second    partition     of 
Poland  (1793),  122  ;  makes  Thugut 
his    Foreign     Minister,     126;     his 
armies   invade   France,    130,    139 ; 
repulsed,    140 ;     receives     Cracow 
and  rest  of  Galicia  at  final  partition 
of  Poland  (1795),  152;  change  in 
his  attitude  towards    France,    153, 
154 ;    exchanges  French   prisoners 
for  Madame  Royalc,  168  ;  appealed 
to  his  people's  patriotism   against 
Bonaparte  (1796),  176  ;  signs  Con- 
vention   of    Leoben    (1797),    186; 
and  treaty  of  Campo-Formio  (1797), 
192  ;    again  prepares  for  war  with 


France  (1798),  197,  201  ;  was  more 
afraid  of  Russia  than  France,  206  ; 
signs  treaty  of  Luneville  and  dis- 
misses Thugut  (1801),  220;  de- 
clares himself  Emperor  of  Austria 
(1804),  236  ;  forms  coalition  with 
Russia  and  England,  and  invades 
Italy  and  Bavaria  (1805),  243  ;  signs 
treaty  of  Pressburg,  245  ;  prepares 
for  a  fresh  war,  and  tries  to  rouse 
a  national  German  spirit,  270,  271; 
invades  Italy  and  Bavaria  (1809), 
272  ;  makes  treaty  of  Vienna,  and 
dismisses  Stadion,  274 ;  appoints 
Metternich  State-Chancellor,  275 ; 
gives  his  daughter  Marie  Louise  to 
Napoleon,  294 ;  invades  Russia  as 
Napoleon's  ally  (1812),  303;  at- 
tempts to  mediate  between  Napo- 
leon and  the  allies,  310 ;  declares 
war  against  Napoleon  (1813),  311  ; 
does  not  want  to  overthrow  Napo- 
leon (1814),  316,  317,  324 ;  signs 
treaty  of  Chaumont,  327  ;  inclined 
to  side  with  England  against  Russia 
and  Prussia,  334  ;  receives  the  al- 
lied monarchs  at  Vienna  (1814), 
337  ;  signs  secret  treaty  with  Eng- 
land and  France  (3  Jan.  1815), 
340  ;  obtains  the  duchy  of  Parma 
for  his  daughter  Marie  Louise,  346, 
347  ;  joins  the  Holy  Alliance,  355  ; 
greatly  weakened  actually  if  not 
territorially    by    the    great    war, 

359- 

Francis  IV.,  of  Este,  grandson  of 
Hercules  in.,  Duke  of  Modena 
(1779-1846),  347- 

Prince,  of  Prussia,  (1797),  189. 

Fran9ois  de  Neufchatcau,  Nicolas, 
Comte,  French  politician  (1750- 
1828),  190,  191,  195,  196. 

Franconia  invaded  byjourdan  (1796), 
177,  178  ;  by  Napoleon  (1805),  244. 

Frankcnberg,  Cardinal,  Archbishop 
of  Malines,  47,  65. 

P"rankfort-on-the-Main,  a  free  city 
of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  35 ; 
Leopold  crowned  Emperor  at 
(1790),  89;  Francis  crowned  Em- 
peror at  (1792),  112;  held  to  ran- 
som by  Custine  (1792),  118  ;  taken 
by  Jourdan(i796),  177  ;  maintained 
as  a  free  city  (1803),  226  ;  the  Pro- 
posals of(i8i3),  316;  maintained 
as  a  free  city  and  member  of  the 


394 


European  History,  1789-1815 


Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 
343. 

Frankfort,  Grand  Duchy  of,  created 
(1806),  259,  260. 

Frederick  11.,  King  of  Prussia,  'the 
Great  '  (1712-86),  typical  benevo- 
lent despot,  4,  29  ;  decay  of  Prussia 
after  his  reign,  5  ;  opposed  Austrian 
scheme  of  exchanging  Belgium  for 
Bavaria,  16,  17  ;  Joseph's  admira- 
tion for,  17;  suggested  the  partition 
of  Poland,  18  ;  his  pohcy,  30. 

VI.,  King  of  Denmark    (1768- 

1839),  32,  302,  320,  337,  347- 

I.,     Duke,      afterwards    King, 

of  Wiirtemburg   (1754-1816),    225, 

245-  258,  347- 

Augustus  I.,  Elector,  after- 
wards King,  of  Saxony  (1750-1827), 
38,  179,  250,  259,  261,  274,  341. 

Eugene,   Duke  of  Wiirtemburg 

(t  1797).  180.  c    r.         ■ 

William    II.,    Kmg   of   Pnissia 

(1744-97),  his  character  and  policy 
30,  31 ;  intrigues  with  the  Turks 
against  Austria,  45 ;  encourages 
the  Belgian  patriots,  48,  64;  occu- 
pies Liege,  63  ;  sends  help  to  the 
Belgians,  65  ;  makes  treaty  with 
the  Poles,  85 ;  intrigues  against 
Austria,  85,  86;  makes  Convention 
of  Reichenbach  (1790),  87;  won 
over  by  Leopold,  88 ;  signs  De- 
claration of  Pilnitz  with  Leopold, 
105;  and  treaty  with  Leopold,  109; 
refuses  to  break  with  Austria,  iii  ; 
directed  the  policy  of  the  Emperor 
Francis  (1792),  112;  orders  retreat 
from  France,  116  ;  invades  Poland 
and  signs  second  partition  (1793), 
122;  makes  Haugwitz  his  minister, 
126;  driven  from  Warsaw  (1794). 
151  ;  receives  Warsaw  in  final  par- 
tition of  Poland  (1795),  152  ;  yields 
to  the  anti-Austrian  party  at  his 
Court,  and  becomes  slack  in  the 
war  against  France,  153;  signs 
treaty  of  Basle  with  France  (1795). 
157  ;  refuses  to  make  alliance  with 
FVance  (1796),  170;  signs  secret 
supplement  to  the  treaty  of  Basle, 
179;  death,  197. 

Frederick  WiUiam  ill. ,  King  of  Prussia 
(1770-1840),  accession  (1797),  197; 
insists  on  strict  neutrahty,  197 ; 
attitude    in    1799,    206  ;     admires 


Bonaparte,  but  refuses  to  make 
alliance  with  him,  217 ;  his  terri- 
torial accessions  (1803),  227;  per- 
sists in  his  neutrality,  234,  242 ; 
inclines  to  war  (1805),  246  ;  utterly 
defeated  by  Napoleon  at  Jena,  247 ; 
signs  treaty  of  Bartenstein  with 
Russia,  248  ;  spared  by  Napoleon 
on  the  intercession  of  Alexander, 
250  ;  summoned  Stein  and  Scharn- 
horst  to  office,  290 ;  forced  to  dis- 
miss Stein,  301 ;  obliged  to  sign 
alliance  with  Napoleon  (1812),  304; 
calls  out  the  Landvvehr  and  declare 
war  against  Napoleon  (1813),  308  ; 
desires  to  be  revenged  on  France, 
317;  enters  Paris  (1814),  329;  his 
intimacy  WMth  the  Emperor  Ale.x- 
ander,  334  ;  present  at  the  Congress 
of  Vienna,  337 ;  desires  the  whole 
of  Saxony,  339,  340  ;  gets  a  portion 
only,  341 ;  with  part  of  Poland,  but 
not  Warsaw,  342  ;  and  Rhenish 
Prussia,  344 ;  joins  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance, 355. 

Frederick  William,  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick-Oels  (1771-1815),  293,  337. 

Free  Cities  of  the  Holy  Roman  Em- 
pire in  1789,  their  College  in  the 
Diet,  34,  35  ;  reduced  to  six  (1803), 
226  ;  reduced  to  four  (1815),  343. 

Freisingen,  bishopric  of,  merged  in 
Bavaria  (1803),  227. 

Frcjus,  Napoleon  landed  at,  on  his 
return  from  Egypt  (1799)  209. 

French  philosophers  of  the  i8th 
century  contrasted  with  the  Ger- 
man, 9. 

Freron,  Louis  Stanislas,  French 
politician  (1765-1802),  147,  155, 
182. 

Fribourg,  canton  of  Switzerland, 
228. 

Friedland,  battle  of  (14  June  1807), 
249. 

Friuli,  Duke  of.     See  Duroc. 

Fructidor,  coup  d'etat  of  i8th  (4th 
Sept.  1797),  191. 

Fuentes  de  Onor,  battle  of  (5  May 
i8ii),  297. 

Fulda,  bishopric  of  (1803),  227,  260. 


Gaeta,   siege  and  capture    by  the 

French  (1806),  256. 
Duke  of.     See  Gaudin. 


Index 


395 


Galicin,  Western,  obtained  by  Austria 
at  third  partition  of  Poland  (1795), 
152  ;  ceded  to  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Warsaw  (i8og),  274;  restored  to 
Austria  (1815),  342. 

Gambier,  James,  Lord,  English  ad- 
miral (1756-1833),  277. 

Gasparin,  Thomas  Augustin  de, 
French  politician  (1750-93).  i33- 

Gaudin,  Martin  Michel  Charles, 
Duke  of  Gaeta,  French  statesman 
(1756-1844),  215,  216,  240,  287. 

Geisberg,  battle  of  the  (26  Dec.  1793), 
140. 

Geneva,  its  condition  as  an  indepen- 
dent republic  in  1789,  41  ;  occupied 
by  the  liernese  troops  (1792),  125  ; 
united  to  France,  228,  230  ;  made 
a  canton  of  Switzerland  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (1815),  345. 

Genoa,  its  position  in  1789,  27 ; 
formed  into  the  Liguria  Republic 
(1797),  192  ;  besieged  by  the  Aus- 
trians  (1799),  203,  206,  218  ;  an- 
nexed to  Napoleon's  Empire,  243, 
255  ;  capital  of  a  French  depart- 
ment, 283  ;  occupied  by  the  English 
(1814),  315;  his  proclamation  at, 
322  ;  united  to  the  kingdom  of 
Sardinia  (1815),  346. 

Genola,  battle  of  (4  Nov.  1799), 
204. 

Gensonne,  Armand,  French  politi- 
cian (1758-93),  106. 

Gentz,  Friedrich  von,  German  states- 
man (1764-1832),  291,  292,  337. 

George  in..  King  of  England  (1738- 
1820),  120. 

Germanic  Confederation  formed 
(1815),  442,  343. 

Germany,  condition  of,  in  1789,  33-40; 
spread  of  revolutionary  ideas  in, 
109;  resettlement  of  (1803),  225- 
227  ;  Napoleon's  rearrangement  of 
(1806),  257-261  ;  Stadion's  attempt 
to  rouse  a  national  spirit  in,  270, 
271  ;  reforms  made  in,  under 
French  influence,  288,  289  ;  growth 
of  a  national  spirit  against  the 
French  in,  291-295  ;  national  rising 
in,  314  ;  resettled  at  Congress  of 
Vienna,  342,  345.  See  Austria, 
Baden,  Ravaria,  Hanover,  Prussia, 
Saxony,  Wiirtemburg. 

German  li  tcrary  movement  at  Weimar, 
38. 


German  philosophers  of  the  i8th  cen- 
tury compared  with  the  French,  9. 

Germinal,  Riot  of  the  12th  (i  April 
1795),  in  Paris,  155. 

Ghent,  64,  341,  552. 

Girondins,  French  political  party,  in 
the  Legislative  Assembly,  106;  in 
favour  of  war,  107  ;  their  sections 
in  the  Convention,  116;  attacked 
the  Moimtain,  117;  views  on  the 
King's  trial,  119  ;  struggle  with  the 
Mountain,  128,  129  ;  overthrown 
(2  June  1793),  129;  attempt  to 
raise  the  provinces  of  France 
agamst  the  Convention,  131 ;  the 
leaders  guillotined,  128  ;  recall  of 
the  survivors  to  the  Convention 
(1795),    154;    they  obtain    power, 

155- 
Giurgevo,  battle  of  (8  July  1790),  88  ; 

armistice     of     (19     Sept.     1790), 

88. 
Glarus,  228. 
Gnesen,  province  of,  ceded  to  Prussia 

at  second  partition  of  Poland  (1793), 

123. 
Goa,  224. 
Gobel,  Jean  Baptiste  Joseph,  French 

bishop  (1727-94),  70,  141. 
Godoy,  Don  Manuel  de,  Prince  of  the 

Peace,    Spanish    statesman   (1767- 

1851),  77,  126,  154,  157,   183,  255, 

266,  267. 
Goethe,  Johann  Wolfgang  von,  Ger- 
man    poet      (1749-1832),     g,      10, 

38. 

Gohier,  Louis  Jei'omc,  French  politi- 
cian (1746-1830),  209,  2ir. 

Goltz,  Bcrnliard  William,  Baron  von, 
Prussian  statesman  (1730-95),  86. 

Gottingen,  university  of,  39. 

Gouvion-Saint-Cyr,  Laurent,  French 
general  (1764-1830),  275,  App.  iv. 

Graham,  Sir  Thomas,  Lord  Lyne- 
doch,  English  general  (1751-1843), 

314.  SSI- 
Grand  I'21ector,   proposed   by   Sicycs 

in  1799  but  rejected  by  Bonaparte, 

213. 
Grand  Livre,  Cambon's  creation  of, 

continued  by  Napoleon,  288. 
Greece,  257. 
Grcgoirc,    Henri,    French    politician 

/1750-1831),  53. 
Grenelle,  plot  to  attack  the  camp  of 

(1706),  181. 


39^ 


European  History,  1 789-181 5 


GrenvHle,  Thomas,  English  diplo- 
matist (1755-1846),  197. 

William      Wyndham,      Lord, 

English  statesman  (1759-1834), 
Pitt's  foreign  secretary  (1790-1801), 
120,  166,  167,  169. 

Grisons,  republic  of  the,  occupied  by 
the  Archduke  Charles  (1799),  202  ; 
Suvorov  in,  205 ;  Macdonald  in- 
vades (1800),  218,  219 ;  formed 
into  a  canton  of  Switzerland  by 
Bonaparte  (1803),  228 ;  and  re- 
tained by  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
(1815).  344. 

Grodno,  Diet  of  (24  Sept.  1793), 
second  partition  of  Poland  agreed 
to  at,  122. 

Gross-Beeren,  battle  of  (23  Aug. 
1813),  312. 

Gross-Gorschen  (Liitzen),  battle  of 
(2  May  1813),  309. 

Grouchy,  Emmanuel,  Marquis  de, 
French  general  (1766-1847),  353, 
App.  iv. 

Guadeloupe,  French  West  India 
island,  conquered  by  the  English, 
154 ;  restored  to  France  by  treaty 
of  Amiens  (1802),  232;  reconquered 
by  the  English  (1810)  276;  re- 
turned to  France  by  Sweden  (1815), 

347- 

Guadet,  Marguerite  Elie,  French 
politician  (1758-94),  io6,  129. 

Guastalla,  duchy  of,  granted  to  Pau- 
line Bonaparte  by  Napoleon,  283  ; 
granted  with  Parma  to  the  Empress 
Marie  Louise  (1815),  347. 

Guerilla  warfare  against  the  French 
in  Spain,  268,  297. 

Guiana,  155,  191,  223,  232,  348. 

Gustavus  ill..  King  of  Sweden  (1746- 
92),  a  benevolent  despot  of  the  i8th 
century,  4 ;  his  cozip  d itat  of  1772 
and  reforms,  33 ;  invades  Russian 
Finland  (1788),  45  ;  makes  peace 
with  Denmark  (1789),  46;  over- 
throws the  power  of  the  nobility, 
46 ;  sympathy  with  Marie  Antoi- 
nette, 67,  68  ;  defeated  by  the  Rus- 
sians (1790),  95  ;  makes  treaty  of 
Verela  with  the  Empress  Catherine 
(1790),  95,  96;  proposes  to  rescue 
the  French  royal  family,  109  ;  mur- 
dered, no. 

Gustavus  IV.,  King  of  Sweden  (1778- 
1837),  no,  243,  253,  254,  279. 


Hague,  the,  the  Stadtholder  driven 
from  (1787),  31 ;  congress  at  (1790), 
93,  94 ;  capital  moved  from,  to 
Amsterdam  by  Louis   Bonaparte, 

255- 

Hainault,  Estates  of,  suppressed  by 
the  Emperor  Joseph  (1789),  47. 

Hamburg,  a  free  city  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  35  ;  English  trade 
removed  from  Amsterdam  to,  184  ; 
retained  its  independence  (1803), 
226;  annexed  by  Napoleon  (1810), 
282  ;  taken  by  the  fiussians  (1813), 
308 ;  recovered  by  Vandamme, 
309;  defended  by  Davout  (1813- 
14),  319,  320 ;  a  free  city  of  the 
Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 
343- 

Hanau  granted  to  Dalberg,  Grand 
Duke  of  Frankfort  (1806),  260; 
battle  of  (30  Oct.  1813),  314. 

Hanover,  Electorate  of,  independ- 
ently administered  under  the  King 
of  England,  38,  39  ;  bishopric  of 
Osnabriick  merged  in  (1803),  227  ; 
occupied  by  the  French  under  Mor- 
tier  (1803),  233,  242  ;  promised  to 
Prussia  and  offered  to  England  by 
Napoleon  (i8o6),  247  ;  part  of, 
merged  in  kingdom  of  Westphalia, 
258  ;  and  part  annexed  by  Napoleon 
(1810),  282;  a  state  of  the  Ger- 
manic Confederation  (1815),  342. 

Hanriot,  Franpois,  French  politician 
(1761-94),  129,  147. 

Hardenberg,  Charles  Augustus, 
Count  afterwards  Prince  von, 
Prussian  statesman  (1750-1822), 
negotiated  treaty  of  Basle  (1795), 
157;  opposed  alliance  with  France 
(1796),  170  ;  became  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs  (i8o3|,  234;  and 
State  Chancellor  (1807),  248;  com- 
pletes the  work  of  Stein  (1809), 
303 ;  accedes  to  the  Proposals  ot 
Frankfort  (1813),  316;  signs  Pro- 
visional Treaty  of  Paris  (1814),  332  ; 
Prussian  Plenipotentiary  at  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  (1814-15),  337. 

William,  Count  von,  Hano- 
verian statesman  (1754-1826),  337. 

Harris,  Sir  James,  Earl  of  Malmes- 
bury.     See  Malmesbury. 

Hassan  Pasha,  Turkish  admiral,  45. 

Hatry,  Jacques  Maiu-ice,  French 
general  (1740- 1802),  193. 


Index 


397 


Haugwitz,  Christian  Henry  Charles, 
Count    von,    Prussian    statesman, 
(1752-1832)   a  partisan  of  France 
and  enemy  of  Austria,    in  ;   ap- 
pointed  Foreign    Minister   (1792), 
126 ;  in   favour  of  peace  with  the 
French  Republic,  153  ;  but  against 
an  alliance  (1796),  170;  advocated 
a  compromise,    179 ;    dismissed  as 
too  friendly  to  France  (1803),  234; 
signs  treaty  of  Schonbrunn  (1805), 
247 ;     finally     dismissed      (1807), 
248. 
Hebert,  Jacques  Rene,  French  poli- 
tician (1755-94).  141.  142. 
Hebertists,  the,  141,  142. 
Heidelberg  ceded  to  Baden,  227. 
Heligoland,    ceded   by   Denmark   to 

England  (1815),  348. 
Heliopolis,  battle  of  (20  March  1800), 

224. 
Helvetian  Republic   founded  (1798), 
199 ;    replaced   by  the  Confedera- 
tion of  Switzerland  (1803),  228. 
Henry,  Prince,  of  Prussia  (1726-1802), 

III. 
Herault-Sdchelles,       Marie      Jean, 

French  politician  (1760-94),  133. 
Hercules    in.,     Duke    of     Modena 
(1727-1803),  25,  26,   174,  175,   192, 
226. 
Herder,    Johann   Gottfried,    German 

philosopher  (1744-1803),  9,  38. 
Herford,  abbey  of,  merged  in  Prussia 

(1803),  227. 
Hermann,  Russian  general,  defeated 

at  Bergen  (1799),  205. 
Flertzberg,  Ewald  Frederick,  Count 
von,     Prussian     statesman     (1725- 
179s).  30,  31.  85,  87,  88. 
Hesse-Cassel,  its  condition   in  1789, 
38  ;    made    an    electorate    (1803), 
225  ;  increased  in  size,  227 ;  merged 
in    the    kingdom    of    Westphalia, 
250,  258  ;  a  state  of  the  Germanic 
Confederation     (1815),     342.      See 
William  IX. 
Hesse-Darmstadt,    increased    in   size 
(1803),      227;     made      a      Grand 
Duchy  (1806),  259 ;   a  state  of  the 
Confederation  of  the  Rhine  (1806), 
260  ;  of  the  Germanic  Confedera- 
tion (1815),  342.     Sec  Louis  X. 
Hesse-Homburg,  a  state  of  the  Ger- 
manic Confederation  (1815),  343. 
Hildeshcim,   Bishop  of,  nn  ecclesias- 


tical Prince   of  the    Holy   Roman 
Empire,  34. 
Hildesheim,  bishopric  of,  merged  in 
Prussia  (1803),  227;    in   the  king- 
dom of  AA/estphalia  (1807),  258. 
Hiller,   John,    Baron   von,    Austrian 

general  ( 1754- 1819),  315. 
Hoche,      Lazare,      French      general 
(1768-97),  140,  154,  180,  181,  185, 
186,  189,  191,  193  194. 
Hoonsbroeck,    Count    CjEsar    Con- 
stantine  Francis  de,  Prince-Bishop 
of  Liege,  39,  49,  95. 
Hofer,     Andrew,     Tyrolese    patriot 

(1767-1810),  273. 
Hohenlinden,  battle  of  (3  Dec.  1800), 

219. 
Hohenlohe-Bartenstein,     Prince    of, 
one  of  the  chief  Princes  of  the  Em- 
pire in  Alsace,  79.  • 
Hohenlohe-Kirchberg,      Prince     of, 

Austrian  general,  45. 
Hohenzollern,  two  principalities  of, 
states  of  the  Germanic  Confedera- 
tion (1815),  343. 
Holland  [the  United  Netherlands],  a 
member  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  13  ; 
position  in  1789,  31  ;  revolution  in 
(1787),  31,  32;  put  down  by  Prus- 
sia, 32  ;  designs  of  Duniouriez  on, 
119,  120 ;  France  declares  war 
against  (1793),  120;  failure  01 
Duniouriez  to  invade  (1793),  126; 
conquered  by  Pichegru  (1794-95), 
149 ;  organised  as  the  Batavian 
Republic,  150 ;  effect  of  its  con- 
quest on  England,  184 ;  Delacroix 
sent  as  ambassador  to,  190 ; 
Hoche's  scheme  of  invading  Eng- 
land from,  193 ;  its  fleet  destroyed 
at  Cani[ier(l(nvn  (1797),  194 ;  in- 
vaded by  English  and  Russians 
(1799),  205  ;  its  changes  of  govern- 
ment, 254;  Louis  Bonaparte,  King 
of  (1806),  254,  255;  colonies  taken 
by  England,  264;  annexed  by 
Napoleon  (18 10),  282  ;  rises  against 
the  French  (1813-14),  314.  320,  321 ; 
joined  to  Belgium  as  the  kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands  (1815),  344. 

kingdom  of,  formed  for  Louis 

Bonaparte,    254  ;  his    administra- 
tion (1806-1810),  254,  255. 
Holstein,  duchy  of,  34,  343. 
Holstein-Goltorp,    Prince    Peter    of, 
Prince-Bishopof  LUheckini789,  39. 


398 


European  History,  1789- 1 815 


Holy  Alliance,  the,  355. 

Hondschoten,  battle  of  (7  Sept.  1793), 
140. 

Hood,  Samuel,  Lord,  English  ad- 
miral (1724-1816),  139. 

Houchard,  Jean  Nicolas,  French 
general  (1740-93),  138,  140. 

Howe,  Richard,  Earl,  English  ad- 
miral (1725-99),  145. 

Humbert,  Jean  Joseph  Amable, 
French  general  (1755-1823),  197. 

Humboldt,  William,  Baron  von, 
Prussian  statesman  (1767-1835), 
303,  304,  323 ;  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  (1814-15),  338. 

Hundred    Days,    the    (March -June 

1815),  SSI-ass- 
Hungary,  opposition  to  the  Emperor 
Joseph's  reforms  in,  15,  16 ;  aboli- 
tion of  serfdom,  16;  Joseph's  dying 
concessions  to,  66  ;  policy  of  the 
Emperor  Leopold  in,  90-92  ;  looked 
with  favour  on  Napoleon,  270. 

Huningen,  fortress  to  be  dismantled 
by  second  treaty  of  Paris  (1815), 

354- 
Hutchinson,  John,  Lord,  afterwards 
Earl    of    Donoughmore,     English 
general  (1757-1832),  224. 

Igelstrom,  Joseph,  Count,  Russian 
general  (f  1817),  151,  152. 

Illyrian  Provinces,  Napoleon's, 
formed  (1805),  ruled  by  Marmont, 
245,  256  ;  the  Ionian  islands  added 
to  (1807),  256;  increased  (1809), 
274;     given    to     Austria     {1815), 

347- 
Income  tax  imposed  in  France  (1800), 

215- 
India,  Bonaparte's  projects  on  (1798), 

194;  the  Emperor  Paul's  plans  for 

invading,  220,  221. 
'  Infernal    Columns '    despatched    to 

La  Vendee,  141. 
'  Infernal  Machine,'  plot  of  the  (1800), 

231. 
Inquisition,    the    Holy,    21,    22,    25, 

297.  3SS. 
Ionian  Islands  belonged  to  Venice  in 
1789,  27;  ceded  to  France  (1797), 
192  ;  taken  by  the  Russians  (i798)> 
207 ;  ceded  to  France  by  the  treaty 
of  Tilsit  (1807),  250;  added  to  the 
Illyrian  Provinces,  256 ;  given  to 
England  (1815),  348. 


Ireland,  Hoche's  expedition  to  (1796), 
185;  Humbert's  (1798),  197. 

Iron  crown  of  Italy  assumed  by 
Napoleon  (1805),  238. 

Ismail,  besieged  by  the  Russians 
(1789),  45  ;  stormed  (1790),  96. 

Istria  ceded  to  Austria  (1797),  192; 
annexed  by  Napoleon,  245. 

Duke  of     See  Bessieres. 

Italian  unity,  idea  of,  in  the  i8th 
century,  22  ;  promised  by  Bentinck 
(1813),  322  ;  defended  by  Murat 
(1814),  344. 

Italy,  condition  of,  in  1789,  22-27 ; 
Bonaparte's  arrangements  in  North, 
192 ;  conquered  by  the  French 
(1798-99),  200  ;  reconquered  by 
Bonaparte  (1800),  218,  219;  king- 
dom of.  Napoleon's,  238,  255 ; 
rises  against  Napoleon  (1813-14), 
314,  315  ;  settlement  of,  at  Vienna 
(1815),  345-347.  5f«  Genoa,  Lom- 
bardy,  Lucca,  Modena,  Naples, 
Parma,  Rome,  Sardinia,  Sicily, 
Tuscany,  Venice. 

jABLONOWSKi,  Ladislas,  Polish 
statesman  (1769-1802),  87. 

Jachvill,  Prince,  221. 

Jacobin  Club,  growth  of  its  import- 
ance in  France,  loo,  105  ;  debates 
on  the  war  question  in,  107 ; 
Hebertists  expelled  from  (1793), 
142  ;  the  headquarters  of  Robes- 
pierre's party,  147  ;  closed  (1794), 
149. 

Jaffa  taken  by  Bonaparte  (1799),  208. 

Jahn,  Frederick  Louis,  German 
publicist  (1778-1852),  291. 

Janissaries,  the,  dethrone  the  Sultan 
Selim  III.  (1807),  280;  fight  the  new 
militia  in  Constantinople,  281. 

Janssens,  John  William,  Dutch 
general  (1762-1835),  155. 

Jassy,  treaty  of  (9  Jan.  1792),  96. 

Jaucourt,  Arnail  Francois,  Marquis 
de,  French  statesman  (1757-1852), 
330. 

Java,  taken  by  the  English  (1811), 
264;  restored  to   Holland  (1815), 

348. 
Javogues,  Claude,  French  politician 

(1759-96),  139. 
Jeanbon  or  Jean  Bon  (Andrd)  called 

Saint-Andre.     See  Saint  Andre. 
Jehu,  companies  of,  ravage  the  south 


Index 


399 


of  France  in  1796,  181  ;  in  1S15, 

356- 

Jemmappes,  battle  of  (6  Nov.  1792), 
118. 

Jena,  university  of,  38  ;  battle  of  (14 
Oct.  i8o6),  247. 

Jerome  Bonaparte,  King  of  West- 
phalia (1784-1860),  258,  259. 

Jervis,  Sir  John,  Earl  St.  Vincent, 
English  admiral  (1734-1823),  183. 

Jesuitsexpelledfrom  Spain  byAranda, 
21  ;  from  Portugal  by  Pombal,  22  ; 
from  Naples  byTanucci,  23. 

Jeunesse  Doree  or  Freronienne,  im- 
portant political  part  played  by,  in 
Paris  (1794-95),  155- 

Jews,  toleration  to,  insisted  on  by 
Napoleon,  289. 

John  VI.,  King  of  Portugal  (1769- 
1826),  22,  120,  223,  252,  253. 

Archduke,  seventh  son   of  the 

Emperor  Leopold  (1782-1863),  219, 
272,  273,  274. 

Jomini,  Henri,  Baron,  French  general 
(1779-1S62),  312. 

Joseph  II.,  Emperor  (1741-90),  typical 
benevolent  despot  of  the  i8th  cen- 
tury, 4  ;  preferred  Russia  to  France, 
12 ;  position  in  1789,  14-17 ;  in- 
ternal policy,  15,  16 ;  abolition  of 
serfdom,  16  ;  foreign  policy,  16, 
17  ;  German  policy,  17,  35  ;  alli- 
ance with  Russia,  17  ;  attacks  the 
Turks,  17  ;  the  Pope's  visit  to,  24  ; 
defeated  by  the  Turks  (1788),  43; 
prophecy  in  Jan.  1789,  44  ;  policy 
in  Belgium,  46-48 ;  death  and 
character,  66 ;  why  he  failed,  67  ; 
comparison  between,  and  Louis 
XVI.,  67,  68. 

Joseph  Bonaparte,  elder  brother  of 
Napoleon  (1768-1844),  King  of 
Naples  (1806),  his  good  administra- 
tion, 256;  King  of  Spain  (1808), 
267  ;  his  reforms,  289,  297  ;  driven 
from  Madrid  (1812),  306  ;  returned, 
307  ;  finally  retired  from  Madrid, 
defeated  at  Vittoria  (1813),  315. 

Jopcpi),  Archduke,  fourth  son  of  the 
Emperor  Leopold  (1776- 1847), 
270. 

Joseijhine,  the  Empress,  first  wife  of 
Napoleon  (1763-1814),  28-;,  293, 332. 

Jouhcrt,  Barth^leiny  Cathcrme, 
French  general  (1769-99),  i86,  200, 
204. 


Jourdan,  Jean  Baptiste,  Comte, 
French  general  (1762-1833),  140, 
144,  150,  172,  177,  178,  202,  315, 
App.  iv. 

Journalists,  rise  of  their  importance 
in  Paris  (1789),  61. 

Jovellanos,  Don  Caspar  Melchior  de, 
Spanish  statesman  (1744-1811),  21. 

Joyeuse  Entree  or  Constitution  of 
Brabant,  abrogated  by  the  Em- 
peror Joseph  (1789),  47. 

Junot,  Andoche,  Duke  of  Abrantes, 
French  general  (1771-1813),  253, 
265,  266,  296. 

Kaiserslautern,     battle    of     (19 

Aug.  1794),  144. 
Kalisch,  ceded  to  Prussia  in  second 

partition   of   Poland   (1793),    122; 

treaty  of  (27  Feb.  1813),  308. 
Kalkreuth,       Frederick      Adolphus, 

Count  von,  Prussian  general  (1737- 

1818),  153. 
Kant,     Immanuel,     German    philo- 
sopher (1724-1804),  9. 
Katt,     Lieutenant,     Prussian   officer, 

attacked  Magdeburg  (1809),  293. 
Katzbach,    battle  of    the    (25   Aug. 

1813),  312. 
Kaunitz,     Wenceslas,     Prince     von, 

Austrian  statesman  (1711-94),  made 

the  treaty  of  1756  with  France,  19  ; 

at  the   Congress   of    Reichenbach 

(1790),  87;  wrote  the  despatch  and 

letter  which  led  to  war  with  France, 

108,  109  ;  practically  succeeded  by 

Thugut  (1792),  126. 
Keller,  Dorotheus  Louis  Christopher, 

Count,    Prussian  statesman  (1757- 

1827),  65,  93. 
Kellermann,     Fran9ois    Christophe, 

Duke    of  Valmy,    French   general 

(1735-1820),  ijs,  App.  iv. 
Fran9ois  Etienne,  French  gene- 
ral (1770-1835),  218. 
Kempten,  Abbot  of,  an  ecclesiastical 

Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 

34- 
Kiel,     treaty    of     (14    Jan.     1814), 

320. 
Kioge,    Danes    defeated  at,   by   the 

English  (1807),  252. 
Klagenfurt,  Joubert  joins  Bonaparte 

at  (1797),  186. 
Kleber,  Jean  Haptistc,  French  general 

(1753-1800),  150,  172,  208,  224. 


400 


European  History,  1789-18 15 


Knesebeck,  Charles  Frederick, 
Baron  von,  Prussian  general  (1768- 

1844).  33. 

Knights  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 
40 ;  deprived  of  their  sovereign 
rights  by  Napoleon,  260. 

Kolichev,  Nicholas,  Russian  diplo- 
matist (t  1813),  198,  217. 

Kollontai,  Hugh,  Polish  statesman 
(1752-1812),  104,  122. 

Konigsberg,  Estates  of  East  Prussia 
summoned  at,  by  Stein  (1813), 
308. 

Korner,  Charles  Theodore,  German 
poet  (1791-1813),  291. 

Korsakov,  Alexander  Rymski,  Rus- 
sian general  (1753-1840),  204. 

Kosciuszko,  Thaddeus,  Polish  patriot 
(1746-1817),  defeated  by  Suv6rov 
at  Dubienka  (1792),  122  ;  raises 
standard  of  Polish  independence 
at  Cracow,  and  takes  Warsaw 
(1794),  151 ;  defeated  by  the  Rus- 
sians, wounded  and  taken  prisoner 
at  Maciejowice  (179s).  152;  wel- 
comed in  Paris,  206. 

Kray,  Paul,  Baron,  Austrian  general 
(1735-1804),  202. 

Kiilm,  capitulation  of  (1813),  313. 

Kutuzov,  Michael  Lanvonovitch 
Golenitchev,  Prince,  Russian 
general  (1745-1813),  96,  281,  305  ; 
death  (1813),  309. 


Labrador,  Pedro  Gomez  Ravelo, 
Count  of,  Spanish  statesman  (1775- 
1850),  338,  347. 

Lacuee  de  Cessac,  Gerard  Jean, 
Comte,  French  administrator  (1752- 
1841),  241. 

Lafayette,  Marie  Jean  Paul  Roch 
Yves  Gilbert  Motier,  Marquis  de, 
French  general  (1757-1834),  leads 
the  minority  of  the  nobility  in  the 
^tates-General  to  join  the  Tiers 
Etat  (June  1789),  54  ;  commandant 
of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris, 
59 ;  brings  Louis  xvi.  to  Paris  (6 
Oct.  1789),  62 ;  got  Mirabeau's 
proposition  on  ministers  rejected, 
72  ;  most  influential  man  in  France 
(1790),  73  ;  fires  on  the  people  (17 
July  1791),  on  the  Champ  de  Mars, 
loi  ;  placed  in  command  of  an 
army  on  the  frontier  (1792),   107  ; 


offers  to  help  the  king  (July  1792), 

112  ;  deserts,  114. 
Lagarde,     Marie     Jacques     Martin, 

French   general  (ti8i5),  356. 
La  Harpe,  Frederick  Cassar  de,  Swiss 

statesman  (1754-1838),  234. 
La  Marck,  Auguste  Marie  Raymond, 

Comte  de  (1753-1833).  72.  73- 
Lambesc,    Charles   Eugene  de   Lor- 
raine,   Prince    de,    French    officer 

(1751-1825),  57. 
Lambrechts,  Charles  Joseph  Mathieu, 

Comte,     French    politician    (1753- 

1823),  191. 
Lameth,  Alexandre  Theodore  Victor, 

Vicomte      de,     French     politician 

(1760-1829),  100. 
Lampredi,    Giovanni    Maria,    Italian 

jurist  (1732-93).  24. 
Landau,  siege  of,  relieved  by  Pichegru 

(1793),  140. 
Lanjunais,      Jean     Denis,      Comte, 

French  politician  (1753-1827),  154. 
Lannes,  Jean,  Duke  of  Montebello, 

French   general    (1769-1809),    218, 

269,  App.  iv, 
Laon,  battle  of  (9  March  1814),  328. 
La    Place,     Pierre    Simon,     French 

astronomer  (1749-1827),  216. 
La  Tour  du  Pin  Gouvernet,  Frederic, 

Marquis    de,     French    diplomatist 

(1750-1837),  338. 
Lauenburg,  Duchy  of,  a  state  of  the 

Germanic   Confederation,    granted 

to  the   King  of  Denmark  (1815), 

347- 
League   of  the    Princes,    formed   by 

Frederick  the  Great,  30,  35  ;  joined 

by  the  Archbishop-Elector  of  May- 
en  ce,  39. 
La  Bon,   Ghislain  Joseph   Franpois, 

French  politician  (1765-95),  139. 
Le  Brun,  Charles  Fran9ois,   Duke  of 

Piacenza,  French  statesman  (1739- 

1824),  214,  239,  287. 
Lebrun-Tondu,  Pierre  Henri  Helene, 

French  politician  (1763-93),  114. 
Le  Chapelier,  Isaac  Gui  Rene,  French 

politician  (1754-94),  52,  100. 
Leclerc,    Victor    Emmanuel,    French 

general  (1772-1802),  223,  232. 
Lecourbe,    Claude    Joseph,    Comte, 

French  general  (1760-1815),  204. 
Leeds,   Francis  Godolphin  Osborne, 

Duke  of,  English  statesman  (1751- 

99),  28. 


Index 


401 


Lefebvre,  Francois  Joseph,  Duke  ol 
Dantzic,  French  general  (1755- 
1820),  248,  329,  App.  iv. 

Legations,  the.  See  Bologna,  Fer- 
rara. 

Leghorn,  its  prosperity  promoted  by 
the  Grand  Duke  Leopold,  27  ; 
capital  of  a  French  department, 
283. 

Legion  of  Honour,  the,  284. 

Legislative  Assembly,  the,  in  France 
(1791-92),  105,  106,  108,  III,  113, 
114'. 

Body,    the   (Corps    Legislatif), 

214,  240,  285,  322,  326. 

Legislature,  the  French,  under  the 
Constitution  of  the  Year  in.  See 
Council  of  Ancients,  Council  of 
Five  Hundred. 

the  French,  under  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Year  Viii.  See  Legis- 
lative Body,  Senate,  Tribunate. 

Leiningen,  the  Prince  of,  one  of  chief 
princes  holding  fiefs  of  the  Empire 
in  Alsace,  79. 

Leipzig,  battle  of  (16-19  Oct.   1813), 

314- 

Lenoir- Laroche,  Jean  Jacques,  French 
administrator  (1749-1825),  190. 

Leoben,  the  Preliminaries  of,  signed 
17th  April  1797,  186  ;  arrangements 
of,  followed  in  the  treaty  of  Campo- 
Formio,  192. 

Leopold  II.,  Emperor  (1747-92), 
typical  benevolent  despot  of  the 
i8th  century,  4 ;  considered  the 
French  the  enemies  of  Austria,  12  ; 
his  administration  as  Grand  Duke 
of  Tuscany  (1765-90),  24,  25,  83  ; 
implored  by  Marie  Antoinette  to 
interfere  in  France,  81  ;  succeeds 
Joseph  II.  (1790),  83;  his  internal 
policy,  83,  84  ;  position  of  Austria 
84 ;  appeals  to  England  against 
Prussia,  86 ;  signs  Conv(;ntion  of 
Reichenbach  (1790),  87,  88  ;  makes 
armistice  with  the  Turks,  88  ;  and 
treaty  of  Sistova  (1791),  89  ;  elected 
and  crowned  Emperor,  89  ;  letter 
to  Louis  XVI.  on  the  rights  of  the 
Princes  of  the  Empire  in  Alsace, 
89,  90;  his  policy  towards  Hungary, 
90-92  ;  crowned  King  of  Hungary, 
91  ;  reconquers  Belgium  (1790),  94; 
occupies  Lidge,  95  ;  his  position  in 
1791,  97;  promises  to  intervene  in 

PERIOD  VIL 


France,  99  ;  issues  Manifesto  of 
Padua,  102  ;  signs  Declaration  of 
Pilnitz,  103  ;  his  letter  and  despatch 
to  Louis  XVI.,  108,  109;  makes 
an  alliance  with  Prussia  against 
France,  109  ;  death  (i  March  1792), 
no. 

Leopold,  Archduke,  fourth  son  of  the 
Emperor  Leopold  (1774-94),  91. 

Le  Quesnoy,  besieged  by  the  Aus- 
trians  (1793),  130. 

Lessart,  Antoine  de  Valdec  de,  French 
statesman  (1742-92),  109. 

Letourneur,  Charles  Louis  Fran9ois 
Honore,  French  statesman  (1751- 
1817),  165,  182,  188. 

Letourneux,  Pierre,  French  adminis- 
trator (1761-1805),  191. 

'  Liberum  Veto,'  the,  in  Poland,  18  ; 
abolished  by  Polish  Constitution  of 
1791,  104. 

Lichtenstein,  a  state  of  the  Germanic 
Confederation  (1815),  343. 

Liege,  revolution  in  (Aug.  1789),  49  ; 
occupied  by  the  Prussians  (1790), 
63;  by  the  Austrians  (1791),  94, 
95  ;  by  Dumouriez  (1792),  118. 

Ligne,  Charles  Joseph,  Prince  de, 
Austrian  general  (1734-1814),  65. 

Ligny,    battle    of    (16     June    1815), 

352- 

Ligurian  Republic  founded  by  Bona- 
parte (1797),  192  ;  the  Doge  ap- 
pointed by  France  (1801),  220  ; 
annexed  to  Napoleon's  Empire, 
243.  283. 

Lille,  besieged  by  the  Austrians 
(1792I,  114,  118;  conference  at 
(1797),  190. 

Limburg,  occuj^icd  by  the  Austrians 
under  Bender  (1790),  93. 

Count  Augustus  of,  Prince- 
Bishop  of  Spires  in  1789,  39. 

Limon,  Geoffroi,  Marquis  de,  French 
imigris  (f  1799),  113. 

Lindet,  Jean  Baptiste  Robert,  French 
statesman  (1743- 1825),  132,  133, 
148,  210. 

Lippe,  two  principalities  of,  states  of 
the  Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 
343. 

Lisbon,  occupied  by  the  French 
under  Junot  (1807),  253. 

Lithuania,  concjuered  by  Napoleon 
(1812),  305;  absorbed  in  Russia, 
3^-'- 

2  C 


402 


European  History,  1789-18 15 


Llanos,   Don  Juan   Gomez,   minister 

of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  25. 
Loano,  battle  of  (24  Nov.  1795),  151, 

173- 

Lobau,  Napoleon  in  the  island  of 
(1809),  273. 

Locke,  John,  English  philosopher 
(1632-1704),  9. 

Lodi,  battle  of  (10  May  1796),  174. 

Lombardy,  belonged  to  Austria  in 
1789,  its  good  administration,  26  ; 
conquered  by  Bonaparte  (1796), 
174  ;  formed  part  of  the  Cisalpine 
Republic  (1797),  192;  occupied  by 
the  Austrians  (1799),  206;  recon- 
quered by  Bonaparte  (1800),  218; 
formed  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy 
(1805),  255;  restored  to  Austria 
(1815),  347. 

Lomenie  de  Brienne,  Etienne 
Charles,  Cardinal  de,  French 
statesman  (1727-1794),  49,  51,  70. 

Longwy,  taken  by  the  Prussians  (27 
Aug.  1792),  114. 

Loudon,  Gideon  Ernest,  Count,  Aus- 
trian general  (1716-90),  43,  45,  88. 

Louis   XV.,    King  of  France   (1710- 

1774).  19- 
XVI.,  King  of  France  (1754-93), 

20,  49.  54.  55.  56.  58.  59.  61.  62,  67, 

68,  75,  76,  99,    100,   103,  106,  108, 

III,  112,  113,  139. 
XVII.,   de  jure  King  of  France 

(1785-95),  168. 

XVIII.,   King  of  France  (1755- 

1824),  26,  102,  166,  167,  188,  206, 
217.  332.  333.  340,  341.  350,  351, 
352.  353.  355.  356-358. 

— —  I.,  King  of  Etruria  (1773-1803), 

220,  232. 
Bonaparte,    King    of    Holland 

(1777-1846),  254,  255,  282,  283. 

X.,      Landgrave,      afterwards 

Grand  Duke,  of  Hesse-Darmstadt 
(1753-1830),  79,  227,  259,  260, 
342. 

Philippe,    Duke    of    Orleans, 

afterwards  King  of  the  French 
(1773-1850),  189. 

Louis  Dominique,  Baron,  French 

statesman  (1755-1837),  240,  331. 
Louisa,  Queen  of  Prussia  (1776-1810), 

246,  304. 
Louisiana,  ceded  by  Spain  to  France 

(1801),  232  ;  sold  by  Napoleon  to 

the  United  States,  242. 


Loustalot,  Elysee,  French  journalist 
(1762-90),  61. 

Louvain,  15,  48,  64. 

Louverture,  Joussaint  (1743-1803), 
232. 

Louvet,  Jean  Bapiiste,  French  poli- 
tician (1760-97),  117,  154. 

Lowenhielm,  Gustavus  Charles  Frede- 
rick, Count  von,  Swedish  diplo- 
matist (1771-1856),  338. 

Liibeck,  a  free  city  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  35  ;  retained  its 
independence  (1803),  226;  annexed 
by  Napoleon  (1810),  302  ;  as  a  free 
city  member  of  the  Germanic  Con- 
federation (1815),  343. 

Lucca,  Republic  of,  in  1789,  27  ; 
annexed  by  Napoleon  (1805),  243, 
255  ;  Elisa  Bonaparte,  Duchess  of, 
283  ;  made  a  Grand  Duchy  for  the 
King  of  Etruria  with  reversion  to 
l^uscany  (1815),  347. 

Lucchesini,  Jerome,  Prussian  diplo- 
matist  (1752-1825),  31,  85,  87,  88, 

89.  153- 
Lucerne,  canton  of  Switzerland  mam- 

tained   by  Bonaparte  (1803),  228  ; 

one  of  the  three  meeting-places  of 

the  Helvetian  Diet  (1815),  345. 
Liickner,     Nicolas,    Baron,     BYench 

general  (1722-94),  107. 
Ludovica,  the  Empress,  third  wife  of 

the    Emperor    Francis     11.    (1772- 

1816),  271. 
Luneville,    treaty  of  (9   Feb.    i8oi), 

219,  220. 
Lusatia,  annexed   to  Saxony  (1806), 

259  ;  to  Prussia  (1815),  341. 
Liitzen   (Gross-Gorschen),    battle    of 

(2  May  1813),  309. 
Luxembourg,    the  Austrians    retreat 

to,  from  Belgium  (1789),  64;  made 

into  a  Grand  Duchy  (1815),  343; 

and    given    to    the    King    of    the 

Netherlands,  344. 
Lynedoch,     Sir    Thomas    Graham, 

Lord.     See  Graham. 
Lyons  rises   in  insurrection    against 

the  Convention  (1793),  131  ;  taken, 

140. 

Macdonald,  Jacques  litienne 
Joseph  Alexandre,  Duke  of 
Taranto,  French  general  (1765- 
1840),  203,  219,  273,  305,  306,  308, 
312,  329,  331,  332. 


Index 


403 


Maciejowice,  battle  of  {12  Oct.  1794), 

152. 
Mack,      Charles,     Baron,     Austrian 

general  (1752-1828),  200,  243,  244. 
Mackintosh,     Sir     James,      English 

statesman  (1765-1832),  233. 
Madame  Royale.       See  Angouleme, 

Duchess  of. 
Madeira,    occupied   by  the    English 

(1801),  223,  224. 
Maestricht,     besieged    by     Miranda 

(1793),  126;  taken  by  Kleber(i794), 

150. 
Magdeburg  formed  part  of  the  king- 
dom  of  Westphalia,    258  ;    Katt's 

attack  on,  293  ;  French  garrison  in, 

besieged  (1814),  319. 
Magnano,  battle  of  (5  April  1799),  202. 
Mahmoud  11.,  Sultan  of  Turkey  (1785- 

1839),  281. 
Maida,  battle  of  (4  July  1806),  256. 
Maillard,  Stanislas,  French  politician 

(1763-94),  62. 
Maillebois,   Yves  Marie   Desmarets, 

Comte  de,    French  general  (1715- 

1791).  31.  32-  .     ^ 

Maitland,  Sir  Frederick  Lewis,  Eng- 
lish captain  (1779-1839),  353. 

Malet,  Claude  Fran9ois,  French 
general  (1754-1812),  306. 

Malincs,  riots  against  Joseph's  re- 
forms at  (17B8),  47  ;  abandoned  to 
the  Belgian  patriots,  64. 

Malmaison,  chateau  of,  settled  on  the 
Empress  Josephine,  293. 

Malmesbury,  Sir  James  Harris,  Earl 
of,  English  diplomatist  (1746-1820), 
32,  184,  190. 

Malta,  taken  by  Bonaparte  (1798), 
195  ;  by  the  English  (1800),  195, 
204;  the  Emperor  Paul  Grand 
Master  of  the  Knights  of,  207,  217; 
a  cause  of  the  rupture  of  the  treaty 
of  Amiens,  225  ;  Engkuid  refuses 
to  surrender,  233  ;  granted  to  Eng- 
land at  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
(1815),  348. 

Mamelukes  defeated  by  Bonaparte  at 
the  battle  of  the  Pyramids  (17981, 
195;  at  the  battle  of  Cairo  (1799), 
208. 

Manifesto  of  Padua  issued  by  the 
Emperor  Leopold  (5  July  1791), 102. 

Mannheim,  university  of,  37  ;  taken 
by  Pichegru  (1795),  172;  given  to 
badcn  (1803),  227. 


Mantua,  Leopold's  interview  with 
Durfort  at,  99  ;  besieged  by  Bona- 
parte (1796-97),  17s,  176  ;  part  of 
the  Cisalpine  Republic,  192  ;  be- 
sieged by  Suvdrov  (1799),  203. 

Marat,  Jean  Paul,  French  statesman 
(1744-93),  61.  loi.  107,  117,  155. 

Marceau,  Fran9ois  Severin  Desgra- 
viers,  French  general  (1769-96), 
172  ;  killed  at  Altenkirchen  (1796), 
178. 

Marengo,  battleof  (14  June  1800), 218. 

Maret,  Hugues  Bernard,  Duke  of 
Bassano,  French  statesman  (1763- 
1839),  241,  316. 

Maria  I.,  Queen  of  Portugal  (1734- 
1816),  22,  253. 

,  Beatrice    of    Este,    heiress    of 

Modena,  married  to  the  Archduke 
Ferdinand,  25,  26. 

Theresa,  the  Empress  (1717-80), 

19. 

Marie,  Grand  Duchess  of  Saxe- 
Weimar,  sister  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  present  at  the  Congress 
of  Vienna,  337. 

Amelie,    Duchess    of    Parma, 

daughter  of  Maria  Theresa,  25. 

Antoinette,  Queen  of    France, 

daughter  of  Maria  Theresa  (1755- 
93),  disliked  in  France  as  an  Aus- 
trian, 12  ;  opposes  Necker,  55 ; 
urges  Louis  xvi.  to  oppose  the 
Assembly,  61,  68  ;  wishes  her  bro- 
ther Leopold  to  interft-re  in  France, 
75,  80,  81 ;  unpopularity  increased 
l)y  Prussian  intrigues,  86 ;  admira- 
tion of  Gustavus  III.  of  Sweden  for, 
95  ;  demands  Leopold's  aid.  99  ; 
escapes  to  Varennes,  99,  100 ;  re- 
veals French  plan  of  campaign  to 
Austria,  112  ;  ordered  to  be  sent 
before  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal 
for  trial,  134  ;  guillotined,  138. 

Caroline,    Queen    of    the    Two 

Sicilies,  daughter  of  Maria  Theresa. 
See  Caroline. 

Louise,  the  Empress,  Napoleon's 

second  wife  (1791-1847),  294,  330, 
332,  346,  347. 

Queen    of    Spain    (1754- 

1819),  77,  267. 

Marmont,  Augustc  Fr(5d6ric  I^ouis 
Viesse  dc,  Duke  of  Ragusa,  French 
general  (1774-1852),  245,  256,  306, 
329,  331,  App.  iv. 


404 


European  History,  1 789- 1 8 1 5 


Marseillaise,  the,  113. 

Marseilles   opposes    the    Convention 

(1793).  151- 
Marshals,    Napoleon  s,   239  ;  list   of, 

App.  iv. 
Martinique,  French  West  India  island, 

taken  by  the  English,  154  ;  restored 

to  France  (1802),  252  ;  again  taken 

by  the  English  (1809),  276  ;  restored 

to  France  (1815),  348. 
Massa,  Duke  of.    See  Regnier. 
Principality  of,   merged  in   the 

Duchy  of  Modena,  25. 
Massacres    in   the   prisons   of    Paris 

(Sept.  1792),  115. 
Massena,    Andre,    Duke    of    Rivoli, 

Prince  of  Essling,  French  general 

(1758-1817),  204,  218,  221,  244,  272, 

296,  297,  App.  iv. 
Matchin,  battle  of  (9  July  1791),  96. 
Maubeuge  besieged  by  the  Austrians 

(1793).  140. 

Mauprat,  M.  de,  reforming  minister 
in  Parma,  25. 

Mauritius,  the  island  of  the,  taken  by 
the  English  (1809),  264,  276  ;  ceded 
to  England  by  the  first  Treaty  of 
Paris  (1814),  333  ;  by  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  (1815),  348. 

Maximilian,  Archduke,  third  son  of 
Maria  Theresa,  Elector-Archbishop 
of  Cologne  in  1789,  40. 

Joseph, Elector,  afterwards  King, 

of  Bavaria  (1770-1825),  his  power 
increased  by  the  secularisations 
(1803),  227  ;  receives  Swabia  and 
the  Tyrol  and  takes  the  title  of  king 
(1806),  245;  receivesSalzburg(i8o9), 
257  ;  marries  a  daughter  to  Eugene 
de  Beauharnais,  258  ;  member  of 
the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine, 
260  ;  sends  troops  to  serve  under 
Napoleon  at  Wagram,  274 ;  signs 
Treaty  of  Ried  against  Napoleon 
(8  Oct.  1813),  313,  314 ;  attacks 
Napoleon  and  is  defeated  at  Haiiau, 
314  ;  opens  the  passes  through  the 
Tyrol  into  Italy  to  the  Austrians, 
321  ;  agrees  to  support  Austria  and 
England  against  Russia  and  Prussia 
(1815),  341  ;  member  of  the  Ger- 
manic Confederation,  342  ;  gives  up 
the  Tyrol  and  Salzburg  to  Austria, 
and  receives  Rhenish  Bavaria(i8i5), 

344- 
Maximum,  Law  of  the,  in    France, 


128  ;  an  instrument  of  the  Terror, 
137;  abolished  by  the  Thermidori- 
ans,  149;  temporarily  imposed  by 
Napoleon,  285. 
Mayence,  the  Archbishop-Elector  of. 
Chancellor  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  and  President  of  the  Col- 
lege of  Prince,  54. 

archbishopric-electorate  of,  con- 
dition in  1789,  39  ;  merged  in 
France  (1801),  193  ;  given  to  Bava- 
ria (1815),  344. 

city   of,    taken    by  the   French 

under  Custine  (1792),  118;  by  the 
Prussians  after  a  long  siege  (1793), 
130  ;  besieged  by  Kleber  in  vain 
(1795),  172  ;  taken  by  the  French 
under  Hatry  (1797),  193  ;  capital 
of  a  French  department,  230;  ceded 
to  Bavaria  (1815),  344. 

Mecklenburg,  the  duchies  of,  their 
backward  state  in  1789,  38  ;  made 
grand  duchies  and  members  of  the 
Germanic  Confederation  (i8i5),342. 

Mcdellin,  battle  of  (28  March  1809), 

275- 

Medina  del  Rio  Seco,  battle  of  (14 
July  1808),  267. 

Melas,  Michael  Baron  von,  Austrian 
general  (1730-1806),  175,204,  218. 

Menou,  Jacques  Francois,  Baron  de, 
French  general  (1750-1810),  156, 
224. 

Mcrcy-Argenteau,  Florimond  Claude, 
Comte  de,  Austrian  diplomatist 
(1722-94),  93,  94,  99. 

Merlin  [de  Douai],  Philippe  Antoine, 
Comte,  French  statesman  (1754- 
1838),  80,  137,  148,  149,  156,  159, 
166,  182,  191,  209,  357. 

[de  Thionville],   Antoine  Chris- 

tophe,French  politician  (1762-1833), 
117. 

Mcthuen  Treaty,  its  effect  on  Portugal, 
14,  21,  252. 

Metternich,  Clement  Wenceslas  Lo- 
thaire,  Count,  afterwards  Prince, 
von,  Austrian  statesman  (1773-1859), 
becomes  State-Chancellor  of  Austria 
(1809),  275  ;  opposes  Stein's  idea 
of  rousing  the  national  spirit  of 
Germany  against  Napoleon,  310, 
311  ;  brings  terms  agreed  on  at 
Reichenbach  to  Napoleon  at  Dres- 
den (1813),  311  ;  lays  down  the 
Proposals  of  Frankfort,    316 ;    in- 


Index 


405 


trigues  with  Murat,  322  ;  presses 
terms  offered  at  Chatillon,  324  ; 
becomes  intimate  with  Castlereagh, 
331  ;  signs  Provisional  Treaty  of 
Paris,  332  ;  Austrian  representative 
at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  (1814-15), 
338  ;  signs  treaty  of  alliance  with 
England  and  France  against  Russia 
and  Prussia  (3  Jan.  1815),  340. 

Middle  classes  in  Europe  in  the  18th 
century,  7. 

Milan,  university  of,  26 ;  taken  by 
Bonaparte  (1796),  174;  meeting  of 
Lombard  delegates  at,  175  ;  taken 
by  Suvorov  (1799),  203;  by  Bona- 
parte (1800),  218  ;  Napoleon 
crowned  King  of  Italy  at  (1805), 
238  ;  issues  Decree  of,  establishing 
the  Continental  Blockade  against 
England  {1808),  251. 

Milanese,  the.    See  Lombardy. 

Miles,  William  Augustus,  English 
diplomatist  (1754-1817),  78. 

Millesimo,  battle  of  (13  April  1796), 

174- 
Mincio,  battle  of  the  (8  Feb.  1814), 

322. 
Ministers   of   the  French   Directory, 

166,    182,    190,    191,    210  ;    of  the 

Consulate,  216 ;  of  the  Empire,  240, 

241. 
Minorca  taken  by  the  English  (1798), 

195,  264. 
Minsk,  province  of,  ceded  to  Russia 

at  the  second  partition  of  Poland 

(1793),  122. 
MioUis,  Se.xtius  Alexandre  Fran9ois, 

Comte,  French  general  (1759-1829), 

277. 
Miot    de    Melito,    Andrei    Fran9ois, 

Comte,  French  administrator  (1762- 

1841),  256. 
Mirabeau,   Honors  Gabriel   Riqucti, 

Comte  de,  French  statesman  (1749- 

1701).   54,   56.  60,  61,  72,  73,  75, 

76,  78,  79,  80,  98,  99. 
Mirabeau,    Victor   Riqucti,    Marquis 

de,  French  economist  (1715-89),  25. 
Miranda,     Don     Francisco,     French 

general  (1750-1816),  126,  127. 
Mirandola,    principality    of,     united 

with  Modena  in  1789,  25. 
Mittau,    Louis  xviii.  settled   at,  by 

the    Emperor    Paul    (1797),    20C  ; 

ordered  to  leave  (1802),  217. 
Modena,  duchy  of,  condition  in  1789, 


25,  26  ;  conquered  by  Bonaparte 
(1796),  174  ;  part  of  the  Cisalpine 
Republic,  192  ;  of  the  kingdom  of 
Italy,  25s  ;  granted  to  Ferdinand 
IV. ,  347- 

Moeskirch,  battleof  (sMayiSoo),  218. 

Moldavia,  conquered  by  the  Austrians 
(1789),  45  ;  by  the  Russians  (1810), 
281 ;  part  of,  ceded  to  Russia 
(1812),  281. 

Mdllendorf,  Richard  Joachim  Hein- 
rich,  Count  von,  Prussian  general 
(1725-1816),  153. 

Moncey,  Bon  Adrien  Jeannot  de, 
Duke  of  Conegliano,  French  general 
(1754-1842),  151,  27s,  356,  App.  iv. 

Mondovi,    battle  of  (22  April   1796), 

174- 

Monge,  Gaspard,  Comte,  French 
mathematician  (1746-1818),  114. 

Montbeliard,  ceded  by  Wtirtemburg 
to  France,  227  ;  merged  in  the  de- 
partment of  the  Doubs,  230 ;  se- 
cured to  France  by  the  first  treaty 
of  Paris,  333. 

Mont  Blanc,  Savoy  organised  as  the 
French  department  of  the,  230. 

Cenis,  151. 

Montebcllo,  battle  of  (4  June  1800), 
218. 

Duke  of.     Sec  Lannes. 

Montenotte,  battle  of  (12  April  1796), 
174. 

Montereau,  battle  of  (18  Feb.  1814), 

319- 
Montesquieu,  Charles    de   Secondat, 

Baron     de,      French     philosopher 

(1689-1755),  9. 
Monte^quiou-F'ezensac,  Anne  Pierre, 

Marcjuis  de,  French  general  (1739- 

98),  117. 
Franfois   Nicolas,   Abb6- 

Duc   de,    French   politician   (1757- 

1832),  330. 
Monte  Video,  English  expedition  to 

(1806),  264. 
Montgelas,  Maximilian  Joseph  Gar- 

nerin,  Comte  de.    Bavarian  states- 
man (1759-1838),  289. 
Montlu9on,   Bonaparte's  treaty  with 

the  Vcndean  leaders  at  (1800),  215. 
Montmirail,  battle  of  (11  Feb.  1814), 

3^9- 
Montniorin  -  Saint  -  II(5rem,    Armand 
Marc,  Comte  dc,  French  statesman 
(174S-92),  78. 


4o6 


European  History,  1 789-181 5 


Mont-Terrible,departnu:nt  of,  merged 
in  the  department  of  the  Haut- 
Rhin,  230. 

Moore,  Sir  John,  English  general 
(1761-1809),  254,  266,  269,  270. 

Moreau,  Jean  Victor,  French  general 
(1761-1813),  168,  178,  186,  193,  194, 
203,  211,  218,  219,  234,  235,  312. 

Moreaux,  Jean  Rene,  French  general 

(1758-95).  144.  150- 
Morkov,  Arcadius  Ivanovitch,  Count, 

Russian  diplomatist,  (+  1827),  243. 
Mortier,    Adolphe   Edouard  Casimir 

Joseph,    Duke  of  Treviso,    French 

general  (1768-1835), 233, 329,  App.iv. 
Moscow,     occupied     by     Napoleon 

(1812),  306. 
Moskowa,  Prince  of  the.     See  Ney. 
Moulin,     Jean     Francois     Auguste, 

French  general  (1752-1810),  209. 
Mounier,  Jean  Joseph,  French  states- 
man (1758-1806),  51,  55. 
Mountain,  the  French  political  partv, 

germs  in  the  Jacobin  Club  (1792), 

107  ;  the  party  in  the  Convention. 

116,   117  ;  attacked  by  the  Giron- 

dins,  117  ;  struggle  with  the  Giron- 

dins,   128,   129 ;  as  a  party  ceases 

to  exist  (179s),  156. 
Mount   Tabor,    battle  of    (16  April 

1799),  208. 
Mulhouse,    Republic   of,    merged    in 

the   Haut-Rhin,    230  ;    secured   to 

France  (1814),  333. 
Miiller,    Jacques     Leonard,     Baron, 

French  general  (1749-1824),  140. 
Johann  von,   German   historian 

(1752-1809),  259. 
Munich,  taken  by  the  French  under 

Moreau  (1800),  219. 
Miinster,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesiastical 

Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 

34- 

bishopric  of,  part  of,  merged  in 

Prussia  (1803),  227  ;  in  the  Grand 
Duchy  of  Berg  (1806),  259  ;  part  of, 
annexed  by  Napoleon  (1810),  282. 

city  of,  capital  of  a  French  de- 
partment, 282. 

Ernest    Frederick,    Count    von, 

Hanoverian  diplomatist  ( 1766-1841 ), 

337- 
Murat,  Joachim,  Grand  Duke  of  Berg, 
King   of  Naples,    French   general 
(1771-1815),  239,  259,  267,  283,  306, 
322,  345,  346,  App.  iv. 


Murbach,   the  Abbot  of,   one  of  the 

chief    Princes    of   the   Empire    in 

Alsace,  79. 
Murray,    Sir  John,    English   general 

(ti827),  307. 
Musaeus,     John    Charles    Augustus, 

German  author  (1735-87),  38. 
Mustapha    iv..    Sultan    of    Turkey 

(1779-1808),  280,  2S1. 
Mysticism  in  the  i8th  century,  10. 

Namur,  riots  against  Joseph's  re- 
forms at  (1789),  48. 

Nancy,  Bouille  suppresses  a  military 
mutiny  at  (Aug.  1790),  72,  97,  98. 

Nangis,  battle  of  (17  Feb.  1814),  319. 

Nantes,  Carrier's  atrocities  at  (1793), 
139,  141. 

Naples,  reforms  of  Tanucci  in,  23  ; 
occupied  by  the  French  (1798),  and 
theParthenopean  Republic  founded, 
200 ;  evacuated  by  the  French 
(1799),  and  the  revenge  of  Ferdi- 
nand, 203  ;  attacked  by  Napoleon 
(1804),  242;  Joseph  Bonaparte's 
rule  in,  256 ;  Murat  king  of,  283  ; 
Ferdinand  returns  to  (1814),  346, 
359  ;  behaves  moderately,  359. 

Napoleon  (1769-1821),  crowned  Em- 
peror, 238 ;  his  Court,  239  ;  his 
ministers,  240,  241  ;  the  camp  at 
Boulogne,  241  ;  organises  the 
Grand  Army,  241,  242;  wins  the 
battle  of  Austerlitz,  244  ;  crushes 
Prussia  at  Jena,  247  ;  defeats  the 
Russians  at  Eylau  and  Friedland, 
248,  249  ;  holds  interview  with 
Alexander  at  Tilsit,  249,  250  ;  the 
Continental  Blockade  against  Eng- 
land, 251  ;  his  rearrangement  of 
Europe, 1254-257  ;  Protector  of  the 
Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  260  ; 
his  Polish  policy,  261 ;  the  Con- 
ference at  Erfurt,  262  ;  makes  his 
brother  King  of  Spain,  267  ;  takes 
Madrid,  269  ;  defeats  the  Austrians 
(1809),  272-274;  quarrel  with  the 
Pope,  277,  278  ;  greatest  extension 
of  his  Empire  (1810),  282,  283  ;  his 
administration,  283-285  ;  belief  in 
heredity,  285,  286 ;  aristocracy, 
286,  287;  reforms,  287,  288;  divorces 
Josephine,  293  ;  marries  Marie 
Louise,  294 ;  his  differences  with 
Alexander,  299-301 ;  invades  Russia 
(1812),  305  ;  his  retreat,  306 ;  first 


Index 


407 


campaign  of  1S13  in  Saxony,  309  ; 
refuses  the  terms  offered  him  by 
the  allies,  311  ;  second  campaign 
of  1813  in  Saxony,  312,  313  ;  de- 
feated at  Leipzig,  314  ;  first  defen- 
sive campaign  of  1814  in  France, 
319  ;  rejects  the  terms  offered  by 
the  allies  at  Chatillon,  323,  324  ; 
second  defensive  campaign  of  1814 
in    France,    328,    329 ;    abdicates, 

331  ;  leaves  Elba  and  returns  to 
France  {1815),  351;  defeated  at 
Waterloo,  353  ;  sent  to  St.  Helena, 
355.     See  Bonaparte. 

Napoleon,  Kingof  Rome, birth  of,  294; 
granted  succession  to  Parma  by  the 
Provisional  Treaty  of  Paris  (1814), 

332  ;  but  not  by  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  (1815),  347. 

Narbonne-Lara,  Comte  Louis  de, 
French  politician  (1755-1813),  106, 
107,  109. 

Nassau,  duchy  of,  increased  in  1803, 
227  ;  merged  in  the  Grand  Duchy 
of  Berg  (1806),  259  ;  a  state  of  the 
Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 342. 

Nassau-Siegen,  Prince  Charles  f^enry 
Nicholas  Otho  of,  Russian  admiral 
(1745-1809),  44,  95. 

National  Assembly.  See  Constituent 
Assembly. 

Guards    formed    in    Paris,    57 ; 

throughout  France,  59. 

Nationality,  the  principle  of,  2,  3  ; 
extinct  in  18th-century  Germany, 40; 
made  the  French  successful  and  the 
Poles  fail,  153  ;  roused  against 
Napoleon  in  Spain,  298  ;  in  Ger- 
many, 293,  314 ;  rejected  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  360. 

Natural  limits  of  France,  the  Rhine 
and  the  Alps,  claimed  at  Basle 
(1795).  157;  demanded  by  the  Di- 
rectory, 170;  recognised  secretly  by 
Prussia,  179  ;  by  the  Preliminaries 
of  Leoben,  i86;'bythe  Treaty  of 
Campo-Formio,  192  ;  by  the  Treaty 
of  Lundville,  220  ;  abandoned  by 
Napoleon's  annexations,  282  ; 
offered  by  the  allies  at  Dresden,  311; 
at  Frankfort,  316;  opposed  by 
Casllereagh,  318,  424. 

Necker,  Jacques,  French  statesman 
(1732-1804),  49,  51,  56,  58,  6r,  74. 

Neipperg,  Albert  .'Vdam,  Count  ( 1774- 
1829),  346,  347. 


Nelson,  Horatio,  Viscount,  English 
admiral  (1758-1805),  183,  195,  222, 
242,  244,  245. 

Nesselrode,  Charles  Robert,  Count, 
Russian  statesman  (1780-1863),  301, 
332.  337- 

Netherlands,  Austrian.  See  Bel- 
gium. 

The  Protestant,   or  the  United 

Provinces.      See  Holland. 

Kingdom  of  the,  formed  (1815), 

344- 

Neufchatel,  belonged  to  Prussia  in 
1789,  41  ;  Berthier  created  Prince- 
Duke  of,  283,  286  ;  made  a  Canton 
of  Switzerland  (1815),  345, 

Neumarkt,  battle  of  (20  March  1797), 
186. 

Neutral  League  of  the  North,  the, 
222. 

Ney,  Michel,  Duke  of  Elchingen, 
Prince  of  the  Moskowa,  French 
general  (1769-1815),  244,  296,  306, 

313,    329.    332.     351.     352.     356. 

A  pp.  iv. 
Nice,    port   of,    improved   by  Victor 

Amadeus   in.,   26  ;    taken  by   the 

French  (1792),  117  ;  annexed,  118  ; 

formally    ceded    to    France,    174  ; 

formed    into   a   department,    230  ; 

restored  to  Sardinia  (1814),  333. 
Niebuhr,   Barthold   George,  German 

historian  (1776-1831),  304. 
Nile,   battle  of   the   (i   Aug.    1798), 

195- 
Nimeguen,  149. 
Nive,  battle  of  the  (9-13  Dec.    1813), 

316. 
Nivelle,  battle  of  the  (10  Nov.  1813), 

316. 
Noailles,    Comte  Alexis  de,    French 

diplomatist  (1783-1835),  338. 
Nobility,  the  European,  in  the  i8th 

century,  7. 
Nootka  Sound,  77-9. 
Nore,  mutiny  at  the,  183,  193. 
Normal  School  of  Paris,  founded  by 

Napoleon,  288. 
Normandy,  the  rising  in,  against  the 

Convention,  suppressed,  132,  133. 
Norway,  32,  302,  320,  347. 
Novi  (Bosnia)  taken  byLoudon(i78S), 

43- 
(Italy),  battle  of  (15  Aug.  1799 

204. 
Noyades  at  Nantes,  139. 


4o8 


European  History,  1 789- 1815 


Nuremberg,  a  free  city  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  35  ;  retained  its 
independence  (1803),  226;  granted 
to  Bavaria  (1806),  257. 

Oath  of  the  Tennis  Court  (20  June 

1789),  54- 
Ocana,  battle  of  (12  Nov.  1809),  276, 
Ochakov  (Oczakoff),  43,  44,  96. 
Oldenburg,  duchy  of  (1815),  282,  300, 

342. 
Olivenza  ceded  by  Portugal  to  Spain 

(1801),  223;  left   to  Spain   by  the 

Congress  of  Vienna,  348. 
Oporto,  rising  against  the  French  at 

(1808),  265;   taken  by  Soult,  270; 

recapiuredby  Wellesley  (1809),  275. 
Orange,  Prince  of.     See  William  v., 

WiUiam  VI. 
Orleans,  Louis  Philippe  Joseph,  Duke 

of  (1747-93).  57.  138. 
Orsova    besieged    by    the   Austnans 

(1789),  45  ;  taken  by  the  Prince  of 

Coburg  ( 1789),  88  ;  ceded  to  Austria 

(1791),^  88. 
Ortenau  given  to  Baden  (1807),  258. 
Orthez,  battle  of  (27  Feb.  1814),  321. 
Osnabriick,  the  Duke  of  York  bishop 

of,  in  1789,  39 ;  merged  in  Hanover 

(1803),  227  ;  annexed  by  Napoleon 

(1810),  282. 
Ostend  taken  by  the  Belgian  patriots 

(1789),  64. 
Otranto,  Duke  of.     See  Fouchd. 
Oudinot,    Nicolas   Charles,  Duke   of 

Reggio,  French  general  (1767-1847), 

312,  329,  App.  iv. 

Paciaudi,     Paolo     Maria,      Italian 

scholar  (1710-85),  25. 
Facte  de  Famille,  the,  between  France 

and  Spain,  14,  20,  77-79. 
Pacy,  the  Norman  insurgents  against 

the    Convention    defeated   at    (13 

July  1793),  131. 
Paderborn,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesiasti- 
cal   Prince   of   the    Holy   Roman 

Empire,  34. 
bishopric  of,  merged  in  Prussia 

(1803),    227;    in    the    kingdom    of 

Westphalia  (1807),  258. 
Padua,  Manifesto  of,  102. 
Pahlen,  Peter,  Count  von  der,  Russian 

general  (t  1826),  221. 
Palestine,    conquered    by    Bonaparte 

(1799),  20S. 


Palm,  John  Philip,  German  book- 
seller (t  1806),  293. 

Palmella,  Pedro  de  Sousa-Holstein, 
Count,  afterwards  Duke,  of,  Portu- 
guese statesman  (1786-1850),  338. 

Pampeluna  besieged  and  taken  by 
Wellington  (1813),  315,  316. 

Paoli,  Pascal,  Corsican  patriot  (1726- 
1870),  27,  145. 

Papacy  the,  its  temporal  power  in  the 
i8th  century,  24. 

Paris,  takes  part  in  the  Revolution, 
56  ;  riot  of  12  July  (1789),  57  ;  the 
taking  of  the  Bastille,  57,  58  ;  the 
King  brought  to  (6  Oct.  1789),  62  ; 
keeps  the  King  prisoner  in  the 
'I'uileries,  99  ;  massacre  of  17  July 
(1791),  loi  ;  invades  the  Tuileries 
(20  June  1792),  112;  takes  the 
Tuileries  (10  Aug.  1792),  113; 
massacres  in  (Sept.  1792),  115 ; 
people  of,  refuse  to  support 
Robespierre,  147  ;  fights  against 
the  Convention,  13  Vendemiaire, 
164,  165 ;  welcomes  the  Empire, 
238;  battle  of  (1814),  239;  occu- 
pied by  the  allies,  239;  provi- 
sional treaty  of,  33r,  332  ;  return 
of  Louis  XVIII.  to,  333  ;  first  treaty 
of,  333,  334;  return  of  Napoleon 
to  (1815),  351  ;  reoccupied  by  the 
allies,  353 ;  second  treaty  of,  353, 

354- 
Parker,  Sir    Hyde,    English  admiral 

(1739-1807),  222. 

Parma,  city  of,  capital  of  a  French 
department,  283. 

Duke  of.     See  Cambaceres. 

and  Piacenza,  Duchess  of.     See 

Marie  Louise. 

,  Duke  of.     Sec  Ferdinand, 

Louis. 

,  duchies  of,  well  governed 

in  the  i8th  century,  25  ;  conquered 
by  Bonaparte  (1796),  174  ;  ex- 
changed for  kingdom  of  Etruria 
(1801),  220;  annexed  by  Napoleon 
(1810),  283;  granted  to  Marie 
Louise  by  the  Provisional  Treaty 
of  Paris  (1814),  332;  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (1815),  347. 

Parthenopean  Republic,  founded 
(1798),  200;  overthrown  (1799), 
203. 

Passau,  bishopric  of,  merged  in 
Bavaria  (1801),  227. 


Index 


409 


Paul,  Emperor,  of  Russia  (1754- 
1801),  his  accession  (1796),  185  ;  in- 
clines to  war  with  France,  198 ; 
declares  war  against  France  (1798), 
202;  receives  Louis  xviii.,  204; 
withdraws  his  troops  from  the  Con- 
tinent, 206;  becomes  Grand  Master 
of  the  Knights  of  Malta,  207  ; 
quarrels  with  Austria  and  England, 
207 ;  makes  peace  with  France, 
207 ;  admiration  for  Bonaparte, 
216,  217  ;  schemes  for  an  invasion 
of  India,  220,  221 ;  forms  Neutral 
League  of  the  North,  221,  222 ; 
assassinated,  222. 

Pavia,  the  university  of,  26. 

Peace,  Prince  of  the.     See  Godoy. 

Peltier,  Jean  Gabriel,  French 
journalist  (1765-1825),  133. 

Peninsular  War  :  campaign  of  1808, 
265,  266 ;  of  1809,  275,  276 ;  of 
1810,  296  ;  of  1811,  296,  297  ;  of 
1812,  306,  307  ;  of  1813,  315. 

Pere  Duchesne,  142. 

Perignon,  Dominique  Catherine, 
Comte,  French  general  (1754-1818), 
183,  App.  iv. 

Pesth,  90,  91. 

Petiet,  Claude,  French  administrator 
(1749-1805),  182,  190. 

Petion,  Jerome,  French  politician 
(1753-94).  78.  86. 

Pfaftenhofen,'  treaty  of  (1796),  180. 

Philosophers,  the  eighteenth  century, 

4.  9.  17.  38. 

Piacenza,  Duchy  of.     See  Parma. 

Duke  of.     See  Le  Brun. 

Pichegru,  Charles,  French  general 
(1761-1804),  140,  144,  149,  167, 172, 
188,  191,  234,  235. 

Piedmont,  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Sardinia  in  1789,  26 ;  left  to  Victor 
Amadeus  (1797),  192;  occupied  by 
the  French  under  Joubcrt  (1798), 
200 ;  occupied  by  the  Austrians 
(1799),  206;  conquered  by  Bona- 
parte (1800),  218;  annexed  to 
France  (1801),  220,  230,  255. 

Pigot,  Sir  Henry,  English  general 
(1752-1840),  195. 

Pilnitz,  Conference  between  the  Em- 
peror Leopold  and  King  Frederick 
William  at  (1791),  102;  the  De- 
claration of,  103 ;  its  effect  on 
France,  106. 

Pisa,  the  university  of,  24,  200. 


Pitt,  William,  English  statesman 
(1759-1806),  28,  45,  78,  86,  97,  120, 
125,  126,  166,  167,  169,  184,  189, 
190,  225,  243,  245,  264. 

Pius  VI. ,  Giovanni  Angelo  Braschi, 
Pope  (1717-99),  24,  66,  76,  175, 
177,  200,  203,  217. 

vii. ,    Gregorio    Barnabe  Luigi 

Chiaramonti,  Pope  (1742-1834), 
217,  220,  229,   230,  238,  277,  278, 

347- 
Plain,    deputies  of  the  Centre  in  the 

Convention  called  the,    117,    129, 

156. 
Pleswitz,  armistice  of  (3  June  1813), 

309- 

Plettenberg,  the  Baron  of,  Prince- 
Bishop  of  Miinster  in  1789,  39. 

Plcville  de  Peley,  Georges  Rene, 
French  admiral  (1726-1805),  190, 
196. 

Podolia,  province  of,  taken  by  Russia 
at  the  second  partition  of  Poland 
(1793),  122. 

Poland,  its  extinction  impending  in 
1789,  14  ;  Catherine's  policy  in  the 
first  partition  of,  18  ;  Prussia's 
share  of,  and  aims  on,  30 ;  treaty 
of  Warsaw  with  Prussia,  85 ;  re- 
fuses to  surrender  Thorn  and 
Dantzic  (1790),  87;  attempts  at 
reform,  103,  104;  the  Constitution 
of  1791,  104,  105  ;  invaded  by  the 
Fiussians  (1792),  121 ;  attacked  by 
the  Prussians  (1793),  122  ;  second 
partition  of  (1793),  122;  causes  of 
the  failure  of  the  attempt  at  con- 
stitutional reform,  123;  insurrec- 
tion in  (1794),  151 ;  victory  of  the 
Russians,  151,  152  ;  final  partition 
and  extinction  of  Polish  inik'jiend- 
ence  (1795),  152;  comparison  be- 
tween French  and  Polish  revolu- 
tions, 152,  153  ;  looked  favourably 
on  by  the  Directory,  206 ;  Napo- 
leon's campaign  in  1807,  248,  249  ; 
Napoleon's  I'olish  policy,  261  ; 
creation  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Warsaw,  261  ;  serfdom  abolished 
in,  289  ;  the  Emperor  Alexander's 
ideas  on  (1814),  339;  final  re- 
arrangement of  (1815),  342. 

Police,  Ministry  of  General,  estab- 
lished in  France  (1796),  182 ; 
abolished  under  the  Consulate,  but 
restored  under  the  Empire,  24  r. 


410 


European  History,  1789-1815 


Polignac,  Aimand  Jules  Alarie  Hera- 
clius,  Comte,  afterwards  Due  de, 
French  politician  (1771-1847),  235. 

Polish  Legion  formed  for  the  service 
of  France  (1797),  206. 

Pombal,  Sebastian  Jose  de  Carvalho- 
Mello,  Marquis  of,  Portuguese 
statesman  (1699-1782),  22. 

Pomerania,  Prussian,  its  backward 
state  in  1789,  29. 

Swedish,  possession  of,  gave  the 

King  of  Sweden  a  voice  in  the 
Diet  of  tlie  Empire,  34;  occupied 
by  the  French  under  Brune  (1808), 
250,  254,  279 ;  exchanged  for  Nor- 
way by  the  treaty  of  Kiel  (1814), 
320 ;  given  to  Prussia  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (1815),  347. 

Pompadour,  Jeanne  Antoinette  Pois- 
son.  Marquise  de  (1721-64),  19. 

Poniatowski,  Joseph,  Prince,  Polish 
patriot,  French  general  (1762-1813), 
121,  122,  App.  iv. 

—  Stanislas,  King  of  Poland 
(1732-98),  104,  122,  151,  152. 

Ponte  Corvo,  principality  of,  be- 
longed to  the  Pope  in  1789,  24  ; 
Bernadotte  made  Prince  of  (1806), 
277. 

Pontine  marshes  drained  by  Pope 
Pius  VI. ,  24. 

Popes.     See  Pius  vi.,  Pius  vii. 

Porentruy,  district  of,  merged  in  the 
department  of  the  Haut-Rhin,  230. 

Portalis,  Jean  Etienne  Marie,  French 
statesman  (1745-1807),  214,  215. 

Portugal,  its  condition  in  1789,  14, 
21,  22  ;  declares  war  against  the 
French  Republic  (1793),  120;  treaty 
of  San  lldefonso  (1796),  183;  Eng- 
land comes  to  the  help  of,  184  ; 
attacked  by  Spain,  and  forced  to 
cede  Olivenza  by  the  treaty  of 
Badajoz  (1801),  223;  Napoleon's 
schemes  against,  252  ;  to  be  divided 
by  treaty  of  Fontainebleau  (1807), 
252,  253  ;  conquered  by  the  French, 
253 ;  rises  in  insurrection  against 
the  French,  261:; ;  English  army  sent 
to,  265 ;  freed  from  the  French 
by  the  Convention  of  Cintra,  266  ; 
invaded  by  the  French  under 
Massena  (1810),  296;  their  repulse 
(1811),  297;  deserted  by  Castle- 
reagh  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
(1815).  348. 


Portuguese  Legion,  formed  by  Junot, 
for  the  service  of  France,  253. 

Posen,  province  of,  taken  by  Prussia 
in  the  second  partition  of  Poland 
(1793).  122;  given  back  to  Prussia 
(1815),  342.  _ 

Potenikin,  Gregory  Alexandrovitch, 
Prince,  Russian  statesman  (1736- 
1791),  43,  44,  45,  96. 

Potocki,  Stanislas  Felix,  Polish  states- 
man (1745-1805),  121. 

Potsdam,  treaty  of  (3  Nov.  1805), 
247. 

Pozzo  di  Borgo,  Charles  Andrew, 
Count,  Russian  diplomatist  (1764- 
1842),  301,  337. 

Praga,  suburb  of  Warsaw,  stormed 
by  Suvorov  (4  Nov.  1794),  152. 

Prague,  congress  of  (1813),  311. 

Prairial,  the  insurrection  of  ist,  in 
Paris  (179s).  15s.  156. 

Prefectures,  Bonparte's  establishment 
of,  in  France,  230. 

Preliminaries  of  Leoben  signed  (17 
April  1797),  186. 

Pressburg,  treaty  of  (26  Dec.  1805), 

245- 

Prieiu-  [of  the  C6te-d  Or],  Claude 
Antoine,  French  statesman  (1763- 
1832),  133,  134. 

[of  the   Marne],    Pierre  Louis, 

French  statesman  (1760-1827),  133. 

Prince-Bishops  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  39,  40. 

Profession  de  Foi  du  Vicaire  Savoy- 
ard, Rousseau's,  10. 

Proposals  of  Frankfort  (1813),  316, 

317- 

Provera,  John  Nicholas,  Baron,  Aus- 
trian general  (1747-1801),  176. 

Prussia,  administrative  decay  in,  5  ; 
serfdom  in,  5 ;  a  member  of  the 
Triple  Alliance,  13 ;  condition  in 
1789,  28-30 ;  policy  of,  30,  31 ;  in- 
tervention in  Holland  (1787),  32; 
influence  in  the  Diet  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  34  ;  position  of,  in 
1789,  84  ;  anti-Austrian  policy, 
84-86 ;  alliance  with  Austria  against 
France  (1792),  109;  its  share  in 
the  second  partition  of  Poland 
(1793),  122 ;  in  the  third  partition 
of  Poland  (1795),  152;  more  anti- 
Austrian  than  anti-French,  152  ; 
makes  treaty  of  Basle  with  the 
French  Republic  (1795),  156,  157; 


Index 


411 


becomes  protector  of  North  Ger- 
many, by  the  conclusion  of  the 
hne  of  demarcation,  170,  171 ; 
its  great  increase  in  importance 
by  the  secularisations  of  1803,  227  ; 
neutrahty  violated  by  the  French 
(1805),  244;  advantages  obtained 
by  its  policy  of  neutrality,  246  ; 
desires  to  fight  France,  246,  247  ; 
crushed  at  Jena,  and  occupied  by 
the  French,  247 ;  deprived  of  its 
Rhenish  Westphalian  and  Polish 
provinces  (1807),  250;  reorganisa- 
tion of,  under  Stein  and  Scharn- 
horst,  289-291 ;  becomes  the  recog- 
nised leader  of  the  revived  German 
national  spirit,  292;  Stein's  reforms 
completed  by  Hardenberg,  303 ; 
foundation  of  the  University  of 
Berlin,  303,  304;  obliged  to  allow 
Napoleon  to  traverse  it,  and  to 
send  him  a  contingent  (1812),  304  ; 
rises  against  the  French,  30B,  309  ; 
receives  part  of  Saxony  (1815), 
341 ;  and  part  of  Prussian  Poland, 
342 ;  obtains  large  Rhenish  pro- 
vmcc,  344  ;  gets  Swedish  Pomer- 
ania,  347  ;  as  a  result  of  the  period 
becomes  the  preponderant  Gernian 
power,  359.  5<?«  Frederick  William 
II.,  Fredericli  William  in. 

Public   Safety,    Committee  of.      See 
Committee. 

Pyramids,  battle  of  the  (21  July  1798), 

195-  .        .      ^ 

Pyrenees,  campaigns  m  the,  133,  140, 
144,  150,  151,  315,  316. 

QuATRE  Bras,   battle  of  {16  June 

1815),  352. 
Quedlinburg,   abbey  of,    merged    in 

Prussia  (1803),  227. 
Quiberon  Bav,  defeat  of  the  French 

imigris  at  (June  1794),  154- 
Quinette,     Nicolas     Marie,     Baron, 

French  administrator   (1762-1821), 

210. 

RAAii,  battle  of  (t/^  June  1809),  273. 
Rabaut  de  Saint-Etiennc,  Jean  Paul, 

French  politician  (1743-93).  S^- 
Raclawicc,   battle  of  (4  April  1794), 

151-     , 

Radet,  Etienne,  Baron,  French  gene- 
ral (1762-1825),  278. 

Ragusa,  Duke  of.     Sec  Marmont. 


Ramel,  Jean  Pierre,  French  general 
(1768-1815),  356. 

de   Nogaret,   Jacques,    French 

politician  (1760-1819),  182. 

Rapinat,  Jacques,  French  adminis- 
trator (1750-1818),  199,  209. 

Rasomovski,  Andrew,  Count,  after- 
wards Prince,  Russian  diplomatist 
(1751-1836),  323,  337. 

Rastadt,  Congress  at,  186,  192,  202. 

Ratisbon,  bishopric  of,  granted  to 
the  Elector  of  Mayence  (1803), 
225  ;  to  the  King  of  Bavaria  (1805), 
260. 

a  free  city  of  the  Holy  Roman 

Empire,  where  the  Imperial  Diet 
met,  35,  225,  257. 

Reason,  the  Worship  of,  in  Paris, 
141  ;  attacked  by  Danton  and 
Robespierre,  142. 

Receivei-s-general  of  taxes,  their 
establishment  under  the  Consulate, 

215- 
Reden,    Baron,    Dutch    diplomatist 

(t  1799).  87- 
Regency,  Portuguese,  formed  (1808), 

266. 
Reggio,    duchy  of,    belonged  to  the 

Duke    of    Modena    in    1789,    25  ; 

merged  in  the  Cisalpine  Republic 

(1797),  192. 

Duke  of.     Sec  Oudinot. 

Regnier,  Claude  Ambroise,  Duke  of 

Massa,    French    statesman    (1736- 

1814),  216,  239,  240,  241. 
Reichenbach,     conference,    Congi-ess 

and  convention  of  (June  1790),  87, 

88  ;  treaty  of  (17  June  1813),  310. 
Reichskammergcricht.    5t;e Tribunal, 

'Imperial. 
Reichstag.     See  Diet,  Imperial. 
Reign   of    Terror    in    France.       See 

Terror. 
Rcinhard,   Charles  Frederic,  Comte, 

French     diplomatist     (1761-1837), 

210. 
Renier,     Paolo    (t  1789),     Doge    of 

Venice  in  1789,  27. 
Repnin,       Nicholas       Vassilievitch, 

Prince,     Russian    general     (1734" 

1801),  44,  96. 
Retreats,  famous  military :  Moreau's, 

from  Bavaria  (1796),  178;  Moore's, 

from    Salamanca     (1808-09),    269, 

270;    Napoleon's,     from    Moscow 
(1812),  306. 


412 


European  History,  1789-1815 


Reubell,  Jean  Francois,  French 
statesman  (1747-1807),  150,  156, 
165,  169,  179  i8r,  191,  209. 

Reunion,  island  of  (Isle  of  Bour- 
bon),   restored   to    France   (1815), 

348. 

Reuss,  the  principalities  of,  states  of 
the  Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 
343. 

Reuss,  Prince  Anton  von  (1738-96), 
87. 

R6veil!on,  Jean  (1796),  sack  of  his 
house  at  Paris  (June  1789),  56. 

Revelliere-Lepeaux,  Louis  Marie  de 
la,  French  statesman  (1753-1824), 
165,  171,  181,  182,  209. 

Revolution,  the  reasons  why  it  began 
in  France,  7,  8.     See  France. 

Revolutionary  Propaganda,  decreed 
by  the  Convention  (18  Nov.  1792), 
118;  its  effect  on  the  character  of 
the  war,  125 ;  the  decree  repealed 
(16  May  1793),  133;  idea  adopted 
by  the  Hebertists,  141  ;  formally 
abandoned  by  the  Thermidorian 
Committee  of    Public  Safety,   148, 

159- 

Tribunal.     See  Tribunal. 

Rdvolntions  de  Paris,  important 
journal  edited  by  Loustalot,  61. 

Reynier,  Jean  Louis Ebenezer,  Comte, 
French  general  (1771-1814),  256, 
296. 

Rhine,  the,  declared  the  natural 
boundary  of  France,  157  ;  crossed 
by  Moreau  (1796),  178  ;  by  Moreau 
(1797),  186;  by  Bliicher  (1813),  318. 

Confederation  of  the,  formed  by 

Napoleon  (1806),  245  ;  its  members, 
260,  261 ;  replaced  by  the  Germanic 
Confederation  (1815),  342,  343. 

Ricci,  Scipio  de.  Bishop  of  Pistoia, 
Italian  statesman  (1741-1810),  24, 

83- 

Richelieu,  Armand  Emmanuel  Sophie 
Septimanie  du  Plessis,  Due  de, 
French  statesman  (1766-1822),  357. 

Ried,   treaty  of  (8  Oct.    1813),  313, 

314- 
Riga,  besieged  by  the  French  under 

Macdonald  (1812),  307. 
Rivers,  stipulations  on  the  navigation 

of,  349- 
Riviere,  Charles  Fran9ois  de  Riffar- 
deau,    Marquis,     afterwards    Due 
de,  French  ('wz^f/vf  (1763-1827),  235. 


Rivoli,  battle  of  (14  Jan.  1797),  176. 

■  Duke  of.     See  Massena. 

Roberjot,  Claude,  French  politician 
(1753-99).  202. 

Robespierre,  Maximilien  Marie  Isi- 
dore de,  French  statesman  (1758- 
1794),  opposes  intervention  of 
France  on  behalf  of  Spain  (1790), 
78  ;  moves  motion  preventing  elec- 
tion of  deputies  of  the  Constituent 
to  the  Legislative  Assembly,  105  ; 
opposes  war  with  Austria,  105;  a 
leader  in  the  Convention,  117; 
attacked  by  Louvet,  117 ;  views 
on  the  King's  trial,  119 ;  his 
struggle  with  the  Girondins,  129; 
member  of  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety,  133  ;  his  position  and 
character,  134,  135  ;  attacks  the 
Hebertists,  142 ;  establishes  the 
Worship  of  the  Supreme  Being, 
146 ;  overthrown  in  Thermidor 
(1794),  146,  147 ;  guillotined,  147. 

Rochambeau,  Jean  Baptiste  Donatien 
de  Vimeur,  Comte  de,  French 
general  (1725-1807),  107. 

Rodt,  Baron  of,  Prince-Bishop  of 
Constance  in  1789,  39. 

Roggenbach,  Baron  Joseph  Sigis- 
mund  of,  Prince-Bishop  of  Basle 
in  1789  (t  1794).  39- 

Roland  de  la  Platiere,  Jean  Marie, 
French  administrator  (1734-93). 
no,  112,  114. 

Manon  Jeanne,  Madame  (1754- 

93),  her  salon,  116. 

Rolica,  battle  of  (17  Aug.  1808),  265. 

Romagna,  the,  part  of  the  Cisalpine 
Republic  (1797),  192. 

Roman  Empire,  the  Holy.  See  Em- 
pire. 

Roman  Republic,  the,  estabhshed 
(1798),  200 ;  overthrown  (1799), 
203. 

Rome,  administration  of  the  Popes 
at,  24  ;  occupied  by  French  troops 
(1798),  200;  evacuated  by  them, 
203  ;  annexed  by  Napoleon  (1810), 
255  ;  declared  the  second  city  of 
the  Empire,  277,  278  ;  capital  of  a 
French  department,  283  ;  restored 
to  the  Pope  (1815),  347. 

Rosas,  taken  by  the  French  (3  Feb. 

1795).  150.  151- 
Rousseau,    Jean   Jacques,    Genevese 
philosopher  (1712-78),  9,  10,  41,146. 


I 


Index 


413 


Roussillon,  130,  140. 

Ruffo,  Alvaro,  Commander,  after- 
wards Prince,  Neapolitan  diplo- 
matist (ti825),  338,  346. 

Riigen,  island  of,  belonged  to  Sweden 
in  1789,  32.  See  Pomerania, 
Swedish. 

Rumford,  Benjamin  Thompson, 
Count,  Bavarian  statesman  (1753- 
1814),  37- 

Russia,  condition  and  growth  of, 
under  Catherine,  18,  19  ;  invaded 
by  the  Swedes  (178S-90),  45,  95; 
obtains  increase  of  territory  by  the 
treaty  of  Jassy  (1792),  96  ;  her  share 
in  the  second  partition  of  Poland 
(1793),  122;  in  the  third  partition 
(1795),  152  ;  accession  of  Paul,  185, 
198  ;  her  intervention  in  the  war 
with  France  and  its  results,  206, 
207  ;  disapproves  of  war  with  Eng- 
land, 221;  murder  of  Paul  (1801), 
221 ;  trade  of,  234  ;  joins  the  coali- 
tion against  Napoleon  (1805), 
242,  243 ;  defeated  at  Eyiau,  248  ; 
and  Friedland,  249  ;  results,  249  ; 
cessions  made  to,  by  the  treaty  of 
Tilsit,  249,  250,  261 ;  grumbles  at 
the  Continental  Blockade,  261,  300; 
attitude  towards  Austria  (1809), 
272 ;  annexes  Finland,  278,  299, 
302  ;  its  cessions  from  the  Turks  in 
1812,  281 ;  incited  by  England  to 
war  with  France,  301 ;  invaded  by 
Napoleon  (1812),  305,  306  ;  drives 
out  the  French,  306 ;  its  share  in 
the  overthrow  of  Napoleon,  334; 
its  annexations  from  Poland  (1815), 
341,  342  ;  a  result  of  the  period  its 
taking  a  prominent  place  in  Euro- 
pean polity,  359,  360.  See  Alex- 
ander, Catherine,  Paul. 

Russian  Armament,  the  (1788),  45. 

Rymnik,  battle  of  the  (12  Aug.  1789), 
45- 

Sacii.io,  Ijattleof  (16  April  1809),  273. 
Safety,    Public,   Committee  of.      See 

Committee. 
Saint-Aignan,     Paul     Hippolyte    de 

Beauvilliers,    Marquis   de,    French 

diplomatist  (1782-1831),  316. 
Saint-Andrd,  Andrd  Jeanbon,  called, 

P'rench  administrator   (1749-1813), 

133- 
Saint- Bernard,  the  Great,  218. 


Saint-Bernard,  the  Little,  151. 

Saint-Claude,  abbey  of,  in  the  Jura,  6. 

Saint-Cloud,  the  Councils  removed  to 
from  Paris,  210;  Bonaparte's  coup 
d-ilat  of  18  Brumaire  (1799)  at, 
211. 

Saint-Cyr,  Laurent  Gouvion  de.  Sec 
Gouvion. 

Saint-Gall,  the  canton  of,  created  by 
Bonaparte  (1803),  228;  recognised 
by  the  Congress  of  Vienna  (1815), 

344- 
Salnt-Gothard,  Suvorov's  passage  of 

the  (1799),  204. 
Saint-Helena,  Napoleon  deported  to 

(181S).  355- 
Saint-Helens,     Alleyne     Fitzherbert, 

Lord.     Sec  Fitzherbert. 
Saint-Just,   Louis  Leon  Antoine  Flor- 

elle  de,  French  politician  (1767-94), 

133.  135.  138,  140,  142,  147- 
Saint- Lucia,  island  of, ceded  to  France 

(1783),  19;  restored  to  England  by 

the  first  treaty  of  Paris  (1814),  333  ; 

by  the  Congress  of  Vienna  (1815), 

348. 
Saint-Marsan,  Filippo  Antonio  Maria 

Asinari,  Marquis  de,  Italian  diplo- 
matist (1761-1828),  338. 
Saint-Ouen,    Declaration  of  (2   May 

1814),  332,  333- 
Saint-Petersburg,   threatened   by  the 

Swedes  (1790),  95. 
Saint-Priest,    Guillaume    Emmanuel 

Guignard,      Comte     de,      French 

c'liiiirrd,     Russian    general    {1776- 

1814),  328. 
Saint-Vincent,battleof  (14  Feb.  1797), 

183. 
Saint-Vincent,  Sir  John  Jervis,  Earl, 

See  Jervis. 
Salamanca,      Moore's     advance     to 

(1808),    269  ;    battle    of    (22    July 

1812),  306. 
Saliceti,  Christophe,  French  politician 

(1757-1809),  256. 
Salkief,  circle  of,  in  Poland,  ceded  to 

Russia  (1807),  261. 
Salm,    petty    German     principalities 

(1789),   34;  territories  in  Germany 

annexed      by     Na|)oleon     (1810), 

282. 
.Salm,    Constantino  Alexander, 

Prince  of  (1762-1828),  79. 
Salomon,  Gabriel  Ren6,  French  poli- 
tician (•[•1792),  60. 


414 


European  History,  17  89-181 5 


Salzburg,  theAichbishop  of,  alternate 
president  of  the  College  of  Princes 
in  1789,  34. 

Salzburg,  archbishopric  of,  made 
into  an  electorate  for  the  Grand 
Duke  Ferdinand  of  Tuscany  /1803), 
225,  229;  ceded  to  Bavaria  (1809), 
257,  274 ;  restored  to  Austria 
(1815),  344. 

San  Domingo,  Bonaparte's  attempt 
to  reconquer  (1802),  232, 

Ildefonso,    treaty   of  (19  Aug. 

1796),  183. 

Sebastian,    threatened   by    the 

French  (1794),  144;  taken  by  the 
French  (1795),  ^57 1  stormed  by 
Wellington  {1813),  315,  316. 

Saorgio,  battle  of  (29  April  1794), 
144. 

Saragossa,  siege  of  (1809),  275. 

Sardinia,  kingdom  of,  condition  in 
1789,  26,  27 ,  attacked  by  the 
French  (1792),  117;  subsidised  by 
England,  126 ;  restored  to  Victor 
Emmanuel  i.,  with  the  addition  of 
Genoa,  346 ;  got  back  Savoy 
(1815),  354.  Sec  Charles  Emmanuel 
III.,  Victor  Amadeus  IV.,  Victor 
Emmanuel  I.,  also  Nice,  Piedmont, 
Savoy. 

Savigny,  Frederick  Charles  von, 
German  jurist  (1779-1861),  304. 

Savona,  Pope  Pius  vii.  imprisoned 
at,  278. 

Savoy,  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Sar- 
dinia in  1789,  26 ;  conquered  by 
the  French  (1792),  117;  annexed 
to  France,  118  ;  ceded  by  the  King 
of  Sardinia  (1797),  174  ;  made  into 
the  department  of  Mont  Blanc, 
230  ;  left  to  France  (1814),  333 ; 
restored  to  the  King  of  Sardinia 
(1815),  354- 

Saxe-Coburg,  duchy  of,  a  state  of  the 
Germanic  Confederation  (1815),  342. 

Saalfeld,    Prince    Francis 

Josias  of.     See  Coburg,  Prince  of. 

Gotha,  duchy  of,  a  state  of  the 

Germanic     Confederation     (1815), 

343- 

Hildburghausen,    duchy   of,    a 

state  of  the  Germanic  Confedera- 
tion (1815),  343. 

Meiningen,  duchy  of,  a  state  of 

the  Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 
343- 


Saxe-Teschen,  Duke  Albert  of,  Aus- 
trian general  (1738-1822),  113. 

Saxe- Weimar,  duchy  of,  38  ;  made  a 
Grand  Duchy  and  a  state  of  the 
Germanic  Confederation (1815), 342. 
See  Charles  Augustus. 

Saxony,  electorate  of,  its  condition  in 
1789,  38 ;  receives  Lower  Lusatia, 
and  made  a  kingdom  (1806),  259; 
a  state  of  the  Confederation  of  the 
Rhine,  260;  invaded  bySchill(i8o9), 
293  ;  occupied  by  Napoleon  (1813), 
309 ;  proposition  to  merge  it  in 
Prussia  rejected  (1814),  339,  340; 
part  of,  ceded  to  Prussia  (1815), 
341  ;  a  state  of  the  Germanic  Con- 
federation (1815),  342.  See  Freder- 
ick Augustus. 

Schaffhausen,  Thurgau,  separated 
from  the  canton  of,  by  Bonaparte 
(1803),  228. 

Scharnhorst,  Gerard  David  von,  Prus- 
sian general  (1755-1813),  reorgan- 
ised the  Prussian  army,  290,  291, 
308  ;    mortally  wounded  at  Liitzen, 

309- 
Scheldt,  navigation  of  the,  declared 

free  by  the   National  Convention, 

118. 
Scherer,    Barthelemy    Louis  Joseph, 

French  general    (1747-1804),    173, 

190,  202,  203. 
Schill,     Friedrich,     Prussian     officer 

(1773-1809),  293. 
Schiller,  Johann  Christoph  Friedrich, 

German  poet  (1759-1805),  9,  38. 
Schimmelpenninck,     Roger     John, 

Count,     Dutch     statesman    (1761- 

1825),  254. 
Schleiermacher,  Ernst  Friedrich,  Ger- 
man philosopher  (1779-1834),  304. 
Schlieffen,    Friedrich    von,    Prussian 

general     (t    1791).     63,     65,      94, 

95- 
Schonbrunn,  treaty  of  (15  Feb.  1806), 

247. 
Schonfeld,   Wilhelm   Christoph   von, 

Prussian  general  (t  1797),  65,  93. 
Schulenburg,      Friedrich      Wilhelm. 

Count     von,    Prussian    scatesman 

(1730-1802),  126. 
Albert,  Count  von,   Saxon 

diplomatist  (1772-1853),  338. 
Schulz,  pastor  of  Gielsdorf,  the  case 

of,  10. 
Schwai"tzberg,    two   principalities  of. 


Index 


415 


recognised  as  states  of  the  Germanic 
Confederation  (1815),  343. 

Schwartzenberg,  Prince  Charles  Philip 
von,  Austrian  general  (1771-1820), 
294.  305.  312,  313,  318,  319,  320, 
328.  329,  350,  353- 

Scliweitz,  canton  of  Switzerland,  main- 
tained by  Bonaparte  (1803),  228. 

Seance  Royale,  held  by  Louis  xvi.  (23 
June  1789),  54. 

Sebastiani,  Fran9ois  Horace  Bastien, 
Comte,  French  general  (1772-1851), 
275,  280. 

Secularisation  of  the  ecclesiastical 
states  of  the  Empire  proposed  by 
France,  170 ;  agreed  to  at  Luneville 
(1801),  220;  its  tendency,  226 ; 
carried  out  (1803),  and  its  effects, 
226,  227. 

Security,  General,  Committee  of.  See 
Committee. 

Selim  III.,  Sultan  of  the  Ottoman 
Turks  (1761-1808),  44,  88,  89,  96, 
280,  281. 

Senate  of  France,  established  by  the 
Constitution  of  the  Year  viii.,  its 
functions,  214  ;  given  power  to  dis- 
solve the  Tribunate  and  Legislative 
Body  (1803),  232  ;  offers  the  title  of 
Emperor  to  Napoleon  (1804),  236; 
its  position  under  the  Empire,  240, 
284;  appoints  a  Provisional  Govern- 
ment (1814),  330;  declares  Napo- 
leon dethroned,  331. 

Serfdom  in  Europe  in  the  i8th  cen- 
tury, 5,  6  ;  abolished  in  Hungary  by 
Joseph  II.,  16  ;  the  Russian  peasant 
partly  protected  from,  by  his  village 
organisation,  19  ;  prevalent  in  Prus- 
sia, 29,  30;  abolished  in  Denmark 
(17881,32;  abolishedin  Pjaclen(i783), 
37  ;  its  existence  a  cause  of  the  fail- 
ure of  the  Poles  to  maintain  their 
independence,  152  ;  disappeared 
from  Central  Europe  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  French  Revolution 
and  Napoleon,  288,  289  ;  abolished 
in  Prussia  by  Stein,  290  ;  its  general 
abolition  a  permanent  result  of  the 
period,  361. 

Serurier,  Jean  Mathieu  Philibert, 
French  general  (1742-1819),  App.  iv. 

Scrvan,  Joseph,  French  general  (1741- 
1808),  114. 

Scrvia,  conquered  by  the  Austrians 
under  Loudon  (1789),  45  ;  indepen- 


dence recognised  by  the  Tuiks 
(1812),  281. 

Shumla,  281. 

Sicily,  not  much  affected  by  Tanucci's 
reforms,  23  ;  held  by  the  English 
for  Ferdinand  IV.,  256,  264. 

Sidmouth,  Henry  Addington,  Vis- 
count.    See  Addington. 

Sieges  :  Acre  (1799),  208  ;  Alessandria 
(1799),  203,  204;  Alexandria! 1 801), 
224;  Almeida(i8ii),  296  ;  Antvv'erp 
(1814),  321  ;  Badajoz  (1812),  306  ; 
Bayonnc  (1814),  316,  321  ;  Bender 
(1789),  45;  Burgos(i8i2),  307;  Cadiz 
(1810-12),  296,  297;  Cairo  (1801), 224; 
Ciudad  Rodrigo  (1812),  306  ;  Conde 
(1793),  130;  Dantzic  (1806-7),  248, 
249;  Dantzic  (1813-14),  319  ;  Dun- 
kirk (1793),  130,  140;  Gaeta(i8o7), 
256;  Genoa  (1799-1800),  205,  206, 
218  ;  Giurgevo  (1790),  88  ;  Hamburg 
(1S13-14),  319.  320;  Ismail  (1789- 
90),  45,  96;  Landau  (1793),  140; 
Le  Quesnoy  (1793),  130;  Lille  (1792), 
114,  118;  Lyons  (1793),  131,  140; 
Magdeburg  (1813-14),  319  ;  Mantua 
(1796-97),  175,  176;  Mantua  (1799), 
203;  Maubeuge  (1793),  140 ;  May- 
ence  (1793),  130  ;  Mayence  (1795), 
172;  Mayence  (1797),  193;  Ocha- 
kov  (1788),  43,  44;  Orsova  (1789- 
90),  45,  88  ;  Pampeluna  (1813),  316; 
Riga  (1812),  307 ;  San  Sebastian 
(1813),  315.  316  ;  Saragossa  (1809), 
275  ;  Stettin  (1813-14),  319;  Tarra- 
gona (1812),  307;  Toulon  (1793), 
140;  Valenciennes  (1793),  130; 
Warsaw  (1794),  151,  152. 

Siena,  24,  283. 

Sieyis,  Emmanuel  Joseph,  Comte, 
French  statesman  (1748-1836),  53, 
54,  60,  150,  156,  159,  165,  166,  182, 
197,  209,  219,  211,  213,  357. 

Silesia,  the  Prussian  Army  of,  formed 
under  BlUclier  (1813),  309  ;  defeated 
the  French  at  the  Katzbach,  319  ; 
crosses  the  Rliine,  318  :  cut  to  pieces 
by  Napoleon,  319. 

Silistria,  taken  by  Kutuzov  (1811), 
281. 

Simcjon,  Joseph  Jerome,  Comte,  French 
administrator  (1749-1842),  259. 

Sistova,  congress  of  (1790-91),  88; 
treaty  of  (4  Aug.  1791),  89. 

Slave  trade,  the  Negro,  condemned 
Ijy  the  Congress  of  Vienna  at  the 


4i6 


European  History,  1789- 1 815 


demand  of  Castlereagh  (1815),  348, 
349. 

Smith,  Sir  William  Sidney,  English 
admiral  (1764-1840),  145,  208. 

Smolensk,  305,  306. 

Socialism  opposed  even  by  the  Heb- 
ertists,  141. 

Soleure,  canton  of  Switzerland,  main- 
tained by  Bonaparte  (1803),  228. 

Soltikov,  Ivan,  Count,  Russian  general 
(1736-1805),  43. 

Somo  Sierra,  Napoleon  forces  the 
pass  of  the  (1808),  269. 

Sotin  de  la  Coindiere,  Pierre,  French 
administrator  (1764-1810),  Minister 
of  Police  (1797),  190. 

Soult,  Nicolas  Jean  de  Dieu,  Duke  of 
Dalmatia,  French  general  (1769- 
1851),  269,  270,  275,  296,  297,  315, 
316,  321,  332,  App.  iv. 

Sovereignty  of  the  people,  the  doc- 
trine of,  2. 

Spain,  allied  to  France  by  the  Pacta 
de  Famille,  14 ;  its  condition  in 
1789,  20,  21;  the  reforms  of  Aranda, 
21 ;  demands  the  help  of  France 
against  England  in  the  Nootka 
Sound  affair  (1790),  78 ;  declares 
war  against  France  (1793),  119; 
subsidised  by  England,  126 ;  in- 
vades France,  130  ;  defeated  by  the 
French  (1794),  140  ;  invaded  by  the 
French  (1795),  144;  weary  of  the 
war  with  France,  154  ;  makes  peace 
with  France  at  Basle  (1795),  157  ; 
makes  alliance  with  France  at 
San  Iklefonso,  and  attacks  Eng- 
land, 183 ;  fleet  defeated  off  Cape 
St.  Vincent  (1797),  183;  Bonaparte's 
communications  with,  223  ;  attacks 
Portugal,  and  gets  Olivenza  by  the 
treaty  of  Badajoz  (1801),  223  ;  cedes 
Louisiana  to  France,  232  ;  agrees  at 
Fontainebleau  for  the  partition  of 
Portugal,  252,  253  ;  course  of  poli- 
tics in,  266,  267  ;  Napoleon  makes 
Joseph  Bonaparte  king  of  (1808), 
267  ;  the  Spanish  people  rise 
against  the  French,  267,  268  ; 
Napoleon  in  Spain,  268-70 ;  the 
guerilla  war  against  the  French, 
297  ;  evacuated  by  the  French  (1813), 
315  ;  lost  Trinidad,  but  kept  Oliven- 
za at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  (i8i.j- 
15),  348  ;  reactionary  policy  of  Fer- 
dinand   VII.    in   (1815),    3S8.     See 


Charles  IV.,  Ferdinand  vii.,  Joseph, 
Peninsular  War. 

Spanish  Armament,  the  (1790),  78. 

Spielmann,  Anton,  Baron  von,  Aus- 
trian diplomatist  (ti738  -  1813), 
Austrian  representative  at  Reichen- 
bach  (1790),  87. 

Spires,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesiasti- 
cal Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  34  ;  and  one  of  the  Princes 
holding    largest    fiefs    in    Alsace, 

79- 
bishopric  of,  the  portion  on  the 

right  bank  of  the  Rhine  merged  in 

Baden  (1803),  227. 
city  of,  taken  by  Custine  (1792), 

118. 
Spltigen  pass,  forced  by  Macdonald 

(1800),  219. 
Stablo,   Abbot   of,    an    ecclesiastical 

Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 

34- 

Stackelberg,  Gustavus,  Count  von, 
Russian  diplomatist  (+1825),  337. 

Stadion,  John  Philip  Charles  Joseph, 
Count,  Austrian  statesman  (1763- 
1824),  tried  to  rouse  Germany 
against  Napoleon,  270,  271;  suc- 
ceeded by  iVIetternich  (1809),  275; 
inspired  by  Gentz,  292 ;  Austrian 
plenipotentiary  at  Chatillon  (1814), 

323- 

Staps,  Friedrich  (1792-1809),  schemed 
to  assassinate  Napoleon,  293. 

State,  doctrine  of  the,  4,  292. 

States  of  the  Church.  See  Papal 
States. 

States-General  of  France,  summoned 
(1788),  43;  a  financial  expedient, 
49,  50 ;  the  elections  to,  50,  51  ; 
struggle  between  the  Orders,  52, 
53 ;  declares  itself  the  National 
Assembly,  53.  See  Constituent 
Assembly. 

Stein,  Henry  Frederick  Charles, 
Freiherr  vom,  Prussian  statesman 
(1757-1831),  a  Knight  of  the  Em- 
pire, 40  ;  his  reforms  in  Prussia, 
290  ;  dismissed  by  Napoleon's 
orders,  291 ;  pressed  Ale.xander  to 
war  with  Napoleon,  301 ;  his  work 
completed  by  Hardenberg,  303  ;  at 
the  Russian  headquarters  (1812), 
304 ;  summoned  the  Estates  of 
Prussia  at  Konigsberg,  308  ;  his 
idea  of  rousing  a  German  national 


I 


Index 


4U 


spirit  abandoned  by  the  allied 
monarchs  (1813),  310;  present  at 
the  Congress  of  Vienna,  337. 

Stephanie  Tascher  de  la  Pageric 
(1789-1860)  married  to  the  Heredi- 
tary Grand  Duke  of  Baden  (i8o6), 
258. 

Stettin,  French  garrison  left  in 
(1813),    308  ;    besieged    (1813-14), 

319- 

Stewart,  Hon.  Sir  Charles,  afterwards 
Lord,  English  general  and  diplo- 
matist (1778-1854),  301,  323,  337. 

■   Robert,   Viscount  Castlereagh. 

See  Castlereagh. 

Stockach,  battle  of  (25  March  1799). 
202. 

Stralsund,  taken  by  the  French 
(1807),  250. 

Strasbourg,  Archishop  of,  an  ecclesi- 
astical Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  34  ;  one  of  chief  Princes 
of  the  Empire  in  Alsace,  79. 

archbishopric  of,  the  portion  on 

the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine  ceded 
to  Baden  {1803),  227. 

Stuart,  Hon.  Sir  Charles,  English 
general  (1753-1801),  184,  195. 

Sir  John,  English  general  (1762- 

1810),  256. 

Suutgart,  37,  38,  178. 

Suchet,  ■  Louis  Gabriel,  Duke  of 
Albufera,  French  general  (1770- 
1826),  275,  297,  307,  315,  App.  iv. 

Sudermania,  Duke  of.  Sec  Charles 
XIII.,  King  of  Sweden. 

Supreme  Being,  Worship  of  the, 
established  by  Robespierre  (1794), 
146. 

Suspects,  Law  of  the,  137. 

Suv6rov,  Alexander  Vassilivitch, 
Count,  afterwards  Prince,  Russian 
general  (1729-1800),  gallantry  at  the 
sicgcof  OchAkov  (1788),  44  ;  defeats 
the  Turks  at  Foksany  and  the 
Rymnik  (1789),  45  ;  stormed  Ismail, 
andservcd  at  Matchin  (1790-91),  96; 
defeated  the  Poles  at  Zielence  and 
Duljienka  (1792),  121,  122;  de- 
feated Kosciuszko  at  Maciejowice, 
and  took  Warsaw  (1794),  152  ;  de- 
feats the  French  at  Cassano  and 
the  Trebbia,  and  coneiucrs  North- 
ern Italy  (1799),  203;  defeats 
Joubert  at  Novi,  and  crosses  thi; 
.Mps,  204  ;  repulsed  by  the  French, 

PERIOD  VII. 


205 ;    accuses    the    Austrians     of 
causing  his  failure,  207. 
Svcnska    Sound,    battle    of   (9  July 

1790),  95- 

Swabia,  part  ceded  to  Bavaria,  245  ; 
part  to  Wurtemburg,  258. 

Sweden,  its  condition  in  1789,  32, 
33 ;  at  war  with  Russia  and  Den- 
mark, 45,  46 ;  makes  peace  with 
the  Danes  (1789,)  46;  the  coup 
d'dtat  of  Gustavus  in.  (1789),  46; 
peace  with  Russia,  95,  96  ;  death 
of  Gustavus  III.,  no;  neutral  in 
the  war  against  France,  120,  124, 
171  ;  loses  Pomerania  and  Finland, 
250,  254 ;  revolution  in,  and  de- 
thronement of  Gustavus  IV.  (1809), 
278,  279  ;  Bernadotte  elected  Prince 
Royal  (1810),  279;  exchanges 
Pomerania  for  Norway  by  the 
treaty  of  Kiel  (1814),  320;  cession 
of  Norway  confirmed  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (1815),  347.  Sec 
Bernadotte,  Charles  xiii.,  Gusta- 
vus III.,  Gustavus  IV. 

Switzerland,  its  condition  in  1789, 
41;  its  neutrality  in  t!ie  war  against 
J-'rance,  120,  125,  171 ;  headquar- 
ters of  French  diplomacy,  156  ;  and 
of  the  dmiords  diplomacy,  166,  167  ; 
revolution  of  1798,  198,  199 ;  in- 
vaded by  the  French  and  the 
Helvetian  Republic  formed,  199 ; 
Massuna's  campaign  in  (1799),  204, 
205  ;  reorganised  by  Bonaparte  as 
the  Confederation  of  Switzerland 
(1803),  228,  229;  neutrality  of, 
violated  by  the  allies  (1814),  318; 
independence  and  neutrality  gua- 
ranteed by  the  treaty  of  Paris 
(1814),  334;  reorganised,  and 
given  a  fresh  constitution  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  (1815),    344, 

345- 
Syria,      Bonaparte's     campaign     in 
(1799),  208. 

Tagliamento,  Bonaparte  forces  the 
passage  of  the  (16  March  1797), 
185,  186. 

Talavera,    battle   of  (27  July    1809), 

27S-.  •• 
TJiUcyrand-P(!rigord,  Charles  Maurice 
d(-,    Hishoi>  of  Autun,   afterwards 
Prince  of  Bcncvcnto,  French  states- 
man  (1754-1838),    consecrates   the 

2  D 


4i8 


European  History,  1 7 1 9- 1 8 1 5 


Constitutional  bishops  in  France 
(1790),  70  ;  appointed  Foreign 
Minister  (1797),  and  advocated  the 
coup  d'dtat  of  18  Fructidor,  190  ; 
resigned  (1799),  210  ;  advised 
Bonaparte  to  the  coup  ditat  of  i3 
Brumaire,  210 ;  Foreign  Minister 
under  the  Consulate,  216  ;  Grand 
Chamberlain  of  the  Empire,  239  ; 
Foreign  Minister  under  the  Empire, 
241 ;  created  Prince  of  Benevento, 
277  ;  his  policy  after  the  defeat  of 
Napoleon  in  1814,  329,  330  ; 
President  of  the  Provisional  Go- 
vernment of  France,  330  ;  gets  the 
Bourbons  accepted,  331 ;  negotiates 
the  first  treaty  of  Paris,  333  ; 
French  plenipotentiary  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (1814-15),  338  ;  his 
masterly  attitude,  338,  339  ;  signs 
treaty  with  Austria  and  England 
against  Russia  and  Prussia  (3  Jan. 
1815),  340;  dismissed  by  Louis 
XVIII.  (1815),  357. 

Fallien,  Jean  Lambert,  French  poli- 
tician (1769-1820),  166. 

Talma,  Francois  Joseph,  French 
actor  (1763-1826),  262. 

Tanucci,  Bernardo,  Marquis,  Italian 
statesman  (1698-1783),  4,  23. 

Taranto,  Duke  of.     Sec  Macdonald. 

Targovitsa,  Confederation  of,  asks 
Catherine's  aid  to  overthrow  the 
Polish  Constitution  of  1791,  121. 

Tarragona,  Enghsh  failure  before 
(1812),  307. 

Tauroggen,  convention  of  (1812),  308. 

Temeswar,  the  Banat  of,  invaded  by 
the  Turks  (1788),  43. 

Tennis  Court,  Oath  of  the  (20  June 

1789).  54- 

Terror,  the  Reign  of,  weapons  of, 
forged,  128 ;  Robespierre  deemed 
the  author  of,  135,  147  ;  the  system 
of,  135-138  ;  the  deputies  on  mis- 
sion, 136,  137 ;  revolutionary  tri- 
bunal, 137,  138  ;  the  Terror  in  the 
provinces,  138,  139 ;  e.xcused  by 
France  because  of  the  success  of 
the  Committee  of  Public  Safety 
against  the  foreign  foes,  141 ;  Dan- 
ton  believed  it  too  stringent,  143  ; 
rose  to  its  height  (June-July  1794), 
145,  146 ;  system  abandoned,  14S. 

the  White,   in   France   (1815), 

356.  357- 


Tetterborn,     Baron    von,      Russian 

general  (ti836),  308. 
Teutonic  Order,   the,  suppressed  by 

Hardenberg  in  Prussia,  303. 
Texel,   Dutch  fleet   in  the,  captured 

by   French    hussars    (1795),    149  ; 

blockaded    by   the    English    fleet, 

184,  193  ;  defeated  in  the  battle  of 

Camperdown(i797),  194;  captured 

by  the  English  (1799),  205. 
Theophilanthropy,       new       religion 

started  in  France,  181,  182. 
Thermidor,  overthrow  of  Robespierre 

on  the  9th,  147. 
Thermidorians,  rule  of  the,   148,  149, 

154-157 ;  their  foreign  policy,  156, 

157- 

Thompson,  Benjamin,  Count  Rum- 
ford.     See  kumford. 

Thorn,  promised  to  Prussia  by  the 
Poles  (1790),  85;  but  not  surren- 
dered (1791),  87  ;  obtained  by 
Prussia  at  the  second  partition  of 
Poland  (1793),  122;  restored  to 
Prussia  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
(1815),  342. 

Thouret,  Jacques  Guillaume,  French 
politician  (1746-94),  100. 

Thugut,  Franz  Maria,  Baron,  Aus- 
trian statesman  (1734-1818),  be- 
comes Austrian  Foreign  Minister, 
126  ;  his  policy,  153,  154  ;  in  favour 
of  continuing  the  war  with  France, 
169 ;  delayed  the  treaty  of  Campo- 
Formio  as  long  as  he  could,  192 ; 
retired  from  office,  220. 

Thurgau,  canton  of,  formed  by  Bona- 
parte (1803),  228  ;  recognised  by 
the    Congress    of    Vienna    (1815), 

344- 

Thuriot  de  la  Roziere,  Jacques  Alexis, 
French  politician  (1758-1S29),  133. 

Thurn  and  Taxis,  Prince  of,  as  Im- 
perial Commissary,  summoned  the 
Diet  of  the  Empire  (1792),  108. 

Ticino,  canton  of,  formed  by  Bona- 
parte (1803),  228  ;  recognised  by 
the  Congress  of  Vienna  (1815),  344. 

Tiers -Etat,  Order  of  the,  in  the 
States  -  General,  its  struggle  with 
the  privileged  Orders,  51,  53  ;  de- 
clares itself  the  National  Assembly, 

53- 
Tiilot,  Guillaume  Ldon  du,  Marquis 
of  Feline,  Italian  statesman  (1711- 
1774).  25- 


Index 


419 


Tilsit,  the  meeting  of  Napoleon  and 
Alexander  at,  249,  250  ;  the  treaty 
of  (7  July  1807),  250. 

Tirlemont,  48,  64. 

Titles  abolished  in  France  by  the 
Constituent  Assembly,  60. 

Tloczow,  circle  of,  ceded  to  Russia 
(1807),  26. 

Tobac,  battle  of  (1789),  45. 

Tobago,  ceded  by  England  to  France 
(1783),  19;  ceded  to  England  by 
the  treaty  of  Paris  (1814),  333  ; 
cession  recognised  by  the  Congress 
of  Vienna,  348. 

Tolentino,  treaty  of  (19  Feb.  1797), 
177  ;  battle  of  (3  May  1815), 
346. 

Toleration,  Napoleon  insists  on  re- 
ligious, in  Europe,  289. 

Toplitz,    treaty    of    (9    Sept.    1813), 

313- 
Torgau  ceded  by  Saxony  to  Prussia 

(1815).  341- 
Torres    Vedras,    Massena    repulsed 

from  the  lines  of  (1810),  296. 
Torlona,  fortress  of,  built  by  Victor 

Amadeus  in.,  27. 
Toulon,  139,  140. 
Toulouse,  battle  of  (10  April  1814), 

332. 
Trafalgar,  battle  of  (21  Oct.   1805), 

244,  245. 
Trautmannsdorf,  Count  .'\lbert  von, 

Austrian    statesman    (1749- 1817), 

47.  64. 
Treaties:  Amiens  (1802),  225  ;  Bada- 
joz  (1801),  223;  Bartenstein  (1807), 
248  ;  Basle  (1795),  156,  157  ;  Bucha- 
rest (1812),  281  ;  Campo-Formio 
(1797),  192,  193;  Chaumont  (1814), 
327,  328  ;  Fontaincbleau  (1807), 
252,  253;  Ghent  (1814),  341;  Jassy 
(1792I  96;  Kalisch  (1813),  308; 
Kiel  (1814),  320;  Luneville  (1801), 
219,  220;  Paris,  Provisional  (1814), 
331,  332;  Paris,  First  (1814),  333, 
334;  Paris,  Second  (1815),  353, 
354  ;  Pfaffenhofen  (1796),  180  ; 
Potsdam  (1805),  247  ;  Pressburg 
(1805),  245;  Reichcnbach  (1813), 
310;  Ried  (1813).  313,  314;  San 
Ildefonso  (1796),  183  ;  Schcinbrunn 
(1806),  247  ;  of  3  Jan.  1815,  secret, 
341;  of  1756,  II,  12,  19;  Sistova 
(1791),  89;  Tilsit  (1807),  250; 
Tolentino    (1797),     177  ;    Toplitz 


(1813),  313;  Verela  (1790),  95,  96; 

Versailles    (1783),      13,     19,     28  ; 

Vienna  (1809),  274  ;  Vienna  {1815), 

350  ;  Warsaw  (1790),  85. 
Trebbia,    battle  of   the   (17-19  June 

1799),  203. 
Treilhard,     Jean     Baptiste,    Ccmte, 

French  statesman  (1742-1810),  148, 

166,  195,  209. 
Trent,   Macdonald  joined  by  Brune 

at  (1800),  219. 
bishopric  of,  granted  to  Austria 

(1803),  226. 
Treves,  the  Archbishop  of,  an  Elector 

in  1789,  34 ;  one  of  the  chief  Princes 

of  the  Empire,  with  fiefs  in  Alsace, 

79 ;    electorate    abolished    {1803), 

225. 
city  of,    taken    by  the   French 

(1795),    150 ;    capital  of  a  French 

department,  230. 

electorate  of,  well  governed  in 

1789,  40  ;  conquered  by  the  French 
under  Moreaux  (1795),  150;  ceded 
to  France,  193,  225  ;  given  to  Prussia 
(1S15),  344. 

Treviso,  Duke  of.     See  Mortier. 
Tribunal,  the  Imperial,  of  the  Holy 

Roman     Empire    (Reichskammer- 

gericht),  35. 

the   Revolutionary,    of    Paris, 

established  (March  1793),  128 ;  its 
powers  and  effect,  137 ;  its  system 
of  work,  138 ;  its  powers  increased 
(June  1794),  146,  147 ;  condemns 
Carrier,  149. 

Tribunate,  formed  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Year  viii. ,  its  functions, 
214 ;  reduced  to  fifty  members 
(1805),  240  ;  suppressed  (1808), 
284. 

Trieste  ceded  to  Napoleon  (1809), 
274. 

Trinidad,  island  of,  taken  by  the 
English  (1797),  264 ;  ceded  to  Eng- 
land by  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
(1815).  348. 

Triple  Alliance,  the,  of  England, 
Holland,  and  Prussia,  formed  1788, 
13.  32. 

Tronchct,  Fran9ois  Denis,  French 
jurist  (1726-1806),  215. 

Truguct,  Laurent  Jean  Franfois, 
Comte,  French  admiral  (1752- 
1839),  166,  190. 

Tudcla,  battle  of  (23  Nov.  1808),  269. 


420 


European  History,  1 7S9- 1 8 1 5 


Tuileries,  Palace  at  Paris,  62,  99, 
100,  112,  113,  129,  155,  164,  165. 

Turin,  observatory  at,  built  by  Victor 
Aniadeus  III.,  26;  threatened  by 
Bonaparte  (1796),  174 ;  occupied 
by  Suvorov  (1799),  203. 

Turkey,  travelling  to  decay,  14  ; 
Joseph  declares  war  against,  17  ; 
campaign  of  17S8  against  the  Rus- 
sians and  Austrians,  43,  44 ;  acces- 
sion of  Sultan  Selim  (1789),  44  ; 
campaign  of  1789,  45 ;  Prussia 
negotiates  with,  45,  85  ;  campaign 
of  1790  against  the  Austrians,  88  ; 
treaty  of  Sistova  (1791),  89;  cam- 
paign of  1790-91  against  the  Rus- 
sians, 96 ;  treaty  of  Jassy  (1792), 
96 ;  looked  with  favour  on  the 
French  Revolution,  171 ;  defeated 
by  Bonaparte  in  Syria  and  Egypt 
(1799),  208  ;  French  army  in  Illyria 
to  threaten,  256 ;  its  general  policy 
(1796-1807),  280;  revolution  in, 
and  accession  of  Mahmoud  (1807- 
08),  280,  281  ;  war  with  Russia 
(1809-12),  281 ;  treaty  of  Bucharest 
(1812),  281.  See  Abdul  Hamid, 
iVIahmoud,  Mustapha,  Seliin. 

Turreau,  Louis  Marie,  Baron,  French 
general  (1756-1816),  141. 

Tuscany,  its  prosperity  under  the 
Grand  Duke  Leopold,  24,  25  ;  de- 
clares war  against  France  (1793), 
120 ;  makes  peace  with  France, 
157,  171  ;  occupied  by  the  French 
(1799),  200;  evacuated  by  them, 
203 ;  restored  to  the  Grand  Duke 
Ferdinand  (1800),  206  ;  made  into 
the  kingdom  of  Etruria  (1801),  220; 
annexed  to  Napoleon's  Empire 
(1808),  255 ;  Elisa  Bonaparte,  Grand 
Duchess  of,  283 ;  restored  to  Fer- 
dinand (1815),  347.  See  Ferdinand 
II.,  Leopold. 

Two  Sicilies,  kingdom  of  the.  See 
Naples. 

Tyrol,  the  opposition  to  Joseph's  re- 
forms in,  15 ;  Joseph  suspends  his 
edicts,  66 ;  pacified  by  Leopold 
(1790),  84;  invaded  by  Bonaparte 
(1797),  i86;  by  Macdonald  (1800), 
219;  ceded  to  Bavaria  (1805),  245  ; 
Hofer's  insurrection  in  (1809),  273, 
274  ;  restored  to  Austria  by  Bavaria 
(1815),  344. 


Ulm,  35,  243,  244. 

United  States  of  Amciica,   145,  159, 

160,  242,  341. 
Universities:  Berlin,  303,  304  ;  Bonn, 

40  ;    Cracow,      105  ;     Gottingen, 

39  ;     Jena,    38  ;    Mannheim,    37  ; 

Milan,  26  ;  Parma,  25  ;  Pavia,  26  ; 

Pisa,  24  ;  Siena,  24. 
University   of    F'rance    founded    by 

Napoleon,  its  constitution,  288. 
Untervvalden,  canton  of  Switzerland 

maintained    by   Bonaparte  (1803), 

228. 
Unzmarkt,  battle  of  (22  March  1797), 

186. 
Uri,  a   canton    of   Switzerland,  41, 

228. 

Vadier,  Marc  Guillaume  Alexis, 
French  politician  (1736-182S),  149, 

155- 

Valais,  the,  declared  an  independent 
Republic  (1S03),  228  ;  annexed  by 
Napoleon  (1810),  283 ;  made  a 
canton  of  Switzerland  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (1815),  345. 

Valence,  Pope  Piusvi.  dies  at  (1798), 
203. 

Valencia,'  taken   by   Moncey  (1809), 

275- 
Valenciennes,   taken  by  the  English 

and  Austrians  (1793),  130. 
Valmy,  battle  of  (20  Sept.  1792),  115. 

Duke  of.     See  Kellermann. 

Valsarno,   battle    of   (26  Oct.   1813), 

315- 

Vancouver  Island,  the  affair  of  Nootka 
Sound  (1790),  77,  78  ;  the  Spaniards 
claim,  79. 

Vandamme,  Dominique  Rene,  Comte, 
French  general  (1770-1830),  309, 
312,  313. 

Van  der  Mersch,  John  Andrew,  Bel- 
gian   general    (1734-92),    48,    64, 

93- 
Van  der  Noot,  Henry  Charles  Nicho- 
las, Belgian  statesman  (1735-1827), 

48,  64,  65,  92,  93,  94. 
Vandernootists   or    Statists,    Belgian 

political  party,  47,  48,  92,  93. 
Van  der  Spiegel,  John,  Baron,  Dutch 

statesman.    Grand    Pensionary    of 

Holland,  65,  93. 
Varennes,  the  flight  of  Louis  xvi.  and 

Marie  Antoinette  from  Paris  (June 

1791),  stopped  at,  100. 


Index 


421 


Vauchamps,  battle  of  (14  Feb.  1814), 

319- 

Vaud,  Pays  de,  revolts  against  Berne 
(1798),  199;  made  an  independent 
canton  of  Switzerland  by  Bonaparte 
(1803),  228  ;  recognised  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  (1815),  344. 

Venaissin,  the  county  of  the,  76,  333, 

354- 
Vendee,  La,  the  insurrection  in,  12S, 
130,    131,     141,     143,     180,    181, 
215. 

Vendemiaire,  the  insurrection  of  13th 
(5  Oct.  1795),  in  Paris,  164, 
165. 

Venice,  condition  of  the  Republic  m 
1789,  27 ;  remained  neutral  in  the 
war  against  the  French  Republic, 
124  ;  promised  to  Austria  in  ex- 
change for  Lombardy  at  Leoben, 
186  ;  occupied  by  Bonaparte  (1797). 
191,  192 ;  ceded  the  Ionian  Islands 
to  France,  192  ;  ceded  to  Austria 
by  the  Treaty  of  Campo-Formio 
(1797),  192  ;  conclave  met  at  (1799), 
206;  occupied  by  Brune  (1800), 
219  ;  ceded  to  Austria  by  the  Treaty 
of  Luneville  (1801),  220;  ceded  to 
the  kingdom  of  Italy  by  the  Treaty 
of  Pressburg  (1805),  245,  255 ; 
granted  to  Austria  by  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  (1815),  347. 

Verdun,  taken  by  the  Prussians  (1792), 
114,  115. 

Verela,  treaty  of  (14  Aug.  1790),  95, 
96. 

Vergniaud,  Pierre  Victurnien,  French 
politician  (1753-93).  '^'^^<  ^^4'  ^''^' 
129. 

Verona,  belonged  to  Venice  in  1789, 
27  ;  punished  by  Bonaparte  for  the 
murder  .of  French  soldiers  (1796), 
191 ;  Scherer  attacked  at,  202. 

Versailles,  the  States-General  meets 
at  (May  1789),  51  ;  invaded  by  the 
women  of  Paris  (5  Oct.  1789),  62. 

the  treaty  of  (1783),  13,  19,  28. 

Veto,  the  question  of  the,  in  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly,  61. 

\'ic(.nza,  Duke  of.    See  Caulaincourt. 

Victor  Amadous  III.,  King  of  Sar- 
dinia (1726-96),  26,  27,  63,  117,  126, 

173.  174- 
Emmanuel  i..  King  of  Sardinia 

(1759-1824),  346,  354. 
Victor    Claude   Perrin,   called, 


French    general    (1764-1S41),   269, 
275,  276,  297,  App.  iv. 

Vienna,  the  inscription  on  the  Em- 
peror Joseph's  statue  at,  66  ;  Berna- 
dotte  insulted  at  (179S),  198  ;  the 
French  approach  (1801),  219  ;  occu- 
pied by  Napoleon  (1805),  244  ;  and 
{1809),  273  ;  treaty  of  (1809),  274  ; 
and  (181S),  350. 

the  Congress  of,  336,  350,  337, 

338,  340,  341.  342,  3-43.  344.  345. 
347.  348,  349- 

Vieux  Cordelier,  the,  142,  143. 

Villeneuve,  Pierre  Charles  Jean 
Baptiste  Silvestre  do,  French  ad- 
miral (1763-1806),  242,  244,  245. 

Vimeiro,  battle  of  (21  Aug.  1808), 
265,  266. 

Vins,  Charles,  Baron  de,  Austrian 
general  (+ 1794),  88. 

Virtue,  Reign  of,  Robespierre's  belief 
in  a,  146. 

Visconti,  Ennius  Quirinus,  Italian 
antiquary  (1751-1818),  24. 

Vittoria,  taken  by  the  French  (1795), 
151  ;  battle  of  (21  June  1813),  315. 

Volhynia,  province  of,  ceded  to 
Russia  at  the  second  partition  of 
Poland  (1793),  122. 

Volta,  Alessandro,  Italian  man  of 
science  (1745-1827),  26. 

Voltaire,  Franfois  Marie,  Arouct  de, 
French  philosopher  (1694-1778),  6, 

9- 
Vonck,    Francis,    Belgian    politician 

(1752-1797),  48,  93. 
Vonckists,    Belgian    political    party, 

48,  65,  92,  93. 
Vyborg,  the  Swedish  fleet  blockaded 

in  the  Gulf  of  (1790),  95. 

Wagram,   battle  of  (6  July   1809), 

274. 
Walcheren,  the  English  expedition  to 

(1809),  276. 
Waldeck,   principality  of,   a  state  of 

the  Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 

343- 

Prince  Christian  Augustus  of, 

Austrian  general  (1744-98),  184. 

Wallachia,  inv.aded  by  the  Austrians 
(1789),  45;  conquered  by  the  Rus- 
sians (1810),  281. 

Warsaw,  treaty  made  at,  between  the 
Poles  and  Prussia  (29  March  1790), 
85;  occupied  by  Kosciuszko(  1794), 


422 


European  History,  1 789- 1 8 1 5 


151  ;  besieged  by  the  Prussians, 
151 ;  taken  by  the  Russians,  152  ; 
ceded  to  Prussia  (1795),  152  ; 
Napoleon  enters  (1807),  248;  given 
to  Russia  by  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  (1815),  342. 

Warsaw,  Grand  Duchy  of,  founded  by 
Napoleon  (1807),  259,  261 ;  West- 
ern Galicia  ceded  to,  by  Austria 
(1809),  274;  dissolved  {1815), 
342. 

Waterloo,   battle  of  (18  June  1815), 

353- 

Watteville,  Nicholas  Rodolphe  de, 
Swiss  statesman  (1760-1832),  228. 

Wattignies,  battle  of  (16  Oct.  1793), 
140. 

Weimar,  headquarters  of  the  German 
literary  movement,  38.  See  Saxe- 
Weimar. 

Wellesley,  Hon.  Sir  Arthur,  Duke  of 
Wellington.     See  Wellington. 

Richard,     Marquis,      English 

statesman  (1760-1842),  295. 

Wellington,  Arthur  Wellesley,  Duke 
of,  English  general  (1769-1852), 
defeated  the  Danish  army  at  Kioge 
(1807),  252  ;  sent  to  Portugal 
(1808),  265 ;  defeats  the  French  at 
Rolica  and  Vimeiro,  265,  266  ;  re- 
called, 266  ;  again  sent  to  Portugal 
(1809),  275;  takes  Oporto,  275; 
defeats  the  French  at  Talavera, 
275,  276 ;  forms  the  Anglo-Portu- 
guese army,  296 ;  campaign  of 
1810,  1811,  296,  297  ;  campaign  of 
1812  and  victory  of  Salamanca, 
306;  wins  battle  of  Vittoria  (1813), 
315  ;  invades  France,  and  wins 
battles  of  the  Nivelle  and  the  Nive 
(1813),  316;  wins  battle  of  Orthez 
(1814),  321 ;  his  attitude  towards 
the  Due  d'Angouleme,  326,  327  ; 
defeats  Soult  at  Toulouse,  332  ; 
succeeds  Castlereagh  as  English 
plenipotentiary  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  (1815),  341,  349;  signs  the 
treaty  of  Vienna,  350 ;  takes  com- 
mand of  the  allied  armies  in  Bel- 
gium, 352 ;  defeats  Napoleon  at 
Waterloo,  353. 

Werden,  abbey  of,  merged  in  Prussia 
(1803),  227. 

Wessenberg -  Ampfingen,  J  oh  an  n 
Philip,  Baron  von,  Austrian  diplo- 
matist (1773-1858),  337. 


West  India  Islands,  the  French,  taken 
by  the  English,  154  ;  restored  at 
the  Peace  of  Amiens  (1802),  232  ; 
recaptured  (1809),  264  ;  restored 
except  Saint- Lucia  and  Tobago 
(1815),  348. 

Westphalia,  kingdom  of,  formed  by 
Napoleon  (1807),  250;  its  limits, 
258  ;  administration,  258,  259  ; 
member  of  the  Confederation  of 
the  Rhine,  260. 

Wetzlar,  seat  of  the  Imperial  Tri- 
bunal of  the  Empire,  35  ;  taken  by 
Hoche  (1796),  186;  merged  in  the 
electorate  of  Mayence  (1803), 
225. 

White  Terror  in  France  in  1815,  356, 

357- 

Wickham,  William,  English  diplo- 
matist (1768-1845),  i56,  167,  182. 

Widdin,  the  Pasha  of,  defeated  at 
Foksany  (1789),  45. 

Wieland,  Christoph  Martin,  German 
poet  (1733-1813),  38. 

Wilham  v..  Prince  of  Orange,  and 
Stadtholder  of  the  United  Nether- 
lands (1748-1806),  31,  32,  149,  179, 
227. 

VI.,  Prince   of  Orange,   and  I. 

King  of  the  Netherlands  (1772- 
1843),  314,  320,  321,  344. 

Prince  Royal,  afterwards  King, 

of  Wiirtemburg  (1781-1864),  337. 

IX.,     Landgrave,      afterwards 

Elector  and  Grand  Duke  of  Hesse- 
Cassel  (1743-1821),  6,  38,  157,  223, 
227,  250,  258,  337  ;  made  a  Grand 
Duke  and  member  of  the  Germanic 
Confederation  (1815),  342. 

Prince,    of   Prussia,  afterwards 

German      Emperor      (1797-1888), 

337. 
Wilson,  Sir  Robert  Thomas,  English 

general  (1777-1849),  301. 
Wintzingerode,     Ferdinand,    Baron, 

Russian  general    {1770-1818),  319, 

320,  328,  338. 
Wissembourg,    lines  of,   stormed  by 

the  Austrians  (1793),  139. 
Wittenberg,    ceded    to    Prussia    by 

Saxony  (1815),  341. 
Wittgenstein,  Louis  Adolphus  Peter, 

Prince  of  Sayn-,   Russian  general 

(1769-1843),  309,  309. 
Wolf,   Frederick  Augustus,    German 

scholar  (1759-1824),  304. 


Index 


423 


^^'olkonski,  Nicholas,  Prince  Repnin- 
Russian  general  (1778-1845),  337. 

Worms,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesiastical 
Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire, 
34  ;  one  of  the  chief  princes  in 
Alsace,  79. 

city  of,  headquarters  of  Condd's 

army  of  French  Emigres,  106 ;  taken 
by  Custine,  118. 

Worship  of  Reason  at  Paris  (1793), 
411. 

of  the  Supreme  Being,  146. 

Wrede,  Charles  Philip,  Prince  von. 
Bavarian  general  (1767-1838),  338. 

Wiirmser,  Dagobert  Sigismund, 
Count,  Austrian  general  (1724-97), 
40,  130,  139,  140,  17s,  176. 

Wiirtemburg,  duchy  of,  condition  in 
1789,  37,  38 ;  invaded  by  Moreau 
(1796),  180;  made  an  electorate 
(1803),  225  ;  receives  extension  of 
territory,  227  ;  invaded  by  Napoleon 
(1805),  244  ;  made  a  kingdom 
(1806),  245  ;  receives  Austrian 
Swabia,  258 ;  state  of  the  Con- 
federation of  the  Rhine,  260 ;  of 
the  Germanic  Confederation  (1815), 
342.  See  Charles  Eugene,  Frede- 
rick, Frederick  Eugene. 

Vi'iirtzburg,  Bishop  of,  an  ecclesias- 


tical Prince  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  35. 

Wiirtzburg,  bishopric  of,  merged  in 
Bavaria  (1803),  227;  exchanged  for 
Salzburg  (1809),  and  made  a  Grand 
Duchy,  260 ;  a  state  of  the  Con- 
federation of  the  Rhine,  260. 

city  of,  taken  by  Jourdan  (1796), 

177. 

York,  Frederick,  Duke  of,  English 
general  (1763-1827),  39,  127,  130, 
140,  205. 

von  Wartenburg,  John    David 

Louis,  Count,  Prussian  general 
(1759-1830),  308. 

Zettin,  taken  by  the  Austria  ns 
(1790),  88. 

Zielence,  battle  of  (18  June  1792),  122. 

Zubov,  Prince  Plato,  Russian  states- 
man (1767-1822),  221. 

Zug,  canton  of  Switzerland,  main- 
tained by  Bonaparte  (1803),  228. 

Zurich,  battle  of  (26  Sept.  1799),  204. 

canton  of  Switzerland,  main- 
tained by  Bonaparte  (1803),  228; 
made  one  of  the  presiding  cantons 
of  the  Helvetian  Diet  (1815),  345. 

Zwei-briicken.     Sec  Deux-Ponts. 


MAPS. 

Map  I.  Europe  in  1789. 
„  2.  Europe  in  1803. 
„  3.  Europe  in  18 10. 
„     4.  Europe  in  181 5. 


These  maps  are  intended  to  show  the  limits  of  the  principal 
states  of  Europe  at  the  beginning  of  1789,  after  the  rearrangement 
in  1803,  at  the  height  of  Napoleon's  power  in  18 10,  and  accoiding 
to  the  settlement  made  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna  in  181 5. 

The  same  colouring  has  been  preserved  through  the  series  of 
maps  in  order  that  the  boundaries  of  each  country  may  be  com- 
pared at  these  different  dates. 

The  red  line  in  Map  i  marks  the  boundary  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire. 

The  area  in  Germany  left  uncoloured— in  all  four  maps— was 
occupied  by  various  states  too  small  in  size  to  be  indicated  by 
colours. 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last 
date  stamped  below 


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DEO  17 1968 


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